/^i&w®F&fer& 


xOC' 


Social  Science  Uei*t>Boofes 

Edited  by  RICHARD  T.   ELY 


PROBLEMS    OF   CHILD   WELFARE 


SOCIAL   SCIENCE   TEXT-BOOKS 


OUTLINES   OF   ECONOMICS 

By  Richard  T.  Ely,  Ph.D.,  LL.D.  Revised  and 
enlarged  by  the  Author  and  Thomas  S.  Adams, 
Ph.D.,  Max  0.  Lorenz,  Ph.D.,  Alltn  A. 
Young,  Ph.D. 

HISTORY  OF  ECONOMIC  THOUGHT 
By  Lewis  T.  Hanet. 

BUSINESS   ORGANIZATION   AND   COMBINATION 
By  Lewis  T.  Haney. 

PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 
By  George  B.  Mangold,  Ph.D. 


PROBLEMS   OF  CHILD 
WELFARE 


BY 


GEORGE   B.    MANGOLD,    Ph.D. 

DIRECTOR   SCHOOL   OF   SOCIAL    ECONOMY 
OF    WASHINGTON    UNIVERSITY 


?.  S  i  6  V 


THE    MACMILLAN    COMPANY 

1914 

All  rights  reserved 


Copyright,  1914, 
By  THE  MACMILLAN  COMPANY. 


Set  up  and  eleclrotyped.     Published  July,  1914. 


NortaooD  ifreaa 

J.  8.  Cushing  Co.  —  Berwick  &  Smith  Co. 

Norwood,  Mass.,  U.S.A. 


H  v 


PREFACE 

With  the  gradual  shifting  of  the  emphasis  from  remedial  to 
preventive  and  constructive  work,  problems  of  child  welfare 
have  received  much  attention,  largely  on  the  theory  that  work 
with  children  is  fundamentally  constructive  in  its  nature.  Be- 
lieving that  the  best  results  are  achieved  by  beginning  with  the 
child,  the  author  has  attempted  to  present  in  a  systematic  way 
the  principles  of  child  welfare,  and  to  correlate  the  different 
problems  involved.  ,  The  task  consists  mainly  of  adjusting  the 
constructive  philanthropy  of  to-day  to  the  needs  of  the  child, 
his  improvement  being  the  direct  objective. '  While  it  is  recog- 
nized that  every  social  problem  involves  children,  those  ques- 
tions that  affect  them  only  in  an  indirect  way  are  excluded  from 
the  book,  and  the  subject  matter  is  limited  to  the  problems  of 
direct  and  immediate  interest,  so  as  to  make  a  consistent  treat- 
ment of  the  subject  possible.  To  meet  the  need  as  adequately 
as  the  author  can  hope  to  do  in  a  single  volume,  each  separate 
problem  has  been  analyzed  with  reference  to  causes  and  con- 
ditions, to  the  existing  social  machinery  for  coping  with  the  prob- 
lem, and  to  a  plan  and  program  of  improvement  or  prevention. 

The  book  is  designed  especially  for  use  by  college  and 
university  students  in  courses  on  constructive  and  preventive 
philanthropy.  However,  the  general  reader  has  not  been  for- 
gotten, and  it  is  hoped  that  the  book  will  appeal  to  that  growing 
class  of  men  and  women  who  in  a  systematic  way  are  endeavor- 
ing to  acquaint  themselves  with  the  various  aspects  of  practical 
sociology. 

The  author  is  happy  to  express  his  indebtedness  to  Professor 
Richard  T.  Ely  for  his  suggestions  as  to  the  form  and  subject 
matter  of  the  book,  for  his  careful  reading  of  the  manu- 
script, and  for  his  many  valuable  criticisms  and  suggestions 
for  improvement. 


TABLE   OF   CONTENTS 


Introduction 

1.  The  Child  and  Heredity 

2.  The  Factor  of  Environment 

3.  Child  Problems  and  Statistics 

4.  The  Social  Obligations  to  Childhood 

a.  The  Preservation  of  Life    . 

b.  The  Preservation  of  Health 

c.  The  Opportunity  to  Play    . 

d.  Freedom  from  Toil     . 

e.  Education  of  Children 

f.  Care  of  Dependent  Children 


PAGE 
1-16 

1 

5 
9 
10 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
16 


PART    I.     THE   CONSERVATION    OF   LIFE 


CHAPTER 

I.     Births  and  Birth  Rates 


1.  Historical  Data 

2.  Decline  in  Birth  Rates   .... 

3.  Costs  of  Motherhood      .... 

4.  Fecundity  of  Women      .... 

5.  Sterility  ....... 

6.  Still-births 

7.  Causes  of  Declining  Birth  Rates    . 

8.  Registration  of  Births     .... 

II.     The  Waste  of  Life 

1.  The  Waste  of  Life  .... 

2.  Decline  in  the  Death  Rates  of  Children 

3.  Historical  Stages 

a.  First  Period         .... 

b.  Second  Period    .... 

c.  Third  Period.     Preventive  Methods 

4.  Economic  Cost  of  Child  Mortality 

5.  Mental  and  Moral  Effects 

6.  Physical  Degeneracy      .... 

vii 


19-30 
19 
20 
23 
24 
26 
27 
28 
30 

31-43 

31 
32 
33 
33 
35 
36 
37 
39 
40 


Vlll 


TABLE  OF   CONTENTS 


CHAPTER 

III.     Conditions  Underlying  Child  Mortality 

1.  Rural  vs.  Urban  Mortality 

2.  Negro  vs.  White  Death  Rates 

3.  Social  and  Industrial  Conditions    . 

4.  Illegitimacy 

5.  Age  and  Sex  as  Factors 

6.  The  Reduction  of  Infant  Mortality 

7.  Infant  Mortality  in  Foreign  Countries   . 


PAGE 

44-58 

44 
46 
48 
50 
50 
51 
56 


IV.     Physiological  and  Social  Causes  of  Child  Mortality     59-78 


a. 

b. 
c. 
a. 
e. 


1.  Diseases  of  Children 

Diphtheria 

Measles  and  Scarlet  Fever 
Whooping  Cough  and  Respiratory  Diseases 
Diseases  of  the  Digestive  System 
Diseases  of  Early  Infancy 

f.  Meningitis  and  Convulsions 

g.  Proportionate  Mortality  from  Principal  Diseases 

2.  Ultimate  Causes  of  Child  Mortality 

a.  Causes  as  classified  by  Farr  and  by  Newsholme 

b.  Causes  according  to  Newman     . 

c.  Detailed  Table  of  Causes  .... 

3.  Analysis  of  Important  Causes         .... 

a.  Poverty 

b.  Use  of  Cow's  Milk 

c.  Ignorance  and  Indifference 

d.  Bad  Housing  Conditions    .... 


59 
59 
62 
63 
64 
67 
68 
68 
70 
71 
71 
71 
73 
73 
73 
77 
78 


V.     The  Milk  Problem 79-96 

1.  Introduction .         .         .79 

2.  Clean  Milk 79 

3.  Temperature 80 

4.  Methods  of  Providing  Good  Milk 82 

5.  Significant  Forms  of  Municipal  Control         ...  84 

a.  The  Experience  of  Rochester,  New  York          .  85 

b.  New  York  City 88 

c.  Other  Cities 89 

d.  Effects  of  Inspection  on  Disease       ...  90 

6.  State  Control 91 

7.  Classification  of  Dairy  Milk 92 

8.  Modified  Milk 93 

9.  Milk  Depots 93 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 


IX 


CHAPTER 

VI.  Methods  of  Preventive  Work  . 

1.  Encouragement  of  Maternal  Feeding 

2.  Prenatal  Work         .... 

3.  Visiting  Nurse  Work 

4.  The  Day  Nursery  .... 

5.  Education  of  Girls  and  Boys  . 

6.  Prevention  of  Overcrowding  . 

7.  Prevention  of  Employment  of  Married 

8.  Provisions  for  Fresh  Air 

9.  Reduction  of  Poverty  and  Vice 

10.  Control  of  Midwifery 

11.  Municipal  Campaigns  against  Infant  Mortality 

12.  Cooperation  among  Preventive  Agencies 


Women 


FACE 

97-115 
97 
98 
102 
104 
104 
107 
109 
110 
111 
111 
113 
114 


PART   II.     HEALTH    AND    PHYSIQUE 

I.     Physical  Conditions  of  Children 

1.  Standards  of  Physique    . 

2.  Comparative  Development  of  Social  Classes 

3.  Causes  of  Deterioration 

4.  Physical  Defectiveness  . 

a.  Blindness    .... 

b.  Deafness     .... 

c.  Physical  Deformities  . 

d.  Tubercular  Tendencies 

e.  Minor  Physical  Defects 

II.     Care  of  Health  and  Physique    . 

1.  The  Problem  of  Medical  Inspection 

a.  Theory  of  Inspection 

b.  The  Scope  of  Inspection   . 

2.  Organization  of  Medical  Inspection 

3.  Methods  of  Examination 

a.  Medical  Inspection     . 

b.  Physical  Examination 

c.  Examinations  by  Teachers 

4.  The  Removal  of  Defects 

5.  Progress  of  Medical  Inspection 

III.     Care  and  Training  of  Physical  Defectives 

1.  The  Blind        .... 

2.  The  Deaf        .... 

3.  Crippled  Children  . 

4.  Tubercular  and  Anaemic  Children 

5.  Underfed  School  Children 


119-135 
119 
120 
124 
124 
125 
126 
128 
130 
132 

136-150 
136 
136 
138 
139 
141 
141 
143 
144 
144 
149 

151-165 
151 
153 
155 
156 
161 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 


CHAPTER 

PAGE 

IV. 

Play 

and  Recreation     .                         ....     166-188 

1. 

Values  of  Recreation 

a.  Physical  Values  . 

b.  Social  Values 

c.  Mental  Values    . 

■ 

.     167 
.     167 
.     167 
.     169 

2. 

Recent  Appreciation  of  Play 

. 

.     170 

3. 

Facilities  for  Recreation 

. 

.     171 

a.    Roof  and  Basement  Playground 

s 

.    171 

b.    Streets  and  Vacant  Lots     . 

.    172 

c.    Public  Recreation  Centers 

.     173 

4. 

Types  of  Recreation  Centers 

.     173 

5. 

Progress  of  the  Playground  Movement 

.     177 

6. 

Supervision     ..... 

.    179 

7. 

Administration 

. 

.     181 

8. 

Special  Outdoor  Activities 

. 

.     182 

9. 

Commercial  Recreations 

• 

.     184 

V. 

WlDEF 

.  Uses  of  the  Schools 

. 

189-202 

1. 

School  Playgrounds 

, 

.    189 

2. 

Evening  Centers     . 

. 

.     190 

3. 

Social  Centers 

. 

.     192 

4. 

Physical  Training   . 

. 

.     197 

5. 

Vacation  Schools    . 

. 

.     200 

6. 

School  Gardens 

,         , 

.    201 

PART   III.     TRAINING   AND   EDUCATION 

I.     The  Mental  Classification  of  Children. 
1.    Mental  Types 


II. 


2.    Causes  of  Mental  Abnormality 

a.  Feeble-mindedness,  How  Caused 

b.  Causes  of  Backwardness    . 

Education  of  Exceptional  Children 

1.   Need  of  Classification  of  Children 

Care  of  the  Idiot 

Education  of  the  Feeble-minded    . 
Education  of  Backward  Children '". 

a.    Methods  of  Providing  for  Education 
History  and  Extent  of  the  Movement 
Principles  of  Care  and  Training 

Results 

The  Montessori  Method     . 


2. 
3. 
4. 


b. 
c. 
d. 
e. 


5.    Facilities  for  the  Gifted 


205-214 

.  205 

.  209 

.  209 

.  211 

215-227 

.  215 

.  216 

.  217 

.  219 

.  219 

.  220 

.  223 

.  224 

.  225 

.  226 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 


Xl 


CHAPTER 

III.  Some  Social  Aspects  of  Education    . 

1.  School  Attendance 

2.  Illiteracy  ..... 

3.  Distribution  of  Children  in  Grades 

4.  Retarded  and  Underaged  Children 

5.  Causes  of  Retardation  and  Elimination 

6.  Compulsory  Education  . 

7.  Truancy  ..... 

IV.  Industrial  Education    . 

1.  The  Adaptation  of  Education 

2.  The  Untrained  Child  in  Industry 

3.  Vocational  Guidance 

4.  Preparation  for  Industrial  Training 

a.  Manual  Training 

b.  Pre-vocational  Schools 

5.  Forms  of  Industrial  Training 

a.  Apprenticeship  Schools 

b.  Continuation  Schools 

c.  Trade  Schools    . 

6.  Plans  for  Vocational  Education 

7.  History  and  Development  of  Industrial  Education 

V.     Moral  and  Sex  Education 

1.  Causes  of  Sex  Irregularities  .... 

2.  Results  of  Illicit  Relations      .... 

3.  Measures  of  Prevention 

a.  Societies  of  Social  Hygiene 

b.  Public  Educational  and  Preventive  Work 

c.  Sex  Education  in  the  Schools    . 

d.  Education  of  Parents 

e.  The  Church  and  Sex  Education 


PAGE 

228-243 
228 
231 
233 
236 
238 
240 
242 

244-256 

.  244 

.  245 

.  246 

.  247 

.  247 

.  248 

.  249 

.  249 

.  251 

.  252 

.  254 

.  255 

257-268 

.  257 

.  259 

.  260 

.  260 

.  262 

.  262 

.  266 

.  267 


PART   IV.     CHILD   LABOR 


I.     Causes  of  Child  Labor 

1.   Greed  of  Parents    . 
Poverty  . 


2. 
3. 
4. 
5. 
6. 


The  Attitude  of  the  Child 
Demand  for  Child  Labor 
Modern  Industrial  Conditions 
Indifference  of  the  Public 


271-283 

271 
274 
276 
277 
280 
281 


Xll 


TABLE   OF   CONTENTS 


CHAPTER 

II.     Factors  of  the  Child  Labor  Problem 

1.  Occupations  of  Children 

2.  Age  of  Children     . 

3.  Literacy  and  Education  . 

4.  Wages  and  Wage  Advancement 

5.  Night  Work  and  Overtime 

III.     General  Effects  of  Child  Labor 


1.  Introduction   .... 

2.  Economic  Cost  of  Child  Labor 

3.  Social  Costs    .... 

4.  Moral  Effects .... 

5.  Physiological  Aspects  of  Child  Labor 

a.  Need  of  Good  Physique     . 

b.  Effect  of  Premature  Employment 

c.  Incidental  Results  of  Child  Labor 

d.  Unhealthful  Occupations 

e.  Effect  of  Night  Work 
Summary     . 


/ 


IV.     Child  Labor  Reform 


a. 
b. 
c. 
d. 


Legislation 


1.  Constructive  Effort 

2.  Legislation 
Agencies  supporting 
Uniformity  of  Laws 
A  Standard  Law 
Age  Limits 

e.  Physical  Qualifications 

f.  Educational  Requirements 

g.  Hours  of  Labor  . 
h.  Night  Work 
i.    Working  Papers 

Dangerous  Trades 
Industries  Exempted 
Street  Trades  Legislation  . 
Minimum  Wage  Legislation 


J- 
k. 

I. 


tn. 


3.   Enforcement  of  Law 


PAGB 

284-296 


.  284 

.  289 

.  291 

.  293 

.  295 

297-318 

297 
298 
302 
304 
310 
310 
312 
313 
313 
316 
318 


319-341 

.  319 

.  320 

.  321 

.  322 

.  323 

.  326 

.  327 

.  328 

.  330 

.  331 

.  331 

.  333 

.  335 

.  336 

.  338 

.  338 


PART  V.     JUVENILE   DELINQUENCY 

Causes  and  Nature  of  Juvenile  Delinquency         .     345-362 

1.  Evolution  of  the  "  Juvenile  Delinquent"        .         .        .     345 

2.  Moral  Classification  of  Children 347 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 


Xlll 


3.  Conditions  underlying  Juvenile  Delinquency 

a.  Changing  Social  Conditions 

b.  Home  Conditions 

c.  Environment  and  Associations 

d.  Criminal  Tendencies . 

e.  Retardation  and  Defectiveness 

f.  Child  Labor 

g.  Poverty       .... 

4.  Offenses  of  Delinquents 

5.  Number  of  Delinquents . 


II.     The  Juvenile  Court       .... 

1.  The  Juvenile  Court  Movement 

2.  Extension  and  Organization    . 

3.  Selection  and  Qualifications  of  Judges 

4.  Appearance  of  the  Delinquent  in  Court 

5.  Court  Hearings       .... 

6.  Disposition  of  Offenders 

7.  Evolution  of  the  Juvenile  Court     . 

8.  The  Juvenile  Court  in  Other  Countries 


III.  The  Probation  System  .... 

1.  Development  of  the  Probation  .System 

2.  Probation  Officers  and  their  Duties 

a.  Investigating  Officials 

b.  Officials  engaged  in  Probationary  Work 

c.  Volunteer  Workers    . 

d.  The  Judge  as  Probation  Officer 

e.  The  Police  as  Probation  Officials 

3.  Qualities  of  Probation  Officers 

4.  Selection  of  Probation  Officers 

5.  Probation  Districts 

6.  Length  of  Probation 

7.  Number  of  Cases  per  Official 

8.  County  Probation  .... 

9.  Results  of  Probation 
10.    Probation  and  Cooperating  Agencies 

IV.  Other  Reformatory  Agencies 

1.  Detention  Homes  .... 

2.  Disciplinary  Schools 

3.  Institutional  Care    .... 

a.  Evolution  of  Institutional  Care 

b.  Present  Functions  of  Institutions 


PAGE 

348 
348 
349 
355 
357 
357 
358 
359 
360 
362 


363-376 

363 
364 
366 
368 
369 
371 
373 
375 

377-391 

377 
378 
378 
379 
381 
383 
384 
384 
384 
385 
386 
387 
387 
388 
390 

392-406 
392 
392 
393 
394 
396 


XIV 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 


CHAPTER 


4.  Types  of  Institutions      .... 

a.  Parental  or  Truant  Schools 

b.  Training  and  Industrial  Schools 

c.  State  Reform  Schools 

d.  Republics 

5.  Principles  of  Institutional  Care 

a.    Separation  of  the  Sexes 
The  Cottage  System  . 
Physical  Training 
Industrial  and  Literary  Training 
Discipline   ..... 


b. 
c. 
d. 
e. 


6.    Placing  in  Family  Homes 
V.     Measures  of  Child  Protection 


1.  Introduction   ...... 

2.  Contributory  Delinquency  and  Non-support 

3.  Age  of  Consent  Laws     .... 

4.  Neighborhood  Activities 

5.  Parks  and  Playgrounds  .... 

6.  Prevention  of  Idleness   .... 

7.  The  Training  of  Parents 

8.  Reduction  of  Personal  Vice    . 

9.  Additional  Measures  of  Protection 


Laws 


PAGE 

.  396 

.  397 

.  398 

.  399 

.  400 

.  400 

.  400 

.  401 

.  402 

.  402 

.  405 

.  405 

407-418 

.  407 

.  407 

.  410 

.  410 

.  413 

.  414 

.  415 

.  416 

.  417 


PART  VI.     PROBLEMS  OF  DEPENDENT  CHILDREN 

I.     The  Dependent  and  Neglected  Child       .        .        .     421-432 

1.  Definitions 421 

2.  Types  of  Dependents 421 

3.  Causes  of  Dependency 423 

4.  Number  of  Dependent  Children 429 

II.     Problems  and  Principles  of  Child  Saving       .        .     433-448 
1.    General  Principles  of  Child  Saving         ....     433 

a.  Principles  asserted  at  the  White  House  Con- 

ference           434 

b.  The  Importance  of  the  Home    ....  434 

c.  The  Foster  Home 435 

d.  The  Cottage  Plan 436 

e.  State  Supervision  and  Incorporation  of  Private 

Agencies      . 437 

/.  Records 439 

g.  Cooperation 439 

h.   Requisites  of  Institutional  Care  .         .         .  441 

;'.    Prohibition  of  Children  in  Almshouses      .         .  441 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 


XV 


CHAPTER 


3. 


Special  Problems    .... 

a.  Desertion  and  Non-support 

b.  The  Illegitimate  Child 

c.  The  Defective  Child  . 
Conclusion      ..... 


III.     Private  Child-Saving  Agencies  . 

1.  Home  and  Aid  Societies 

2.  Work  of  the  New  York  Society     . 

3.  Denominational  Placing-out  Agencies 

4.  The  Placing-out  Problem 

5.  Difficulties  of  Placing-out 

6.  The  Temporary  Home   . 

7.  Indenture        ..... 

8.  Boarding  Homes  for  Children 

9.  Results  of  the  Placing-out  System 

10.  Adoption         ..... 

11.  Societies  for  the  Prevention  of  Cruelty 

a.    Functions    .... 
.  b.    Work  of  Typical  Societies 

12.  The  Institution        .... 

a.  Advantages  of  the  Institution 

b.  Disadvantages    . 

13.  The  Day  Nursery  .... 

14.  Needs  and  Reforms 


IV.     Public  Child-Saving  Agencies 

1.  The  State  School  System 

a.  Essential  Elements  of  the  State 

b.  Placing-out 

c.  Results  of  System 

2.  Boarding  and  Placing-out  Systems 

a.  Child  Saving  in  New  Jersey 

b.  The  Massachusetts  Plan 

c.  City  Systems 

3.  The  County  Home  System 

4.  The  Subsidy  System 

5.  Care  of  Neglected  Children 

6.  Pensions  for  Mothers 


Conclusion 

Selected  Bibliography 

Index  .... 


to  Children 


School 


PAGE 

442 
442 
444 
447 
448 


449-473 

.  449 

.  451 

.  452 

.  453 

.  457 

.  458 

.  458 

.  459 

.  460 

.  461 

.  461 

.  463 

.  465 

.  467 

.  468 

.  468 

.  470 

.  472 


474-487 

.  474 

System  475 

.  476 

.  477 

.  478 

.  478 

.  479 

.  479 

.  480 

.  481 

.  481 

.  482 


488-492 
493-511 
513-522 


PROBLEMS  OF  CHILD  WELFARE 


INTRODUCTION 

In  modern  social  work  the  emphasis  has  been  shifted  from  the 
parent  to  the  child.  The  fact  that  this  is  so  is  due  largely  to 
belief  in  the  principle  "  an  ounce  of  prevention  is  worth  a  pound 
of  cure."  Not  relief  but  prevention  is  the  slogan  of  modern 
social  work ;  not  palliatives  but  fundamental  social  reforms  are 
demanded  to-day.  It  is  well  then  to  begin  with  the  child,  for 
he  presages  the  coming  man.  He  is  the  plastic  material  that 
can  be  molded  ill  or  well ;  he  is  gigantic  in  possibilities,  but 
dwarfed  if  without  opportunity. 

We  are  beginning  to  realize  that  the  more  time  and  energy 
that  are  spent  on  the  child,  the  more  lasting  and  profitable  is 
the  investment.  To  educate  and  train  the  child  is  worth  in- 
finitely more  than  to  labor  with  the  deficiencies  of  the  man  with 
his  crystallized  habits  and  morals. 

Again,  child  welfare  involves  adequate  physical,  mental,  and 
moral  development.  If  proper  attention  is  not  given  to  this, 
it  is  not  possible  to  cope  successfully  with  the  varied  problems  of 
daily  life.  Childhood  is  the  time  of  preparation ;  afterward 
little  can  be  accomplished.  Let  society  concentrate  more  of 
its  energies  on  the  child,  instead  of  scattering  them  as  it  does  to- 
day, and  then  with  an  equal  expenditure  of  effort  it  will  accom- 
plish more  good  than  can  be  realized  in  any  other  way. 

i.  The  Child  and  Heredity. 

At  once  the  twin  forces  of  heredity  and  environment  confront 
society  and  complicate  the  problems  which  are  to  be  solved. 
Of  the  two,  heredity  has  probably  been  the  subject  of  the  more 
serious  study.  Biologists  and  psychologists  are  continually 
adding  to  our  knowledge  of  the  power  and  influence  of  heredity, 
and  of  its  capability  of  benefiting  or  injuring  the  race.    The 


2  PROBLEMS  OF  CHILD   WELFARE 

term  heredity  has  no  uniform  use  in  popular  language.  It  will, 
therefore,  for  the  sake  of  clearness,  be  limited  in  meaning  in  this 
book  to  the  transmission  by  the  parent  to  the  offspring  of  those 
physical  and  mental  characteristics  which  are  potentially  present 
in  the  germ-plasm  of  the  parent.  These  characteristics  in  turn 
may  be  inherited  or  may  be  the  result  of  toxins  that  injure  the 
germ-plasm.  Usually  they  are  present  at  birth ;  often,  however, 
they  do  not  appear  until  later  in  life ;  for  example,  many  cases 
of  insanity  appearing  in  middle  life  are  truly  inherited.  On  the 
other  hand,  certain  defects  present  at  birth  are  not  necessarily 
innate.  Instead  of  being  inherited,  they  are  due  to  peculiar  pre- 
natal conditions  of  the  mother.  These  defects  are  classified  as 
"  acquired,"  and  the  offspring  will  not  bequeath  them  to  sub- 
sequent progeny. 

Certain  facts  have  been  so  definitely  established  by  students 
of  heredity  that  the  sociologist  can  use  them  as  corner  stones  on 
which  to  build  a  system  of  preventive  work.  In  many  cases  the 
child  is  doomed  before  birth,  and  no  later  training  can  prepare 
him  for  a  normal  social  life.  Thus  defective  heredity  is  respon- 
sible for  a  large  proportion  of  the  children  who  are  condemned  to 
such  lifelong  abnormalities  as  idiocy,  imbecility,  backwardness, 
deaf-mutism,  criminality,  and  certain  forms  of  constitutional 
disease.  As  a  result,  these  defects  may  be  expected  to  reappear 
in  the  offspring  of  each  subsequent  generation.  It  is  further  an 
unfortunate  fact  that  some  of  these  defective  groups  are  much 
more  prolific  than  the  normal  classes.  A  recent  English  Royal 
Commission  states  that  the  birth  rate  among  the  feeble-minded 
is  double  that  of  the  general  population.  It  is  apparent  from 
this  that  there  is  danger  of  a  gradual  dilution  of  the  quality  of 
the  race  unless  preventive  measures  are  adopted. 

Within  the  last  decade  the  application  of  the  principles  of 
heredity  for  the  purpose  of  raising. the  physical  and  mental 
standards  of  the  race  has  been  much  discussed,  and  a  plan  of 
practical  eugenics  is  being  gradually  formulated.  Strictly 
speaking,  eugenics  is  the  art  of  improving  the  race  by  selecting 
for  survival  the  superior  qualities  inherent  in  men  and  rejecting 
those  which  are  inferior.     It  means  race  development,  and  is 


INTRODUCTION  3 

concerned  with  improvements  of  a  permanent  nature.  So- 
called  practical  eugenics  is  often  made  to  apply  wrongly  to 
methods  of  promoting  individual  strength  and  capacity.  The 
eugenist  is  correct  in  emphasizing  the  principle  that  every  child 
be  well  born,  that  he  be  innately  endowed  with  the  capacity  for 
development  into  a  normal  adult.  The  difficulty,  however, 
lies  in  the  carrying  out  of  a  program  of  attainment.  For  this 
reason  two  phases  of  the  subject  have  been  developed ;  "  nega- 
tive "  and  "  positive  "  eugenics. 

Negative  eugenics  deals  exclusively  with  the  unfit  classes. 
Among  them  reproduction  is  to  be  prevented,  so  that  they  may 
be  gradually  eliminated.  The  marriage  of  a  feeble-minded 
person  must  not  only  be  prohibited,  but  such  steps  must  be  taken 
as  will  insure  his  practical  sterilization.  By  segregating  idiots, 
imbeciles,  instinctive  criminals,  and  other  groups  in  institutions 
this  can  be  accomplished.  But  custodial  care  must  be  perma- 
nent to  make  this  plan  successful.  So  large  a  proportion  of 
these  classes  are  eventually  released  that  one  group  of  social 
workers  favors  sterilization  as  the  best  preventive  measure. 
Eight  states  have  already  passed  laws  providing  for  a  limited 
amount  of  sterilization  in  institutions.  With  one  exception, 
however,  these  laws  have  so  far  generally  remained  inoperative. 
Without  doubt  the  most  serious  cases  of  defect  can  be  handled 
either  through  sterilization  or  custodial  care.  From  the  eugenic 
point  of  view,  in  fact,  these  offer  fewer  difficulties  than  do  the 
thousands  who  suffer  from  slighter  defects.  Most  of  the  latter 
are  capable  of  partial  self-support,  and  are  not  regarded  as  sub- 
jects for  institutional  care.  Besides,  the  cost  seems  almost 
prohibitive.  But  these  people  will  not  refrain  from  intermarry- 
ing with  others  who  are  similarly  defective,  while  sterilization 
cannot  even  be  mentioned.  No  generally  accepted  program 
of  action  to  solve  this  question  has  as  yet  been  developed.  How- 
ever, sentiment  is  growing  in  favor  of  the  gradual  segregation  of 
these  groups. 

Laws  prohibiting  intermarriage  between  first  cousins  and 
other  near  relatives  may  be  considered  a  form  of  negative  eu- 
genics.   The  large  proportion  of  defectiveness  among  Jews, 


4  PROBLEMS  OF  CHILD  WELFARE 

Mennonites,  and  other  consanguineous  groups  shows  how  im- 
portant such  prohibitions  are.  The  consanguineous  marriages 
per  se  are  not  blameworthy,  and  it  may  safely  be  said  that  if  the 
intermarrying  stocks  are  vigorous,  no  harm  will  result.  There 
are  probably  no  perfect  families,  however,  and  strains  of  weak- 
ness are  present  in  all.  If  two  persons  affected  with  the  same 
weakness,  as  is  likely  in  the  case  of  relatives,  marry  each  other, 
this  weakness  will  probably  be  intensified  in  their  children. 
For  this  reason  such  marriages  should  be  prohibited.  The  re- 
cent agitation  in  favor  of  a  certificate  of  health  prior  to  marriage 
is  also  based  on  the  desire  to  prevent  the  birth  of  unhealthy 
children. 

Turning  to  the  field  of  positive  eugenics,  we  find  that  this 
has  been  cultivated  but  sparsely.  The  elementary  principles 
have  not  even  been  established.  The  first  step  to  be  taken  is 
the  creation  of  a  standard  of  superiority  or  perfection.  /This  has 
not  been  done,  nor  can  it  be  done  with  our  present  limitations  of 
knowledge.  We  do  not  know  how  much  bulk  and  how  many 
parts  each  organ  of  the  body  must  contribute  to  the  whole  to 
form  the  man,  perfect  in  body,  in  mind,  and  soul.  When  stand- 
ards are  established,  how  will  they  be  applied  ?  How  can  people 
be  persuaded  to  apply  them?  According  to  a  recent  English 
investigation,  defectives  are  found  in  larger  proportion  among 
the  first  and  second  born  than  among  the  younger  children. 
Further  investigation  may  show  that  environment  is  a  factor  in 
determining  this  condition ;  if  not,  then  large  families  will  give 
us  a  smaller  proportion  of  feeble-mindedness.  But  does  any 
eugenist  believe  that  we  can  or  will  return  to  an  era  of  large 
families  ? 

Suppose  the  eugenist  has  worked  out  the  proper  correlation 
between  physical  organ  and  mental  quality ;  suppose  the  innate 
tendencies  of  parents  are  known  and  we  can  predicate  absolutely 
the  characteristics  of  their  children ;  then  the  most  difficult 
problem  of  all  remains,  —  that  of  mating  individuals  properly 
adapted  to  each  other.  To-day  marriages  depend  on  love, 
financial  condition,  the  coercion  of  custom,  and  other  factors. 
Is  it  possible  for  the  course  of  love  to  be  deflected  by  eugenic 


INTRODUCTION  5 

considerations  ?  Will  the  intermarriage  of  fortunes  be  prevented 
for  similar  reasons  ?  It  is  true  that  occasional  cases  of  foresight 
and  self-restraint  occur  from  time  to  time,  but  for  the  masses 
the  near  future  holds  no  such  hope  in  prospect.  Education  for 
decades,  and  perhaps  for  centuries,  is  necessary  to  make  even  a 
beginning  in  the  art  of  positive  eugenics. 

Francis  Galton  and  his  followers  are  the  practical  originators 
of  the  eugenic  idea.  These  men  have  held  to  the  Neo-Darwinian 
theory  of  heredity  and  have  opposed  the  theory  that  acquired 
characteristics  are  inherited.  Eugenic  philosophy,  therefore, 
adheres  largely  to  the  views  of  its  founders.  Race  progress  by 
selection  is  the  dominant  note.  The  recently  rediscovered 
Mendelian  law  threatens  to  complicate  the  problem,  and  its 
application  to  the  human  race  will  be  exceedingly  difficult. 
Often  the  effects  would  not  be  apparent  until  the  second  genera- 
tion, when,  of  course,  it  would  be  too  late.  Positive  eugenics 
cannot  make  much  substantial  progress  until  it  considers  the 
mental  and  moral  qualities  of  men  as  well  as  the  physical ;  but 
this  step  will  at  once  involve  the  problem  and  will  make  it  diffi- 
cult to  realize  the  aims  of  the  eugenic  philosophy. 

2.    The  Factor  of  Environment. 

The  term  environment  covers  a  multitude  of  influences. 
Some  of  these  act  before  birth,  but  the  majority  are  postnatal 
in  character.  These  influences  affect  both  body  and  mind,  and 
thus  help  to  determine  physique  and  mentality.  In  many  re- 
spects environment  is  the  dominating  factor  of  human  develop- 
ment, and  this  applies  especially  to  the  period  of  childhood. 
The  physiology  of  children  proves  them  to  be  extremely  plastic 
in  body,  and  psychology  has  rendered  a  similar  verdict  in  respect 
to  their  mental  qualities.  Men  are  not  grown  up  children,  as  the 
philosopher  has  said ;  they  have  been  developed  and  trans- 
formed. A  man  having  the  same  proportions  as  a  child  would 
be  a  monstrosity.  The  water  constituency  of  a  foetus  is  97  per 
cent ;  of  a  child,  74 ;  of  a  man,  only  58.  Truly  age  withers  the 
human  being.  The  infant  has  a  large  head,  and  the  child  at  five 
has  a  head  which  has  nearly  reached  its  maximum  growth,  but 
his  legs  are  short  and  his  arms  lack  the  proportions  that  exist  in 


6  PROBLEMS  OF  CHILD   WELFARE 

the  adult.  So  with  the  internal  organs ;  at  birth  the  weight  of 
the  human  brain  is  almost  exactly  one-seventh  of  that  of  the 
entire  body,  while  in  adult  life  it  is  about  2.4  per  cent.  Propor- 
tionately the  former  is  six  times  as  heavy  as  the  latter,  but  the 
brain  of  the  child  is  largely  water,  the  gray  and  the  white  matter 
are  not  clearly  distinguishable,  and  the  convolutions  are  not 
marked.  The  babe  is  absolutely  helpless.  Most  mammals 
have  more  initial  capacity  for  self-support  than  he,  but  the  brain 
and  nervous  system  of  the  child,  with  its  splendid  possibilities, 
offers  a  remarkable  field  for  the  operation  of  environmental  forces. 

The  blood  constituency  of  the  child  is  peculiar,  for  there  is  a 
large  disproportion  of  white  corpuscles  and  a  singular  absence  of 
red  ones.  Strength  and  vitality  come  with  a  shifting  of  these 
proportions.  Again,  the  child  has  much  muscular  tissue,  but 
undeveloped  and  weak  tendons.  His  heart  is  comparatively 
large,  and  so  in  general  are  the  other  internal  organs.  So  differ- 
ent is  the  child  from  the  man,  that  the  right  food,  proper  exer- 
cise, and  correct  training  given  throughout  the  period  of  flex- 
ibility should  be  capable  of  wonderful  results. 

Prenatal  conditions  must  be  studied  and  their  effects  noted. 
Then  proper  attention  must  be  demanded  for  the  prospective 
mother  during  the  period  of  gestation.  Formerly  it  was  gener- 
ally believed  that  a  special  mental  bent  or  potential  proficiency 
in  some  art  could  be  deliberately  imparted  by  the  foresighted 
mother.  This  belief,  however,  has  become  antiquated  and  lacks 
scientific  support,  but  a  new  question  has  recently  arisen. 
What  influence  has  the  physical  condition  of  the  expectant 
mother  on  the  physique  of  her  child  ?  Investigation  shows  this 
influence  to  be  considerable,  and  that  the  child  may  suffer  con- 
stitutionally if  subjected  to  abnormal  conditions  during  his 
prenatal  life.  Nature  has  done  her  utmost  to  protect  the  child, 
and  sacrifices  the  mother  thereby,  but  complete  protection  is 
not  afforded.  The  foetus  receives  its  nourishment  through  ab- 
sorption of  food,  still  toxins  affecting  the  mother  are  passed  on. 
If  it  is  insufficiently  nourished,  it  is  surely  retarded  in  develop- 
ment, and  sometimes  defects  of  a  permanent  character  are  pro- 
duced. 


INTRODUCTION  7 

Since  the  nutritive  process  is  so  important,  it  must  be  carefully 
controlled.  Any  interruption  in  the  continuous  absorption  of 
the  food  elements  may  halt  the  regular  development  of  the  child. 
Therefore  it  must  not  be  allowed  to  suffer  from  malnutrition. 
Many  causes,  however,  operate  to  produce  injurious  results. 
Perhaps  the  mother  is  overworked  and  has  no  surplus  energy 
to  impart  to  the  child.  Worry  interferes  with  digestion  and  may 
injure  the  child.  Fright  has  no  direct  effect,  but  the  shock  to 
the  nervous  system  means  interference  with  the  nutritive  sys- 
tem and  a  possible  interruption  in  the  free  development  of  the 
foetus.  Finally  the  mother  may  herself  suffer  from  malnutrition. 
At  all  events,  the  injury  is  accomplished  chiefly  through  the  in- 
terrupted development  caused  by  interferences  with  the  nutri- 
tive processes,  and  peculiar  defects  frequently  result.  Conse- 
quently this  becomes  a  matter  of  tremendous  importance. 
The  early  postnatal  life  of  the  child  must  be  guarded  in  a 
similar  manner. 

John  Fiske  first  saw  that  the  helplessness  of  the  newly  born 
babe  coupled  with  the  prolongation  of  his  period  of  childhood 
furnished  untold  possibilities  of  development.  The  relative 
importance  of  instinct  and  the  remarkable  plasticity  of  the 
child  allow  the  marvelous  development  of  reason  that  man  has 
enjoyed.  A  long  childhood  makes  room  for  the  play  of  environ- 
mental forces,  and  this  influence  is  stronger  in  proportion  to  the 
initial  helplessness  of  the  child.  The  more  the  native  flexibility, 
the  greater  is  the  capacity  for  training  and  for  nurture.  The  im- 
pressionable child  easily  yields  to  the  influence  of  contact  with 
the  remaining  members  of  the  family.  In  early  life  certain  char- 
acteristics and  psychical  traits  become  relatively  fixed,  owing  to 
constant  association  with  special  mental  types.  That  part  of 
the  child's  psychical  nature  which  is  clearly  and  absolutely 
individual  and  his  own  is  relatively  small.  The  greater  portion 
of  his  characteristic  mental  endowment  is  gained  from  the  inter- 
action of  his  own  small  mental  nucleus  with  the  minds  of  his 
parents  and  other  members  of  the  family.  It  is  well  known 
how  ardently  adults  cling  to  the  beliefs  and  traditions  acquired 
during  childhood.     Social  heredity  within  the  family  —  that  is, 


8  PROBLEMS  OF  CHILD   WELFARE 

the  transmission  of  ancestral  ideas,  traditions,  prejudices,  and 
knowledge  —  is  a  powerful  factor  in  the  life  of  every  normal 
individual.  "  Like  father,  like  son,"  is  often  largely  the  result 
of  this  kind  of  communication  and  influence.  Thousands  of 
years  of  stationary  civilization  in  China  furnish  a  most  striking 
example ;  likewise  the  forces  that  have  retarded  the  woman's 
movement  of  the  nineteenth  century.  The  general  tendency 
of  children  to  follow  the  religious  and  political  beliefs  of  their 
parents  illustrates  the  power  of  social  heredity,  but  social  hered- 
ity is  only  a  form  of  environment.  The  fixation  of  mental  and 
moral  traits  in  the  human  being  should  be  a  paramount  consid- 
eration in  the  training  and  development  of  the  child  during  the 
entire  adolescent  period  of  his  life.  Right  training  from  the 
earliest  self-conscious  moments  of  life  is  therefore  a  matter  of 
great  sociological  importance. 

Most  important  among  the  conditions  of  environment  are  the 
home  surroundings  of  the  child.  His  home  environment  con- 
tinues comparatively  unchanged  for  a  longer  period  of  time  than 
do  external  conditions.  Home  life  and  adequate  home  training 
are  therefore  vital  in  the  development  of  the  child.  Unless 
prevented,  the  child,  particularly  the  boy,  soon  becomes  subject 
to  influences  emanating  from  without  the  home,  and  these  in 
turn  tend  to  mold  his  character  as  well  as  to  affect  his  physical 
well-being.  His  associates,  the  manner  of  his  life,  the  sanitary 
conditions  of  school,  street,  alley,  or  workshop,  —  all  of  these 
considerations  directly  affect  both  his  physique  and  his  charac- 
ter. Attention  to  the  environment  of  the  child  both  within  and 
without  the  home  is  accordingly  the  sine  qua  non  of  the  solution 
of  our  child  problems. 

In  the  study  of  the  influence  of  environment,  the  opinion  of  the 
expert  sociologist  should  carry  weight,  and  his  investigations 
are  establishing  certain  conclusions  upon  which  definite  rules  of 
action  can  now  be  based.  The  knowledge  that  a  bad  environ- 
ment is  responsible  for  the  seriousness  of  many  of  our  child  prob- 
lems paves  the  way  for  an  easier  and  more  effective  treatment  of 
the  subject  than  could  be  given  if  bad  heredity  were  the  root  of 
the  difficulties.     Much  has  already  been  accomplished  by  carry- 


INTRODUCTION  9 

ing  into  effect  the  suggestions  of  sociologists  holding  this  point 
of  view. 

3.  Child  Problems  and  Statistics. 

The  need  for  accurate  sociological  facts  is  great.  Recently 
an  enormous  amount  of  statistical  material  has  been  given  to  the 
public,  but  we  are  far  from  the  possession  of  satisfactory  infor- 
mation. The  time  has  come  when  sensational  overstatement 
and  complacent  depreciation  of  facts  must  be  supplanted  by 
scientific  analyses  of  the  real  conditions.  Too  many  of  our  so- 
called  accumulated  facts  have  not  been  properly  digested  and 
interpreted. 

A  recent  bulletin  of  the  United  States  Bureau  of  Education 
contains  an  address  in  which  it  is  stated  that  five  million,  or 
one-fourth  of  the  American  school  children,  were  suffering  from 
malnutrition.  If  this  statement  is  true,  then  our  child  problems 
are  acute  indeed.  But  malnutrition  is  not  defined,  and  no  in- 
dication is  given  of  the  actual  gravity  of  conditions,  nor  are  the 
investigations  discussed  on  which  this  high  estimate  is  placed. 
The  public  thinks  of  malnutrition  as  serious  underfeeding,  or 
as  such  flagrant  misfeeding  as  causes  injurious  physical  conse- 
quences. In  a  sense,  every  person  suffers  from  malnutrition ; 
that  is,  probably  no  one  eats  exactly  the  right  quantity  and  qual- 
ity of  food  necessary  for  the  highest  physical  welfare.  Only  the 
hopelessly  squeamish  speak  of  this  as  malnutrition.  Again, 
defective  teeth  prevent  proper  mastication  of  food,  yet  it  is 
almost  unfair  to  the  public  to  charge  such  a  condition  to  mal- 
nutrition. Is  the  country  boy,  gorged  with  underripe  apples 
and  berries,  also  included?  Many  other  questions  at  once  sug- 
gest themselves.  Are  the  proportions  in  small  towns  and  large 
cities  the  same  ?  Does  the  city  exceed  the  rural  districts  ?  Are 
the  proportions  in  the  various  rural  sections  of  the  country 
similar?  Are  rural  Iowa  and  the  mountains  of  North  Carolina 
on  a  par?  To  have  genuine  sociological  value,  estimates 
must  not  only  indicate  the  evidence  on  which  they  are  based, 
but  must  also  make  due  allowance  for  differences  among  cities 
and  rural  districts. 

The  number  of  defective  children  in  the  United  States  also 


10  PROBLEMS  OF  CHILD   WELFARE 

lends  itself  to  statistical  manipulation.  Usually  nothing  is  said 
about  the  proportion  who  can  easily  be  cured.  For  instance,  a 
large  percentage  of  these  children  have  defective  teeth ;  and  a 
dentist  and  an  hour's  time  can  easily  reclassify  a  child.  The 
amount  of  child  labor,  the  prevalence  of  tuberculosis  among 
children,  preventable  infant  mortality,  and  other  problems 
suffer  in  a  similar  manner.  Our  program  of  reform  must  de- 
pend on  the  collection  and  use  of  correct  information ;  otherwise 
it  is  impossible  to  correlate  properly  the  work  of  preventive 
agencies. 

4.  The  Social  Obligations  to  Childhood. 

Nowhere  in  history  does  it  appear  that  so  many  rights  were 
accorded  to  childhood  as  is  the  case  to-day.  Men  have  been 
accustomed  to  concern  themselves  with  the  present,  taking  but 
little  thought  for  the  morrow.  They  have  scarcely  considered 
the  influence  of  present-day  conditions  on  the  society  of  the 
future.  As  thought  for  the  morrow  increases,  society  becomes 
more  unselfish  and  begins  to  build  for  the  interests  of  the  coming 
generations,  but  this  frequently  involves  a  costly  subordination 
of  immediate  interests.  The  future  well-being  of  the  race  often 
means  the  sacrifice  of  present  pleasures.  Carried  out  consist- 
ently, a  policy  of  social  betterment  results  in  the  development 
of  certain  obligations  to  childhood.  Some  of  these  are  not  yet 
fully  recognized  by  society,  but  more  and  more  they  are  receiving 
the  sanction  of  our  present  civilization.  Without  such  sanc- 
tion we  cannot  hope  for  successful  social  reform. 

a.  The  Preservation  of  Life. 

The  first  claim  which  the  child  makes  upon  society  is  the  right 
to  proper  care  while  a  helpless  babe,  so  that  he  may  retain  the 
independent  life  given  to  him  at  birth.  He  was  not  consulted 
about  the  desirability  of  coming  into  existence,  and  had  no  power 
to  will  or  forbid  this  event.  It  is  a  serious  thing  to  bring  a  child 
into  the  world,  and  the  individuals  responsible  for  his  birth  have 
thereby  incurred  new  responsibilities  and  obligations.  The 
child  has  a  right  to  a  fair  chance  for  life.  If  parents  are  delin- 
quent in  furnishing  their  children  with  this  opportunity,  it  is  the 
clear  duty  of  the  state  to  interfere  in  behalf  of  defrauded  child- 


INTRODUCTION  II 

hood.  Earth  holds  no  greater  tragedy  than  the  ruthless  destruc- 
tion of  a  sturdy  human  life  not  even  conscious  of  its  own  exist- 
ence and  without  knowledge  of  its  capacity  and  opportunities. 
The  duty  of  society  to  the  child  must  be  gradually  extended  be- 
cause neglect  of  child  life  means  a  relatively  greater  loss  and  cost 
as  civilization  advances  and  becomes  more  complex.  Society 
should  determine  what  class  of  children  shall  be  allowed  to  come 
into  existence,  but,  once  born,  all  normal  children  have  the  abso- 
lute right  to  be  saved  from  all  forms  of  preventable  death. 

The  right  to  life  is  indicated  in  the  penalty  for  the  premedi- 
tated destruction  of  fcetal  life.  In  spite  of  this,  hundreds  of 
abortions  are  performed  every  year  by  physicians  on  whom  moral 
obligations  rest  but  lightly.  Primitive  society  did  not  respect 
life,  and  many  tribes  even  claimed  the  right  to  sacrifice  all  chil- 
dren who  were  not  desired.  Infanticide  has  been  a  common 
practice  among  nearly  all  savage  peoples  and  was  not  unknown 
among  semi-civilized  tribes.  The  Africa  and  Asia  of  to-day  still 
furnish  numerous  examples  of  this  practice.  Not  only  has  it 
been  customary  to  slay  the  weak,  crippled,  and  defective,  but 
the  life  of  all,  especially  that  of  female  children,  depended  upon 
the  caprice  of  the  parents.  Fortunately,  civilized  nations  with 
higher  ideals  have  controlling  power  among  these  barbarous 
peoples,  and  the  crime  of  infanticide  has  been  almost  abolished. 

b.   The  Preservation  of  Health. 

Next  to  the  duty  of  preserving  life  comes  that  of  maintaining 
health.  Nothing  prevents  future  industrial  and  social  efficiency 
so  much  as  does  the  absence  of  health.  Without  health,  edu- 
cation and  training  are  almost  impossible,  and  the  physical  and 
mental  faculties  are  permanently  impaired.  Boys  need  to  be 
given  the  opportunity  to  grow  up  into  robust  men.  For  girls 
physical  training  and  muscular  exercise  are  even  more  necessary, 
especially  since  the  tendency  of  civilization  has  been  to  retard 
that  symmetrical  development  which  our  future  mothers  need. 
The  keen  competition  of  to-day  and  the  new  demands  of  social  and 
industrial  life  are  so  important  that  we  must  demand  for  the 
growing  child  that  he  be  physically  prepared  to  meet  the  exi- 
gencies of  the  new  era.     Otherwise  he  will  soon  join  the  ranks  of 


12  PROBLEMS  OF  CHILD   WELFARE 

the  great  and  constantly  increasing  army  of  the  unfit  and  the  un- 
employable. A  changing  social  attitude  toward  the  problem 
of  the  child's  health  is  a  natural  consequence  of  this  danger. 
The  recent  movement  in  favor  of  medical  inspection  of  school 
children  is  a  case  in  point.  Society  must  care  for  the  diseased 
and  disabled.  But  much  more  important  is  the  task  of  repairing 
the  minor  defects  of  our  children  so  that  the  age  of  incapacity 
may  be  definitely  postponed.  Such  a  program  demands  an  ex- 
tension of  public  authority  which  may  at  present  appear  almost 
entirely  unwarranted,  but  the  course  of  civilization  is  always 
carrying  us  in  this  direction. 

The  right  to  prohibit  child  labor  is  in  part  based  upon  the 
physical  injury  which  such  work  entails.  The  danger  emanates 
from  two  sources  —  the  pernicious  influence  of  factory  life  upon 
the  immature  and  undeveloped  body,  and  the  inability  of  this 
plastic  and  growing  body  to  withstand  continued  manual  labor. 
That  the  child  must  not  be  compelled  or  allowed  to  sacrifice  his 
health  for  the  mere  pittance  which  he  earns  is  now  generally 
accepted ;  although  not  more  than  seventy-five  years  ago,  rep- 
utable economists  opposed  interference  by  the  state  in  behalf 
of  the  little  children  who  were  enslaved  in  the  factories,  mines, 
and  workshops  of  England.  To-day  all  this  is  changed,  and  child 
labor  legislation  is  supported  by  economist  and  sociologist  alike. 

c.   The  Opportunity  to  Play. 

AH  animals  play.  Play  is  likewise  one  of  the  fundamental 
instincts  of  the  child.  It  carries  with  it  immeasurable  benefits, 
but  the  exact  results  still  remain  uncertain.  It  is  unquestionable, 
however,  that  play  promotes  the  physical  and  mental  develop- 
ment of  the  child  and  that  it  is  no  mean  factor  in  his  social  and 
moral  elevation.  In  fact,  the  social  value  of  play  furnishes  one 
of  the  best  reasons  for  the  furtherance  of  the  playground  move- 
ment. Likewise  the  democratic  impulses  which  well  regulated 
play  fosters  are  urgently  needed  to-day ;  consequently  the  op- 
portunities for  wholesome  play  must  be  greatly  extended. 

The  ancient  attitude  toward  play  was  that  of  toleration  of  the 
ebullient  spirits  of  the  growing  boy.  It  was  a  rampant  impulse 
which  could  not  be  checked,  so  parents  submitted  from  necessity. 


INTRODUCTION  1 3 

The  utilitarian  function  of  play  was  unthought  of.  The  physical 
weakness  of  the  child  and  his  incapacity  for  concentrated  thought 
and  endeavor  saved  to  him  the  enjoyment  of  play  until  his  par- 
ents could  use  his  services  in  some  gainful  occupation.  Work 
was  substituted  for  play  as  soon  as  the  most  limited  degree 
of  success  offered  some  justification  for  such  action.  Play  — 
the  most  enjoyable  right  of  childhood  —  was  almost  forbidden, 
and  even  at  the  present  day  its  value  is  minimized  by  many 
who  do  not  recognize  its  varied  functions.  Disregarding  the 
different  theories  of  the  origin  of  play,  either  in  animals  or  in 
man,  the  present  social  values  of  play  cannot  be  denied.  Play 
involves  freedom  from  work  and  adequate  leisure  from  the 
duties  of  the  schoolroom.  Nor  can  it  be  socially  successful 
without  sufficient  space  or  playground  facilities.  Conse- 
quently a  new  duty  of  society  has  arisen  —  that  of  providing 
the  child  with  ample  field  for  the  enjoyment  of  the  opportunity 
to  play. 

d.  Freedom  from  Toil. 

The  prevention  of  premature  toil  is  one  of  the  first  obligations 
to  childhood.  Children  should  be  relieved  from  the  task  of  earn- 
ing money  either  for  their  own  support  or  to  increase  the  family 
income.  Employment  of  children  under  a  certain  age  in  fac- 
tories, mills,  workshops,  mercantile  establishments,  and  in  the 
street  trades  inflicts  irremediable  consequences.  Among  the 
principal  results  of  such  premature  child  labor  are  :  the  danger 
to  health  and  physical  development ;  the  handicap  in  the  ac- 
quisition of  a  trade  ;  the  mental  retardation  involved  ;  the  real 
loss  of  opportunity  for  self-development ;  the  bar  to  future  social 
and  industrial  efficiency;  the  incentive  to  criminality  and  the 
consequent  moral  degradation.  The  question  of  child  labor  is 
therefore  fraught  with  deep  meaning  for  future  generations  and 
has  become  an  important  social  problem. 

The  enlightened  view  of  to-day  refuses  to  regard  the  child 
as  a  mere  commercial  asset  of  the  parents.  On  the  contrary, 
the  relation  of  the  two  is  exactly  reversed.  Until  children  reach 
a  certain  age  it  is  absolutely  necessary  that  they  be  supported 
by  their  parents,  and  society  must  enforce  this  obligation. 


14  PROBLEMS  OF  CHILD  WELFARE 

Furthermore,  it  is  the  duty  of  parents  to  provide  education,  train- 
ing, and  if  possible  a  wholesome  environment.  In  the  enlight- 
ened civilization  of  our  present  industrial  age  the  child  must  not 
be  considered  as  interest-bearing  capital.  The  right  of  society 
to  restrict  labor  in  factories  and  establishments  of  all  kinds, 
while  now  generally  recognized,  does  not  include  the  right  to 
restrain  parents  from  exploiting  their  children  in  other  ways  for 
private  ends.  Until  the  community  recognizes  the  social  in- 
terests involved,  private  agencies  must  work  to  save  children 
and  must  labor  for  the  adoption  of  higher  community  standards. 

Freedom  from  work  does  not  legitimize  idleness.  The  idle 
child  soon  becomes  the  victim  of  wayward  impulses,  or  of  in- 
corrigible companions,  and  rapidly  degenerates.  The  evils  of 
idleness  are  perhaps  more  serious  than  those  of  work,  but  this 
fact  in  no  way  justifies  premature  child  labor.  Many  opponents 
of  child  labor  reforms  base  their  arguments  on  the  evils  of  idle- 
ness. This  attitude  is  utterly  unwholesome  and  unscientific, 
in  that  it  implies  that  child  labor  is  the  only  alternative  for  child 
idleness.  The  substitutes  for  idleness  are  education  and  prop- 
erly directed  recreation.  Youth  is  the  period  of  training  when 
preparation  for  the  duties  of  life  is  being  made,  and  while  society 
must  demand  rigid  requirements  of  the  growing  child,  these 
requirements  should  be  entirely  consistent  with  his  general  wel- 
fare. The  adjustment  of  the  individual  in  his  industrial  and 
social  relations  is  so  delicate  that  nothing  can  be  overlooked  to 
make  that  adjustment  perfect.  The  more  difficult  the  individ- 
ual's life-work,  the  greater  the  need  of  previous  training. 

e.  Education  of  Children. 

The  educational  advantages  which  society  must  grant  to  the 
child  are  at  least  threefold ;  literary  and  industrial  training, 
moral  education,  and  a  knowledge  of  the  elements  of  sex 
physiology.  Without  coordinate  education  along  all  of  these 
important  lines,  many  social  ills  will  remain  to  retard  the  progress 
of  mankind.  In  the  complex  social  life  of  to-day,  education  has 
assumed  a  startling  importance.  Until  recently,  illiterate  men 
have  been  able  to  advance  rapidly  and  even  to  acquire  large 
fortunes.     This  is  no  longer  possible,  and  without  training  few 


INTRODUCTION  15 

men  can  hope  to  succeed.  A  large  percentage  of  our  recent  im- 
migrants are  illiterate ;  but  illiteracy  abroad,  owing  to  relatively 
simple  conditions,  does  not  constitute  the  handicap  that  it  does 
in  the  United  States.  The  injury  resulting  from  ignorance  is 
not  confined  to  the  individual  affected,  but  an  entire  group  may 
suffer  because  of  the  ignorance  of  one  of  its  members.  The 
community  therefore  is  justified  in  interfering  and  demanding 
compulsory  education. 

The  training  required  must  meet  the  direct  occupational  need 
of  the  child.  Otherwise  it  is  only  a  halfway  measure,  and  so- 
ciety has  not  fully  discharged  its  obligations.  Machine  pro- 
duction and  the  consequent  extensive  division  of  labor  necessi- 
tate some  preparation  for  trade  life.  The  growing  problem 
of  unemployment  cannot  be  solved  unless  more  attention  is  paid 
to  the  untrained  child.  Low  wages,  poverty,  unemployment, 
and  shameful  conditions  of  living  are  partly  due  to  defective 
education.  Society  must  furnish  the  individual  with  the  initial 
equipment  necessary  for  a  life  of  usefulness  and  profit.  But 
training  for  industrial  efficiency  must  not  displace  literary  train- 
ing. In  fact,  education  gives  the  child  a  symmetrical  develop- 
ment. He  must  be  equipped  for  work,  but,  more  than  that,  for 
service  as  a  man  and  a  citizen. 

Recent  developments  also  demand  a  revision  of  the  methods 
pursued  in  providing  our  youth  with  a  moral  education.  The 
child  is  the  unshaped  marble  out  of  which  is  hewn  the  virtuous 
man  or  the  criminal.  Shall  no  one  superintend  the  sculptor's 
work?  The  results  of  improper  and  insufficient  moral  training 
are  already  too  evident.  The  methods  of  church  and  Sunday 
school  must  be  made  more  efficient.  The  public  schools  like- 
wise cannot  afford  to  neglect  the  problem.  Furthermore,  the 
American  home  has  become  somewhat  indifferent  to  the  moral 
welfare  of  children.  By  providing  effective  moral  training  for 
the  child,  society  can  prevent  much  juvenile  delinquency,  and 
can  arm  children  against  the  temptations  of  a  vicious  environ- 
ment. Moral  training  must  have  a  prominent  place  in  a  pro- 
gram of  child  welfare. 

A  form  of  education  which  is  now  demanding  increased  at- 


16  PROBLEMS  OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

tention  is  proper  education  along  the  lines  of  sex  physiology. 
So  direful  have  been  the  consequences,  especially  to  the  female 
sex,  of  the  absence  of  needed  knowledge,  that  thinking  people 
are  justly  demanding  reform.  The  adolescent  youth  of  to-day 
should  be  protected  from  the  bitter  results  of  a  system  which 
depends  upon  the  ignorance  and  mistaken  ideals  of  parents  and 
upon  the  failure  of  the  schools  to  appreciate  the  problem.  The 
growing  thoughtlessness  and  perhaps  immorality  of  girls  also 
presents  a  grave  question.  The  physical  welfare  of  society,  the 
happiness  of  the  home,  and  the  social  emancipation  of  woman 
depend  in  large  part  upon  sufficient  rational  and  timely  instruc- 
tion in  physical  hygiene.  This  must,  however,  be  deeply  tinc- 
tured with  the  development  of  high  moral  standards ;  otherwise 
the  knowledge  acquired  will  not  gain  the  end  in  view.  Nor 
can  we  wait  until  the  young  mind  is  blackened  by  the  evil 
teaching  of  the  vicious. 

/.  Care  of  Dependent  Children. 

The  duty  of  society  to  care  for  the  dependent  and  neglected 
child  admits  of  no  controversy.  Such  children  are  not  respon- 
sible for  their  misfortunes,  and  society  is  pledged  to  grant  them 
opportunities  for  a  useful  life.  Every  child  has  a  right  to  a 
home,  and  should  have  the  opportunity  to  enjoy  a  parent's  care 
and  fondness,  since  the  home  gives  to  childhood  a  service  which 
no  other  agency  can  supply.  The  child  without  a  good  home 
suffers  an  enormous  handicap.  What  hope  remains  for  children 
whose  constant  environment  lacks  the  guidance  of  a  kind  and 
dutiful  parent?  Special  efforts  are  necessary  to  give  justice 
to  the  unfortunates. 


PART  I 
THE   CONSERVATION   OF  LIFE 


CHAPTER  I         , 
BIRTHS  AND  BIRTH  RATES 

In  discussing  the  vital  problem  of  child  life  it  seems  most 
convenient  to  begin  with  births  and  birth  rates ;  for,  although 
high  or  low  birth  rates  do  not  necessarily  imply  high  or  low 
death  rates,  they  definitely  limit  our  infant  mortality.  The 
actual  relation  between  the  two,  however,  is  of  extreme  impor- 
tance, because  upon  it  depends  the  aggregate  of  surplus  popu- 
lation. 

i.   Historical  Data. 

Little  is  known  of  the  fecundity  of  the  white  race  in  ancient 
times.  Vital  statistics  belong  entirely  to  modern  history,  and 
even  now  our  records  are  so  incomplete  that  full  information 
cannot  be  had.  However,  hints  by  ancient  writers  and  knowl- 
edge of  conditions  among  primitive  peoples  of  to-day  give  rise 
to  some  observations  which  are  not  entirely  conjectural.  That 
birth  rates  were  high  in  the  infancy  of  human  society  is  not 
certain,  but  on  the  contrary  the  works  of  many  students  of 
primitive  people  indicate  that  a  comparatively  low  death  rate 
prevailed  among  the  savage  races.  Some  of  the  causes  are  also 
known;  among  them  a  long  period  of  suckling.  Babies  were 
often  allowed  to  nurse  for  two  or  three  years ;  nor  is  this  method 
of  prevention  confined  to  primitive  peoples,  since  even  now  it 
is  employed  in  Europe  and  the  United  States.  A  second  cause 
was  licentiousness,  which  frequently  induced  sterility.  In- 
fertility was  without  doubt  an  additional  cause,  and  there  is 
evidence  that  preventive  methods  were  used  directly.  The 
cooperation  of  these  causes  frequently  limited  fecundity  to 
three  or  four  children  per  marriage,  while  the  large  family  of 
nine  or  ten  children  was  comparatively  rare. 

19 


20  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

Exorbitant  birth  rates  belong  to  a  later  period.  The  dense 
hives  of  people  in  India  and  China  are  there  to-day  because  of 
an  enormous  birth  rate,  which  annually  adds  millions  of  babies 
to  the  population.  A  large  number  of  these  die  in  infancy; 
some  suffer  from  disease ;  others,  because  of  overpopulation, 
are  the  victims  of  infanticide. 

During  the  Middle  Ages  Europe  was  stationary  in  population. 
The  enormous  death  rate  counteracted  the  effects  of  a  multitude 
of  births ;  otherwise  the  population  would  have  grown  amazingly. 
The  age  of  marriage  was  low,  and  as  late  as  the  first  half  of  the 
nineteenth  century  a  large  proportion  of  the  girls  were  married 
before  their  eighteenth  year.  The  decline  of  the  domestic 
system  with  its  long  apprenticeships,  together  with  the  advent 
of  the  industrial  revolution,  retarded  the  movement  toward 
later  marriages.  High  birth  rates  were  the  natural  conse- 
quence ;  many  wives  died  prematurely,  while  husbands  married 
twice  or  oftener,  and  huge  families  were  common.  The  average 
family  of  Franklin's  day  is  the  exceptional  family  of  the  pres- 
ent time. 

2.   Decline  in  Birth  Rates. 

The  general  decline  in  birth  rates  began  during  the  last  half 
of  the  nineteenth  century.  In  France,  however,  the  movement 
began  about  1800.  It  reached  England  next,  and  other  coun- 
tries have  followed  one  by  one  until  nearly  every  country  in 
Western  Europe  has  witnessed  a  considerable  decline.  The 
following  table  attempts  to  present  some  figures  relative  to  the 
changes  that  have  occurred  in  a  number  of  countries  within  a 
comparatively  short  space  of  time.1 

It  appears  that  Northwest  Europe  furnishes  quite  a  contrast 
to  South  and  East  Europe,  the  highest  rates  remaining  in  Russia, 
Austria,  Hungary,  and  the  Balkan  States.  Here  the  birth 
rates  continue  almost  unchanged,  and  methods  of  restriction  are 
not  in  vogue ;  likewise  the  decline  has  been  less  rapid  in  Catholic 
than  in  Protestant  countries.  In  New  Zealand  and  Australia 
a  remarkable  decline  in  birth  rate  has  occurred. 

The  few  American  states  which  collect  birth  statistics  show 

IMulhall,  Dictionary  of  Statistics. 


BIRTHS   AND   BIRTH  RATES 


21 


Crude  Birth  Rates  per  iooo  of  Population  in  Various  Countries1 


Country 


Austria 

England  and  Wales 

France      

Germany 

Sweden 

Ireland 

Hungary 

Russia  in  Europe    .     . 

Italy 

Bulgaria 

New  Zealand 
United  States  —  Mass. 
Conn. 


1841-1850 

1871-1880 

1891-1900 

37-6 

39° 

37-1 

32.6 

354 

30.0 

27.2 

25-4 

22.1 

36.1 

39-1 

36.1 

3" 

3°-5 

27.1 

26.5 

23.0 
40.6 
49.2 

36-9 

34-9 

40.7 

26.7 

25-9 

27-3 

24.7 

24.1 

1901-1905 

314 

28.1 

21.3 

34.8 

26.1 

23.2 

37-2 

324 
40.9 
26.6 
25.2 
22.5 


but  little  change  during  the  period  covered.  The  rate  for  the 
entire  United  States  in  1910  was  probably  about  27  per  1000 
population,  a  rate  similar  to  that  prevailing  in  Western  Europe. 
Our  native  population  has  a  much  lower  birth  rate  than  has  the 
foreign  element,  so  that  conditions  in  the  United  States  are 
varied  as  the  immigrant  population  is  unevenly  distributed.  In 
the  South,  however,  birth  rates  among  the  native-born  are  still 
comparatively  high.  In  Massachusetts  the  birth  rates  among 
the  foreign  born,  properly  corrected  for  age  distribution,  are 
about  twice  those  of  the  native  American  population,  but  in 
general  all  civilized  countries  indicate  a  tendency  to  reduce 
their  birth  rates  to  comparatively  low  figures. 

Formerly  the  proportion  of  births  was  relatively  high  in  the 
cities  and  the  rural  rate  lagged  somewhat.  This  condition  is 
being  reversed ;  the  cities  are  rapidly  reducing  their  rates,  while 
the  rural  districts  are  slowly  following.  Several  examples  of 
this  movement  are  indicated  in  the  following  table  of  birth  rates 
prevailing  in  a  group  of  the  largest  cities  of  Europe  and  the 
United  States. 


1  Crude  birth  rates  do  not  afford  a  satisfactory  basis  of  comparison,  but  they  do 
indicate  general  tendencies. 


22 


PROBLEMS  OF  CHILD   WELFARE 


Birth  Rates  per  iooo  Population1 


City 


Boston  .  .  . 
New  York  (old) 
Philadelphia 

Brooklyn      .  . 

St.  Louis      .  . 

London    .     .  . 

Paris  .    .    .  . 

Vienna     .     .  . 

Glasgow       .  . 

Liverpool      .  . 

Berlin       .     .  . 


1901 


1911 


28.16 

26.07 

25-5 

27.6 

21.3 

24.5    (10) 

18.4 

26.8 

18.2 

22.1     (10) 

29.0 

24.7 

21.3 

17.2 

29.9 

20.1 

3i-7 

27.7 

32.1 

30.1 

26.7 

20.8 

These  figures  show  that  in  the  four  largest  cities  of  Western 
Europe  —  London,  Paris,  Berlin,  and  Vienna  —  birth  rates  are 
below  the  average  for  their  respective  countries.  In  Great 
Britain  this  tendency  is  less  marked,  while  in  the  United  States 
the  large  immigrant  population  of  the  cities  somewhat  obscures  the 
trend.  The  apparent  increase  in  birth  rates  in  several  American 
cities  is  probably  the  result  of  better  registration.  The  cities 
showing  a  decline  are  a  better  index  of  changing  conditions. 

A  high  birth  rate  has  not  shown  itself  necessary  for  the  realiza- 
tion of  the  dream  of  those  statesmen  who  believe  that  national 
strength  lies  in  a  large  aggregate  of  population.  The  increase  in 
numbers  depends  on  the  difference  between  the  birth  and  the 
death  rates,  or  the  annual  surplus  of  births,  but  countries  with 
the  highest  birth  rates  do  not  necessarily  enjoy  the  largest  ratio 
of  survivals.  Frequently  the  converse  is  true,  and  countries 
having  high  birth  rates  suffer  from  enormous  death  rates,  and 
especially  from  a  heavy  infant  mortality.  Until  recently  the 
relative  gain  in  East  Europe,  in  spite  of  the  high  birth  rate,  was 
less  than  that  in  West  Europe,  where  the  birth  rate  was  nearly 
one-third  less.  More  important  than  the  number  of  births  is 
the  reduction  of  the  mortality.     The  menace  begins  only  when 


1  Boston  Board  of  Health,  Report,  1912,  p.  255. 


BIRTHS  AND   BIRTH  RATES  23 

the  birth  rate  has  fallen  below  the  death  rate  and  a  stationary 
or  declining  population  is  threatened. 

3.  Costs  of  Motherhood. 

The  subject  of  births  cannot  be  discussed  without  reference 
to  the  physical  cost  that  is  involved.  The  burden  of  mother- 
hood is  not  lightly  borne.  The  civilization  of  to-day  has  in  fact 
aggravated  the  pain  and  suffering  of  parturition.  Compara- 
tively easy  confinements  are  the  rule  among  primitive  people 
as  well  as  among  the  European  peasants,  but  the  unnatural  life 
of  modern  civilization  has  induced  a  physiological  condition 
which  makes  labor  difficult.  One  of  the  current  problems  is 
the  task  of  relieving  childbirth  of  its  acquired  terrors. 

Among  animals  reproduction  is  the  Alpha  and  Omega  of  in- 
dividual life,  and  everything  is  subordinated  to  the  life  of  the 
species.  Among  men,  conditions  are  different.  To  perpetuate 
the  race  is  not  the  sole  task  of  our  species,  and  the  rights,  no  less 
than  the  duties,  of  women  must  receive  consideration.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  duty  of  motherhood  must  not  be  evaded,  and  will 
remain  for  all  time.  The  necessary  hardships  involved  must  be 
borne  as  all  pain  and  suffering  arc  borne.  Nowhere  are  men  or 
women  free  from  physical  pain.  However,  fecundity  is  less 
important  than  intelligent  motherhood;  and  the  brutal  birth 
rates  of  the  past  have  not  made  society  more  efficient.  The 
mother  of  many  children  has  only  stood  more  often  by  the  open 
grave.  A  reasonable  birth  rate  has  decided  advantages,  because 
the  mother  concentrating  her  thought  on  a  few  healthy  children 
is  charged  with  power  to  promote  their  future  welfare ;  but  if 
her  energy  is  dissipated  among  a  company  of  short-lived  and  un- 
wanted children,  the  social  consequences  cannot  be  hopeful. 

A  reasonable  increase  in  population  is  a  goal  of  all  thinkers  on 
social  subjects,  and  the  small  families  that  threaten  the  extinc- 
tion of  the  race  cannot  be  condoned.  The  average  family  must 
not  only  be  large  enough  to  replace  its  parents  but  must  cover 
the  losses  resulting  from  deaths,  celibacy,  and  infertility.  This 
would  result  in  the  maintenance  of  a  stationary  population.  An 
actual  increase  will  require  a  somewhat  larger  number  of  children 
per  family ;   and  a  reasonable  birth  rate  should  meet  this  con- 


24 


PROBLEMS  OF  CHILD    WELFARE 


dition.  On  the  other  hand,  the  imprudent,  inconsiderate,  and 
machine-like  regularity  of  increase  as  effected  among  certain 
classes  of  people  finds  no  rational  justification  to-day. 

4.  Fecundity  of  Women. 

The  actual  number  of  children  born  to  individual  families 
throws  light  on  the  fecundity  of  a  population.  Especially  is  this 
true  if  the  proportions  of  single  persons  in  the  communities 
contrasted  are  approximately  the  same.  A  study  of  the  number 
of  births  per  married  woman  is,  however,  of  no  uncertain  value, 
and  the  recent  investigations  of  the  Immigration  Commission 
established  by  Congress  are  very  significant.  They  covered 
Rhode  Island,  the  cities  of  Cleveland  and  Minneapolis,  and  parts 
of  rural  Ohio  and  rural  Minnesota.  The  figures,  based  on  the 
census  of  1900,  are  summarized  in  the  following  table. 

Number  of  Births  per  Family  among  Women  under  45, 
married  10-19  Years  l 


Nationality 


All  classes 

Native  whites  of  native  parents 
Whites  of  foreign  parents 

First  generation      .     . 

Second  generation 
Polish,  first  generation 
Canadian    French,    first 
eration       .... 
Russian,  first  generation 
Italian,  first  generation 
German,  first  generation 
English,  first  generation 
Swedish,  first  generation 


gen- 


Total 
Area 


4.1 
2.7 
4.4 
4-7 
3-9 
6.2 

5-8 

5-5 
4.8 
4.9 
3-7 
4-3 


Rhode 
Island 


5-9 

* 

5-o 
3-9 
3-7 
3-9 


Cleve- 
land 


4.0 

2.4 

4-3 
4-7 
3-3 
6.1 


Minne- 
apolis 


3-5 
2.4 

3-8 
4.0 

3-4 
5-4 

4.8 

* 
4.0 

3-° 
4.0 


Rural 
Ohio 


4.0 

3-4 
4-5 
4.6 

3-8 
5-6 


5-4 
4-5 
4-7 
4.0 

4-3 


Rural 
Minne- 
sota 


5-o 
3-4 
5-2 
5-5 
4-7 
6.9 

6.1 

5-9 

* 

5-6 
4.2 

5-i 


*  Number  insufficient  to  establish  proportions. 

Considering  all  classes,  it  appears  that  the  number  of  births 
per  marriage  was  4.1.     The  number  among  whites  of  native 

1  Report  of  the  Immigration  Commission,  Vol.  2,  p.  497.  The  above  table  is 
not  complete,  but  is  representative  of  conditions,  a  limited  number  of  nationalities 
being  included  for  purposes  of  illustration. 


BIRTHS   AND   BIRTH   RATES  25 

extraction  was  only  2.7.  The  whites  of  foreign  parentage  were 
divided  into  two  groups —  immigrants,  and  native-born  of  foreign 
parents.  In  each  of  the  five  areas  studied  the  fecundity  of  im- 
migrants exceeded  that  of  the  second  generation  —  a  fact  which 
was  also  true  of  almost  all  nationalities  studied.  The  contacts 
and  conditions  of  American  civilization  clearly  reduce  the  aver- 
age number  of  children  born  per  marriage. 

In  Rhode  Island,  which  is  largely  urban,  we  find  a  sharp  con- 
trast between  the  fecundity  of  women  of  native  and  of  foreign 
extraction  —  a  difference  of  two  births  per  marriage,  with  the 
highest  figures  reported  for  Italians  and  Poles.  The  facts  for 
the  city  of  Cleveland  are  very  similar.  There  the  number  of 
births  for  all  classes  was  4,  and  for  women  of  native  extraction 
2.4.  The  largest  average  number  of  births  per  marriage  was 
found  among  the  Poles  —  6.1,  with  the  amazing  regularity  of 
a  birth  every  2.3  years,  which  is  2\  times  the  rate  among  the 
American  women.  The  French  Canadians  stood  second,  and 
the  Italians  third. 

The  study  of  the  rural  districts  adduced  some  interesting  in- 
formation. In  rural  Ohio  and  rural  Minnesota  the  average 
married  woman  of  native  parentage  bore  3.4  children,  exactly 
one  more  than  her  Cleveland  and  Minneapolis  sisters.  Strangely 
enough,  the  fecundity  in  the  rural  sections  of  these  states  seems 
very  similar,  and  the  two  cities  likewise  closely  resemble  each 
other.  In  rural  Ohio  a  birth  among  the  women  of  native  ex- 
traction occurred  every  4.1  years.  It  seems  therefore  that  the 
native  birth-rate  in  the  rural  districts  is  not  only  much  higher 
than  that  in  the  cities,  but  is  also  sufficient  to  maintain  the 
population  and  even  increase  it  slightly,  since  the  infant  mortality 
in  country  localities  is  low.  Little  difference  in  the  rates  of 
country  and  towns  was  discovered  for  the  foreign  born ; 
nearly  everywhere  they  are  more  prolific  than  the  Americans. 

The  summary  for  the  entire  area  investigated  indicates  the 
fecundity  per  marriage  as  follows  :  Poles,  6.2  ;  French  Canadian, 
5.8;  Russian,  5.5;  German,  4.9;  Swedish,  4.3  ;  English,  3.7; 
American,  2.7  ;  all  classes,  4.1.  For  good  or  for  ill  the  native 
blood  in  the  cities  is  being  gradually  displaced  with  stock  that 


26 


PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 


is  essentially  foreign.  In  the  country  districts  nationality  counts 
for  less  and  the  native  stock  is  holding  its  own,  and  so  large 
a  proportion  of  the  United  States  is  still  rural  that  if  the  rates 
discussed  above  are  representative  for  the  entire  rural  area,  the 
displacement  will  be  less  rapid.  Then  too  it  is  certain  that 
among  the  almost  exclusively  native  population  of  the  South, 
the  birth  rate  is  comparatively  high.  The  situation  is  also 
somewhat  modified  by  the  higher  death  rates  among  children 
of  foreign  parentage.  As  a  result,  the  difference  in  fecundity  is 
much  greater  than  the  actual  size  of  family  would  indicate. 

5.  Sterility. 

The  problem  of  sterility  is  rapidly  gaining  in  importance. 
Society  is  directly  interested  because  birth  rates  are  retarded, 
while  individuals  mourn  their  loss.  Some  facts  representing 
the  conditions  in  the  area  investigated  by  the  Immigration 
Commission  are  shown  in  the  following  table. 

Percentage  of  Women   under  45,  married  10  to  19  Years,  having 

had  no  Children1 


Nationality 

Total 
Area 

Rhode 
Island 

Cleve- 
land 

Minne- 
apolis 

Rural 
Ohio 

Rural 

Minne- 
sota 

7.4 

"•3 

17-5 
8.0 

* 

9-5 

5-i 
* 

8.9 

* 

7.6 

8.1 

15-2 

6-3 

2.4 

4-7 
4.9 

2-3 

11.4 

2-3 

8.6 

8-5 

12.7 

6.9 

0. 

5-4 
* 

9-7 
11. 1 

3-5 
5-9 

5-2 

5-7 
5-i 

6.4 
3-8 

4-5 

2.8 

5-3 

2-5 

5-o 

VO 

Native  whites  of  native  parents 
White  of  foreign  parents     .     . 
Women  of  foreign  birth  : 

German 

Italian 

*3-i 

5-7 

2.4 

3-9 
4-0 

5-i 
2.7 

2.4 
1.8 

* 

Polish        

2.6 

1.7 

8.0 

6.8 

2.K 

1.8 

7.2 

*  Number  insufficient  to  establish  proportions. 

Most  startling  differences  occur  among  the  various  groups. 
More  than  one-eighth  of  the  American  women  are  sterile,  but 

1  Report  of  the  Immigration  Commission,  Vol.  2,  p.  495. 


BIRTHS  AND   BIRTH  RATES  27 

rates  in  the  city  are  much  higher  than  in  the  country.  In 
Rhode  Island  we  find  17.5  per  cent,  in  rural  Minnesota  only  5.1 
per  cent.  The  rates  among  women  of  foreign  parentage  are 
lower  in  every  instance,  and  among  the  more  prolific  immigrant 
groups  are  almost  negligible,  —  among  Russians,  Poles,  and 
Bohemians  not  over  2.6  per  cent,  or  one  woman  out  of  40. 

As  sterility  is  socially  undesirable,  its  causes  need  urgent 
study,  and  if  possible  should  be  removed.  Although  no  data  are 
available,  many  physicians  claim  that  a  large  proportion  of  it 
is  due  to  the  prevalence  of  those  social  diseases  which  induce 
sterility  in  women.  If  this  is  the  primary  cause,  then  men  in 
the  rural  districts  are  more  moral  and  are  freer  from  disease 
than  men  in  the  cities;  this  the  author  firmly  believes  to  be 
the  case.  It  also  indicates  that  a  high  degree  of  morality  exists 
among  our  recent  immigrant  classes.  On  the  other  hand,  dis- 
ease of  various  kinds  has  rendered  many  women  sterile.  Im- 
morality cannot  be  blamed  for  this.  Some  sterility  also  exists 
among  men,  and  without  doubt  a  small  but  increasing  proportion 
of  women  deliberately  refuse  to  bear  children.  This  percentage 
is  larger  among  the  American  than  among  the  immigrant  groups. 

Immorality  is  baneful,  not  so  much  in  preventing  all  births  as 
in  rendering  women  sterile  when  one  birth  has  occurred.  It  is 
a  fruitful  cause  of  one-child  marriages,  and  even  among  Ameri- 
cans, where  at  least  two  children  are  desired  in  a  family,  fre- 
quently the  second  child  is  never  born.  Moreover,  the  pangs 
of  childbirth  once  experienced  deter  American  women  more 
than  immigrant  mothers  who,  on  the  whole,  have  easier  confine- 
ments and  also  believe  that  conscious  restriction  is  unethical. 
The  comparative  importance  of  the  different  causes  of  sterility 
is  unknown,  but  it  is  plain  that  strenuous  efforts  are  needed  to 
save  women  from  the  ravages  and  disasters  of  the  social  dis- 
eases. Men  alone  can  accomplish  this  end  by  keeping  their 
minds  clean  and  their  lives  pure. 

6.  Still-births. 

Our  vital  statistics  have  imprudently  neglected  the  still-births. 
These  are  included  neither  under  births  nor  deaths,  so  that  fre- 
quently no  count  whatever  is  made  of  their  number.     In  consid- 


28  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

ering  the  problem  of  the  potential  life  of  a  community,  however, 
the  number  and  proportion  of  still-births  must  be  calculated, 
since  fecundity  is  not  correctly  measured  by  living  births,  but 
by  the  sum  of  still  and  living  births.  In  American  cities  about 
4  per  cent  of  all  babies  are  born  dead,  which  means  about  one 
still-birth  annually  for  every  iooo  of  the  population  —  cer- 
tainly an  item  of  considerable  importance.  Widespread  knowl- 
edge in  regard  to  the  causes  is  necessary,  and  the  public  must 
know  of  the  menacing  effects  of  alcohol,  social  disease,  and  over- 
work, for  most  still-births  could  be  avoided.  The  development 
of  efficient  methods  of  prenatal  care,  as  will  be  shown  later,  will 
go  far  toward  adding  this  group  of  cases  to  the  living  births  and 
thereby  contributing  to  our  potential  population. 

7.  Causes  of  Declining  Birth  Rates. 

The  desirability  of  comparatively  low  birth  rates  is  being 
recognized;  nevertheless  rates  in  France  and  among  some  native 
American  classes  are  too  low  to  be  socially  justified.  The  causes 
of  this  condition  may,  however,  be  partly  subject  to  treatment 
and  removal.  To  begin  with,  it  is  probable  that  the  proportion 
of  couples  deliberately  remaining  childless  is  small,  but  it  is  true 
that  a  large  percentage  of  the  boarding-house  population  refuses 
to  rear  children. 

Natural  causes  play  a  prominent  part  in  reducing  the  birth  rate. 
The  rising  age  of  marriage  deducts  several  years  from  the  pro- 
ductive period  of  life ;  and  American  women  marry  at  an  average 
age  of  25  years,  whereas  it  was  formerly  customary  to  marry 
before  21.  This  alone  accounts  for  a  reduction  of  at  least  one 
child  per  family.  As  present  economic  conditions  do  not  favor 
a  return  to  earlier  marriages  this  cause  is  likely  to  become  com- 
paratively permanent. 

The  voluntary  avoidance  of  large  families  is  probably  the  prin- 
cipal cause  of  the  decline  in  birth  rates ;  and  since  among  native 
American  women  especially,  the  ethics  of  restriction  are  justified, 
the  birth  rate  is  definitely  controlled.  As  a  causative  force  the 
cost  of  living  is  a  decided  factor,  for  with  the  constant  raising  of 
standards,  men  with  large  families  cannot  afford  the  coveted 
plane  of  living.     Young  couples  frequently  find  that  a  child 


BIRTHS   AND   BIRTH   RATES  29 

would  handicap  them  financially  and  socially,  so  they  avoid 
family  obligations  until  they  believe  themselves  ready.  Any 
such  delay  necessarily  results  in  a  lower  birth  rate. 

Among  the  well-to-do  the  love  of  ease  and  of  pleasure  is  a 
more  important  factor  than  visions  of  a  high  standard  of  living. 
Many  women  prefer  cats  and  dogs  to  babies,  and  do  not  wish  to 
be  handicapped  in  their  daily  routine  of  social  duties  by  babies 
that  need  attention.  They  are  not  willing  to  sacrifice  either 
time  or  energy  for  the  most  important  race  duty,  but  live  self- 
ishly, trying  to  glean  sheaves  of  enjoyment  in  the  field  of  artificial 
pleasures.  This  group,  because  of  its  financial  capacity  for 
properly  rearing  a  family,  needs  more  than  any  other  to  develop 
a  consciousness  of  its  moral  obligation  to  the  race  and  of  its 
overbearing  and  undermining  selfishness. 

A  considerable  proportion  of  men  and  women  do  not  marry, 
and  consequently  do  not  become  parents.  In  1910  88.5  per 
cent  of  the  women  from  35  to  44  years  of  age  were  married, 
widowed,  or  divorced,  —  figures  which  indicate  that  11.5  per 
cent,  of  child-bearing  age,  were  still  single.  Probably  but  few 
of  these  marry,  so  that,  having  escaped  responsibility  of  child- 
bearing,  they  throw  a  greater  burden  on  the  remainder.  From 
the  sociological  point  of  view  all  women  who  are  physically  and 
mentally  fit  should  marry  and  have  a  part  in  the  perpetuation 
of  the  race. 

Natural  and  artificial  causes  are  both  contributing  to  a  decline 
in  our  birth  rates,  but  in  so  far  as  they  do  not  deplete  our  popu- 
lation, they  do  not  offer  a  serious  problem.  Opposition  to  a 
judicious  limitation  of  size  of  family  is  reactionary  and  unsocial. 
Infertility  and  undue  restrictions,  however,  furnish  several  prob- 
lems which  must  be  fearlessly  attacked  and  solved.  Among 
the  necessary  reforms  are  : 

The  reduction  of  sterility,  whether  due  to  conscious  action 
or  disease. 

The  elimination  of  still-births,  through  the  development  of 
proper  prenatal  care,  through  protection  from  disease,  and 
through  the  removal  of  other  causes. 

An  increase  in  the  marriage  rate  and  a  reduction  in  the  nura- 


3° 


PROBLEMS  OF  CHILD  WELFARE 


ber  of  marriageable  celibate  men  and  women.  This  reform  in- 
volves considerable  change  in  economic  conditions  and  will  be 
difficult  to  achieve. 

8.  Registration  of  Births. 

American  states  have  been  very  negligent  in  providing  for  the 
proper  registration  of  births.  In  191 1  the  six  New  England 
states,  with  Pennsylvania  and  Michigan,  were  the  only  ones 
which  provided  for  adequate  birth  registration,  and  even  here 
the  machinery  for  collecting  the  records  is  not  entirely  satisfac- 
tory. Many  of  the  large  cities  also  provide  for  the  regular  re- 
porting of  all  births  and  have  gathered  fairly  accurate  statistics 
by  means  of  birth  certificates  which  usually  contain  the  names, 
ages,  and  occupations  of  fathers  and  mothers;  also  the  legiti- 
macy of  the  child,  and  the  number  of  the  birth  in  the  family. 
However,  if  the  child  is  illegitimate,  the  father's  name  is  not 
usually  entered  — ■  a  serious  injustice  to  mothers  and  babies  that 
can  be  righted  only  with  the  greatest  difficulty,  because  immoral 
men  will  not  deliberately  bear  the  burden  and  shame  of  their 
own  misdeeds. 

The  Federal  Children's  Bureau  is  endeavoring  to  create  senti- 
ment in  favor  of  better  birth  records,  so  that  the  small  "birth 
registration  area  "  of  the  United  States  may  make  a  consistent 
increase.  Physicians  and  midwives  must  both  be  required  to 
obey  the  law  and  file  properly  filled  out  records.  At  present 
the  ignorance  of  midwives  frequently  prevents  them  from  re- 
turning acceptable  certificates,  while  many  physicians  are  too 
careless  and  non-social  to  perform  their  duty  conscientiously. 


CHAPTER  II 

THE  WASTE   OF  LIFE 

i.  The  Waste  of  Life. 

The  law  of  natural  selection  has  been  a  tremendous  factor  in 
fixing  the  physiological  traits  of  human  kind.  From  the  begin- 
ning of  human  life  up  to  the  present  time  it  has  been  ceaseless  in 
its  operation,  but  has  diminished  in  intensity  with  the  gradually 
increasing  control  by  man  of  the  natural  environment.  The 
waste  which  natural  selection  incurs  among  animal  life  is  stu- 
pendous. But  for  the  rigorous  processes  and  destructiveness  of 
nature,  even  the  most  slowly  reproducing  animals  would  soon 
overstock  the  earth.  The  early  life  of  man  is  a  constant  story 
of  struggle  and  contest,  and  the  primitive  races  have  always 
suffered  from  an  enormous  waste  of  lives.  Every  advance  in 
civilization  means  a  saving  of  human  life  and  a  more  economical 
use  of  nature's  bounties.  Civilization  implies  an  increasing  use 
of  all  our  mental  and  physical  powers  and  the  most  efficient 
utilization  of  the  many  forces  of  nature.  The  more  primitive 
a  society,  the  more  absolute  is  its  subjection  to  the  conditions  of 
environment  and  the  more  helpless  are  its  members  in  the  face 
of  disease  and  death. 

Probably  in  no  other  field  of  human  activity  has  man's  igno- 
rance been  more  lamentable  in  its  consequences  than  in  that  of 
rearing  children  —  the  future  parents  of  the  race.  Even  the 
slow  increase  of  savage  tribes  is  purchased  at  a  tremendous 
expenditure  of  energy,  and  the  number  of  infants  and  little 
children  whose  physical  and  economic  cost  has  never  been  com- 
pensated for  by  useful  and  productive  lives  has  been  appalling. 
Although  decreasing  costs  of  progress  characterize  an  advancing 

31 


32  PROBLEMS  OF  CHILD  WELFARE 

civilization,  nations  have  but  recently  begun  to  realize  the  costs 
involved  in  the  loss  of  infant  and  child  lives.1 

The  sacredness  of  human  life  is  no  longer  a  mere  principle. 
It  is  a  rule  of  action  and  has  found  expression  in  the  voluntary 
efforts  made  to  reduce  the  death  rates.  Happily  the  history  of 
recent  centuries  demonstrates  the  possibility  of  tremendous 
progress,  and  the  gradual  decrease  in  mortality  indicates  that 
medical  and  sanitary  science  has  been  slowly  gaining  ground. 
Mortality  rates  both  for  infants  and  adults  depend  upon  many 
complex  considerations,  and  society  has  been  learning  the  social, 
economic,  and  physiological  factors  which  determine  the  fluctua- 
tions, gains,  and  losses.  The  economic  conditions,  the  social 
environment,  the  moral  and  intellectual  standards,  and  the  ad- 
vance in  medical  science  of  any  community  are  especially  re- 
flected in  the  vitality  of  its  children.  In  fact,  the  infant  and  child 
mortality  of  a  people  is  a  barometer  of  their  social  progress. 

The  problem  of  infant  mortality  formerly  received  but  little 
attention  apart  from  occasional  references  to  the  subject  by  phy- 
sicians. When  birth  rates  were  high,  the  social  consequences 
of  a  large  annual  loss  of  life  were  hardly  apparent,  and  the  matter 
received  but  little  consideration.  Besides,  economic  necessity 
pressed  men  down  and  prevented  them  from  attempting  reforms. 
In  recent  years,  because  life  has  become  a  more  precious  posses- 
sion, the  individual  has  gained  in  value,  and  moral  obligations 
now  compel  us  to  save  life  whenever  possible. 

Infants  naturally  reap  their  share  of  the  advantages  that  have 
followed  the  greater  consideration  of  human  life.  In  fact,  the 
history  of  infant  mortality  indicates  that  special  attention  has 
been  given  to  the  children. 

2.  Decline  in  the  Death  Rates  of  Children. 

Whatever  be  the  present  waste  of  child  life  we  must  not  over- 
look the  progress  of  the  last  two  centuries.  Historically  speak- 
ing, the  gain  has  been  almost  immeasurable.  Two  hundred 
years  ago  a  large  majority  of  the  children  born  in  London  per- 
ished before  they  reached  the  fifth  year  of  life,  but  to-day  the 
proportion  is  less  than  one-fifth.     Yet  the  beginnings  of  national 

1  As  used  in  this  book  "infant"  refers  to  a  child  under  one  year  of  age. 


THE  WASTE   OF   LIFE  33 

life  throughout  Europe  were  everywhere  accompanied  by  a 
similar  waste  of  child  life.  Therefore  the  population  of  nearly 
every  European  country  remained  almost  stationary  for  decades 
and  rose  but  slowly  until  about  1750.  The  infant  mortality 
of  London  was  little  higher  than  that  of  other  English  cities,  and 
all  England,  as  well  as  the  continent,  lived  beneath  the  pall  of 
the  blighting  destroyer  of  little  children.  As  late  as  1761,  50 
per  cent  of  the  English  population  died  before  reaching  the  age 
of  20.  The  enormous  gam  of  to-day  is  not  appreciated  until 
one  realizes  that  at  present  one-half  of  the  people  of  England  live 
until  the  fifty-fourth  year  has  been  reached.  It  is  not  surprising 
to  learn  that  in  Prussia  during  the  decade  1 751-1760  nearly 
seven-tenths  of  the  children  failed  to  reach  the  age  of  ten.1 
Practically  three-fourths  of  the  entire  population  died  before 
they  were  able  to  contribute  to  society  and  while  they  were  still 
a  cost  to  parents.  Russia  likewise  gave  but  little  attention  to 
the  moral  and  social  conditions  which  result  in  a  low  infantile 
death  rate.  It  has  been  estimated  that  at  the  beginning  of  the 
nineteenth  century  only  one-third  of  the  children  of  Russian 
peasants  grew  to  maturity,  and  not  more  than  36  per  cent  of  the 
entire  population  of  Russia  reached  the  age  of  twenty  years. 
Not  so  many  years  ago  many  scientists  believed  that  a  city  popu- 
lation left  to  its  own  reproductive  powers  would  gradually  die 
out,  and  doubtless  this  was  at  one  time  true.  Luckily  this  dis- 
mal philosophy  has  been  dissipated  by  the  humanitarian  and 
scientific  progress  of  our  recent  civilization.  Cities  actually 
do  maintain  themselves  and  boast  of  a  birth  rate  larger  than 
their  death  rate.  Although  they  draw  heavily  upon  the  rural 
districts,  they  would  still  increase  in  size  were  they  to  rely  en- 
tirely upon  their  own  native  vitality. 

3.  Historical  Stages. 

a.  First  Period. 

Three  separate  stages  or  periods  may  be  observed  in  the  his- 
tory of  infant  mortality,  and  each  is  characterized  by  its  own  dis- 

1  Roscher,  William,  Political  Economy,  Vol.  II,  p.  307.     These  statistics,  as  well 
as  most  figures  for  the  eighteenth  century  and  before,  probably  contain  a  consider- 
able percentage  of  error. 
D 


34 


PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 


tinctive  features  and  results.  The  first  stage  began  with  society 
itself  and  represents  the  period  during  which  ignorance  and  in- 
difference were  slowly  succeeded  by  increased  attention  to  the 
lot  of  the  new-born  and  helpless  child.  Only  the  most  patent 
and  active  causes  of  mortality  were  removed,  however.  During 
this  period  began  the  triumph  of  man's  power  over  disease,  but 
the  absence  of  preventive  medicine  and  the  incapacity  to  cure 
disease  were  serious  handicaps.  Probably  the  history  of  the 
Caucasian  race  furnishes  no  more  striking  example  of  the  power 
and  havoc  of  scourge  than  that  of  smallpox.  Formerly  it  was 
the  most  frightful  of  contagious  diseases,  and  very  few  individ- 
uals —  probably  not  more  than  4  per  cent  of  all  persons  reach- 
ing the  age  of  thirty  —  escaped  all  attacks  of  this  ever-present 
plague.  Two-thirds  of  the  entire  infant  population  are  said  to 
have  been  attacked,  and  a  large  mortality  resulted.  Wester- 
gaarde  tells  us  that  in  Sweden  during  the  decade  1751-1760,  13 
per  cent  of  all  deaths  was  due  to  smallpox  —  a  proportion  far 
in  excess  of  that  caused  by  the  "  White  Plague  "  of  to-day. 
During  certain  years  the  proportion  in  France  rose  to  10  per 
cent,  while  that  in  Liverpool  has  been  as  high  as  20  per  cent. 

Toward  the  close  of  the  eighteenth  century  the  remarkable 
discoveries  of  Jenner  finally  brought  smallpox  into  subjection. 
A  very  rapid  decline  in  the  mortality  from  this  disease  imme- 
diately took  place,  so  that  deaths  from  smallpox  have  become  an 
almost  negligible  factor  in  the  records  of  present  vital  statistics. 
If  Sweden's  mortality  during  the  decade  1751-1760  were  dupli- 
cated to-day,  it  would  mean  approximately  3000  deaths  annually 
in  a  city  of  700,000  population,  yet  in  St.  Louis,  a  city  of  this 
size,  not  a  single  death  from  this  cause  occurred  in  191 2.  Boston, 
with  nearly  the  same  population,  reported  only  three  deaths  and 
twenty-five  cases  in  eight  years  (1904-19 n).  The  pitted 
faces  once  so  common  are  seldom  seen  to-day. 

Smallpox  was  formerly  a  children's  disease,  simply  because 
almost  all  adults  had  been  attacked  in  early  youth.  Without 
quarantine  facilities,  and  with  no  knowledge  of  preventive  meas- 
ures, it  was  absolutely  impossible  for  children  to  escape  exposure 
to  the  disease,  but  to-day  the  average  age  of  persons  dying  from 


THE  WASTE   OF  LIFE  35 

smallpox  is  twenty-seven  years.  Vaccination  has  proven  a 
most  remarkable  boon,  and  has  saved  more  lives  than  any  other 
specific  for  disease.  So  insidious  and  contagious  is  smallpox, 
that  the  method  of  vaccination  is  still  necessary  to  protect  a 
community.  Because  of  the  practical  elimination  of  smallpox, 
largely  through  vaccination,  the  average  duration  of  life  has 
been  increased  three  and  one-half  years.  The  opponents  of 
vaccination  have  no  sound  arguments  to  support  their  conten- 
tions, for  the  historical  evidence  in  favor  of  the  use  of  vaccine 
is  absolutely  overwhelming. 

The  progress  made  during  this  period  is  further  illustrated  by 
the  decreased  variations  in  the  general  death  rates  of  London.1 
For  example,  in  the  decade  1740-17  50  the  rates  fluctuated  as 
much  as  60  per  cent  from  year  to  year,  and  during  the  following 
half  century  fluctuations  of  33!  per  cent  were  common,  but  in 
the  decade  1820-1830  the  variations  did  not  exceed  20  per  cent. 
Even  such  a  percentage  would  furnish  occasion  for  alarm  at  the 
present  day.  In  fact,  a  variation  from  the  normal  of  i\  deaths 
per  1000  of  the  population,  that  is,  of  about  10  per  cent,  would 
at  once  force  a  board  of  health  to  institute  a  searching  investi- 
gation of  the  causes. 

This  period  closed  about  1840,  by  which  time  the  infant  mor- 
tality was  reduced  to  a  rate  but  little  higher  than  that  prevailing 
at  the  beginning  of  the  twentieth  century.  Among  the  improve- 
ments which  had  been  made  and  which  were  largely  responsible 
for  the  reduced  death  rates  were  the  following :  improved  hous- 
ing, more  effective  sanitation,  better  hygiene,  an  increase  in  the 
general  food  supply,  the  elimination  of  famine,  the  development 
of  safeguards  against  pestilence,  and  increased  knowledge  of 
medical  science. 

b.  Second  Period. 

The  second  period  lasted  until  the  very  recent  past,  and  many 
localities  still  retain  the  characteristics  of  this  stage.  Extensive 
gains  had  been  made  during  the  former  period,  but  nothing  was 
as  yet  known  about  the  germ.  Improvements  of  many  kinds 
were  made,  but  the  chief  gainers  were  adults:    for  example, 

1  Roscher,  William,  Political  Economy,  Vol.  II,  p.  308. 


36  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD  WELFARE 

between  1850  and  1900  the  death  rate  in  England  for  children 
under  one  year  of  age  remained  practically  unchanged,  but  the 
general  death  rate  fell  18  per  cent.  This  fact  indicates  either 
indifference  to  the  causes  of  infant  mortality  or  inability  to  pre- 
vent disease.  The  condition,  however,  was  general ;  France 
actually  showed  an  increase  in  infant  death  rates  between  1840 
and  1880,  and  in  many  German  localities  alarming  rates  still 
prevail.  In  Massachusetts  the  mortality  of  children  under  the 
age  of  one  increased  slightly  between  1856  and  1895,  but  mean- 
while the  death  rates  of  children  under  five  slowly  declined.  It 
is  probable  therefore  that  the  needs  of  infants  were  not  under- 
stood, nor  were  the  means  of  meeting  such  needs  known.  The 
peculiar  susceptibility  of  the  babe  to  the  slightest  change,  either 
in  external  conditions  or  in  the  character  of  the  food  given,  was 
not  appreciated  nor  understood.  Furthermore,  infants  suffered 
from  the  comparatively  low  valuation  at  which  they  were  rated. 
The  child  generally  receives  a  smaller  per  capita  amount  of 
appreciation  in  a  large  family  than  he  does  in  a  small  one,  and  in 
this  period  the  former  was  still  the  rule. 

Perhaps  the  all-absorbing  growth  of  industrialism  deflected 
attention  from  many  of  the  serious  social  problems  of  the  day. 
The  doctrine  of  personal  liberty  also  had  a  firm  hold  on  the 
people,  and  interference  with  individuals  to  save  them  from  the 
consequences  of  their  own  ignorance  was  hardly  justified.  Laws 
affecting  child  labor  and  the  employment  of  women  had  indeed 
been  passed  and  put  into  operation,  but  no  strong  sentiment 
supported  such  laws.  To  carry  the  work  of  education  to  the 
parents'  homes  was  too  bold  a  proposition,  for  society  was  not 
privileged  to  interfere.  Philanthropy  was  busy  with  a  reme- 
dial program,  and  but  little  attention  was  paid  to  preventive 
methods. 

c.  Third  Period.     Preventive  Methods. 

The  third  period,  which  is  characterized  by  intensive  methods 
of  saving  human  life,  has  only  recently  begun.  In  order  to  make 
progress,  old  principles  must  be  discarded  and  new  ones  accepted, 
it  having  been  especially  necessary  to  abandon  the  theory  of 
laissez  /aire.    Problems  of  human  betterment  must  be  solved 


THE   WASTE   OF   LIFE  37 

in  a  practical  manner.  To  recognize  the  social  importance  of 
the  birth  of  a  child  is  to  recognize  the  duty  of  society  to  grant 
that  child  an  opportunity.  Following  this  principle  every  large 
American  city  has  redoubled  its  efforts  in  recent  years  to  reduce 
its  infant  mortality,  medical  science  having  provided  the  greatest 
incentive  to  preventive  work.  The  rapid  growth  of  knowledge 
about  the  microorganisms  or  germs  that  attack  the  human 
body  is  proving  of  tremendous  value.  The  investigations  and 
discoveries  of  Pasteur  have  done  more  to  stimulate  intensive 
methods  of  lessening  infant  mortality  than  any  other  factor. 
It  has  been  learned  that  the  most  dangerous  and  destructive 
children's  diseases  can  be  almost  entirely  eliminated  by  recently 
discovered  methods  of  attacking  germ  diseases.  If  vigorously 
applied,  they  should  bring  about  an  enormous  reduction  in  the 
infant  mortality  of  the  day. 

4.  Economic  Cost  of  Child  Mortality. 

Industrial  progress  has  far  outstripped  our  advance  in  stand- 
ards of  life.  The  utilization  of  material  formerly  wasted  has 
been  developed  into  a  science,  and  in  some  cases  the  difference 
between  profit  and  loss  has  been  measured  by  this  saving.  The 
continued  decrease  of  necessary  cost  and  labor  is  one  of  the  aims 
of  industry,  and  if  we  apply  this  principle  to  the  cost  of  propagat- 
ing the  human  race,  we  find  that  society  has  hardly  begun  to 
conserve  its  physical  powers  in  economical  ways.  Thousands 
of  lives  are  still  needlessly  sacrificed  because  of  failure  to  appre- 
ciate the  loss.  Every  child  born  into  this  world  represents  an 
investment,  the  value  of  which  is  measured  by  his  expectation 
of  life  at  birth ;  and  if  his  expectation  is  low,  society  cannot  hope 
for  a  heavy  gain  from  its  outlay,  since  the  economic  advantage 
derived  from  his  services  will  be  small,  and  will  correspond  to  a 
low  rate  of  interest  on  an  investment.  Productive  human  lives 
are  the  assets  of  society,  and  the  dividends  of  progress  depend 
upon  the  sum  total  of  years  spent  in  useful  service.  The  heavy 
economic  loss  resulting  from  a  high  infant  mortality  can  be  but 
vaguely  expressed  in  figures  of  mortality  or  longevity.  The  loss 
of  time  and  energy  by  the  expectant  mother  is  also  an  item  of 
great  importance.     It  is  difficult  to  approximate  the  probable 


38  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD  WELFARE 

cost  incurred  in  rearing  the  children  who  die  before  the  age  of 
fifteen  has  been  reached.  In  most  cases  the  child  before  this 
age  is  not  a  producer,  but  a  consumer,  and  remains  an  economic 
cost  to  society.  In  addition,  vast  sums  are  expended  to  develop 
the  efficiency  of  the  children,  and  hundreds  of  dollars  are  lavished 
on  them,  society  naturally  expecting  some  reimbursement  for 
its  expenditure.  If  we  pause  to  consider  that  every  death  of  a 
child  below  the  age  of  puberty  means  an  absolute  loss  of  poten- 
tial capital  and  productive  power,  our  imagination  slowly  begins 
to  appreciate  the  appalling  loss  to  society  that  high  death  rates 
among  children  involve.  The  older  the  child,  the  greater  the 
cost  which  he  has  entailed,  and  the  greater  the  loss  in  case  of 
death.  It  has  been  estimated  that  among  the  Bontoc  Igorrote 
of  the  Philippines,  60  per  cent  of  all  persons  die  before  the  age  of 
puberty  is  reached.  Much  of  their  energy  is  spent  in  simply 
trying  to  maintain  their  present  numbers. 

Western  civilization  has  suffered  severely  from  its  tardy  atten- 
tion to  problems  of  health  and  vitality.  Estimates  based  on 
records  for  Geneva,  Switzerland,  indicate  that  the  expectation 
of  life  at  birth  rose  from  twenty-one  and  one-sixth  years  in  the 
last  half  of  the  sixteenth  century  to  forty  and  two-thirds  years 
in  the  first  quarter  of  the  nineteenth.  Considered  from  the 
economic  point  of  view,  however,  the  productivity  per  equal 
amounts  of  population  in  the  latter  period  is  much  greater 
than  in  the  former.  The  duration  of  life  after  the  fifteenth 
year  was  about  six  years  in  the  sixteenth  century,  but  twenty- 
five  in  the  nineteenth.  This  makes  the  average  individual  of 
the  last  century  of  far  greater  economic  value  to  his  community 
than  the  individual  of  the  earlier  period.  Productive  human 
lives  have  been  purchased  at  an  enormous  cost,  and  an  increas- 
ing age  at  death  represents  a  great  social  advance. 

England,  France,  Germany,  and  the  minor  European  coun- 
tries all  testify  to  the  gradually  increasing  expectation  of  life 
of  their  inhabitants.  The  tables  computed  for  Netherlands 
show  a  most  remarkable  degree  of  progress :  for  example,  in 
the  period  1811-1825  one-half  of  the  males  died  before  reaching 
the  age  of  twenty-five,  but  during  the  decade  1 860-1 869  forty 


THE  WASTE  OF  LIFE  39 

years  represented  a  probable  lifetime.  The  table  by  Van 
Pesch  for  1890-1899  shows  that  the  fifty-sixth  year  is  now  passed 
before  one-half  of  the  males  perish,  although  only  one-fourth 
were  left  at  that  age  in  the  period  181 6- 1827. 

American  records  also  indicate  the  heavy  economic  loss  due 
to  high  rates  of  mortality.  In  1900  the  average  expectation  of 
life  in  Massachusetts  was  forty-six  years,  and  that  for  the 
entire  United  States  probably  did  not  differ  much  from  this. 
At  least  25  per  cent  of  all  children  die  before  the  age  of  fifteen ; 
only  about  75  per  cent  reach  the  productive  period  of  life  and 
begin  to  yield  returns  upon  the  social  investment.  Risking  the 
possibility  of  a  future  advantage  from  their  services,  society  has, 
through  their  parents,  provided  the  children  with  food,  clothing, 
shelter,  and  other  necessary  means  of  subsistence.  It  has  given 
the  older  children  educational  advantages  and,  through  the 
agency  of  the  community,  has  offered  moral  and  religious 
instruction.  Fortunately  five-eighths  of  the  total  mortality  of 
the  children  under  fifteen  falls  within  the  first  five  years  of  life, 
when  the  economic  cost  of  the  child  has  not  assumed  extensive 
proportions.  The  importance  and  significance  of  this  economic 
problem  has  not  received  due  recognition. 

5.  Mental  and  Moral  Effects. 

From  the  moral  and  intellectual  point  of  view,  the  infant 
mortality  of  the  ages  has  been  a  constant  reproach  to  men.  It 
is  a  remarkable  fact  that  a  high  infant  mortality  tends  to  inflict 
upon  a  people  a  fatalistic  belief  from  which  recovery  is  very 
difficult.  It  fetters  the  minds  and  the  souls  of  men  and  causes 
them  to  rest  the  blame  upon  the  Divine  instead  of  placing  it 
where  it  belongs  —  upon  social  neglect.  Even  to-day,  many 
a  mother  consoles  herself  with  the  thought  that  it  was  God's 
will  to  take  from  her  the  victim  of  contagion  or  digestive  disease. 
She  does  not  know  of  the  apparent  discriminations  against  the 
poor,  the  overcrowded,  and  the  ignorant.  Ignorance  develops 
fatalism,  and  fatalism  checks  the  advance  of  science. 

Another  obstacle  to  progress  has  been  the  attitude  of  a  group 
of  impassioned  religionists,  who  alleged  that  woman  was  irrev- 
ocably cursed  to  suffer,  and  to  bring  forth  her  offspring  in  pain 


4<D  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD    WELFARE 

and  sorrow.  Protest  against  the  use  of  an  anaesthetic  to  assuage 
the  pain  of  an  expectant  mother  is  a  case  in  point.  Medical 
science  must  frequently  combat  religious  prejudice,  which  has 
no  right  to  interfere  with  social  reform.  The  achievements  of 
medicine  and  of  sanitary  science  have  done  much  to  emanci- 
pate the  human  mind,  and  to  prepare  men  for  the  acceptance 
of  a  program  of  social  betterment,  but  the  social  and  moral 
energy  of  a  people  living  under  bad  conditions  is  to  a  large 
extent  misdirected  and  impotent. 

6.  Physical  Degeneracy. 

A  final  consideration  worthy  of  notice  is  the  relation  of  infant 
and  child  mortality  to  physical  deterioration  and  to  our  stand- 
ards of  physique.  To  this  question  no  definite  answer  has  as 
yet  been  given,  and  data  upon  the  subject  are  too  inadequate 
for  broad  and  definite  conclusions.  The  eugenists  are  busy 
gathering  facts  on  this  subject,  but  they  must  always  work  under 
very  serious  limitations.  They  cannot  easily  separate  the 
inherited  from  the  acquired  weaknesses,  and  it  is  difficult  to 
prove  their  case.  Meanwhile  prenatal  work  among  prospective 
mothers  is  pointing  the  way  to  individual  improvement.  The 
author  has  no  patience  with  those  men,  whether  eugenists  or 
not,  who  regard  with  favor  a  considerable  wastage  of  child  life 
because  it  accords  with  their  theory  of  the  improvement  of  the 
human  race  through  the  operation  of  the  law  of  natural  selec- 
tion. Beneficent  as  results  may  be  for  the  race  of  the  future, 
this  law,  unmitigated  and  untempered  by  human  hands  and 
hearts,  is  harsh  and  cruel,  and  its  operation  tends  to  debase  the 
sensibilities  of  men  and  to  retard  progress.  Race  improvement 
cannot  be  left  to  the  cold-hearted  methods  of  unconscious  nature, 
and  man  can  act  less  harshly  and  with  equal  effect  by  means  of 
a  process  of  social  selection.  Instead  of  permitting  the  unfit 
to  die,  the  more  humane  and  economical  method  is  that  of 
refusing  to  permit  the  unfit  to  come  into  the  world.  This  avoids 
the  brutality  of  natural  selection,  and  accomplishes  the  same 
result.  Standards  of  fitness  must  eventually  be  created,  and 
these  must  be  positive  in  character  and  independent  of  the 
caprices  of  environment.     Accordingly  they  cannot  be  secured 


THE  WASTE   OF  LIFE  41 

through  the  operation  of  natural  selection  ;  for  mind,  not  matter ; 
reason,  not  instinct,  must  hereafter  direct  our  line  of  progress. 

Before  the  days  of  the  physician,  disease  could  not  be  con- 
trolled, and  the  weaker  individuals  perished,  because  mankind 
suffered  from  a  long  category  of  children's  diseases.  Certain 
races  and  peoples  have  in  this  way  purchased  considerable 
immunity  from  various  diseases.  The  individuals  most  unfit 
to  withstand  some  particular  disease  succumbed,  and  this 
long-continued  process  of  elimination  resulted  in  strengthening 
a  people  against  further  attacks  of  disease. 

We  are  so  far  from  a  knowledge  of  what  constitutes  a  correct 
standard  of  fitness  that  we  must  be  cautious  in  our  methods  of 
attempting  to  improve  the  race.  For  example,  when  measles 
was  first  introduced  into  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  it  proved  a 
terrible  and  most  deadly  plague,  but  later  epidemics  were  less 
severe,  and  the  present  population  is  still  susceptible  to  the 
disease,  though  not  in  such  a  severe  form.  A  selection  of  this 
kind  protects  against  certain  forms  of  attack  but  does  not 
immunize  a  people  from  other  diseases.  It  is  not  clear  that 
in  this  way  a  race  is  provided  with  the  physical  standards  best 
adapted  to  the  conditions  of  modern  life.  We  must  not  assume 
that  the  malaria-breeding  mosquito  and  other  germ-carrying 
insects  form  a  necessary  part  of  the  environment  of  men.  The 
susceptibility  of  the  negro  to  yellow  fever  is  unquestionably 
less  than  that  of  the  white  man,  but  this  comparative  immunity 
does  not  extend  to  all  diseases,  and  in  other  respects  the  white 
man  enjoys  a  similar  superiority.  Again  immunity  from  disease 
is  not  the  chief  or  only  ground  on  which  to  judge  physical  stand- 
ards. In  fact,  some  diseases  prefer  the  strong  rather  than  the 
weak,  and  race  vigor  and  susceptibility  to  a  certain  disease  may 
indeed  go  together.  Actual  physical  strength,  productive 
capacity,  and  mental  and  moral  vigor  are  the  criteria  of  fitness, 
but  immunity  from  disease  bears  no  direct  causal  relation  to 
these  qualities.  Furthermore,  no  single  race  has  gained  a  su- 
periority in  all  these  respects. 

Smallpox  serves  as  an  eloquent  illustration  of  the  fact  that 
we  have  little  to  fear  from  the  elimination  of  such  diseases. 


42 


PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 


How  brutally  selective  this  malignant  scourge  has  been  can  be 
read  in  the  history  of  its  ravages  among  the  savage  tribes  to 
which  civilization  has  introduced  it.  Their  proneness  to  the 
disease  is  due  in  part  to  their  former  isolation  from  the  small- 
pox germs.  The  determining  question,  however,  is,  has  the 
elimination  of  the  children  vulnerable  to  this  disease  improved 
the  race  or  people  long  subject  to  smallpox  ?  It  has  undoubtedly 
lessened  the  relative  intensity  of  future  attacks  upon  the  Cau- 
casian race :  for  example,  an  athletic  Indian  of  splendid  physique 
may  succumb,  while  a  diminutive  Englishman  or  American  may 
escape  with  a  slight  attack  only.  Who  then  can  measure  the 
actual  physical  gain  from  the  decimating  effects  of  smallpox? 
There  is  no  certainty  that  it  has  accomplished  anything  in  that 
direction  which  other  forces  would  not  have  done  with  equal 
efficiency ;  and  so  with  the  entire  army  of  germ  diseases.  They 
have  been  selecting  for  survival  those  most  capable  of  resist- 
ing the  germ,  but  here  their  labors  cease.  Being  proof  against 
germs  is  not  an  inherent  characteristic  of  good  physique.  The 
two,  on  the  contrary,  have  very  loose  connections.  In  the  future 
we  will  endeavor  to  destroy  the  germ  as  well  as  to  discover  anti- 
dotes for  the  disease,  and  if  any  deterioration  should  accom- 
pany these  scientific  triumphs,  the  remedy  will  consist  in  posi- 
tive measures  to  rear  a  more  vigorous  progeny,  not  to  eliminate 
weaklings.  The  most  that  we  can  hope  to  gain  from  immunity 
against  some  particular  germ  is  the  elimination  of  the  disease 
of  which  the  germ  is  the  cause,  for  physical  strength  and  bodily 
vigor  will  be  but  slightly  affected  thereby. 

Although  death  rates  may  represent  certain  forms  of  physio- 
logical selection,  infant  mortality  is  hardly  a  method  of  such 
selection.  It  is  really  a  measure  of  the  depths  of  the  ignorance 
and  backwardness  of  a  civilization.  If  the  reduction  in  infant 
mortality  which  will  follow  aggressive  social  reform  should 
occasion  a  positive  loss  in  physique  and  strength,  then  only 
will  it  become  necessary  to  utilize  positive  methods  of  selection. 
Meanwhile  the  problem  of  physical  degeneracy  need  cause  little 
worry.  The  increasing  death  rate  among  persons  in  the  higher 
age  groups  cannot  be  charged  to  a  reduced  infant  mortality, 


THE  WASTE   OF   LIFE 


43 


since  death  rates  were  high  when  those  now  dying  at  the  age  of 
sixty  were  mere  infants.  The  indifference  and  moral  obtuse- 
ness  consequent  upon  a  misunderstood  infant  mortality  should 
have  no  place  in  the  lives  of  men  and  women,  and  opportunity 
for  enjoying  the  fruits  of  life  should  be  provided  for  all.  Then 
only  have  we  instituted  a  proper  system  of  social  economy. 


CHAPTER  III 
CONDITIONS   UNDERLYING   CHILD   MORTALITY 

Health  conditions,  climate,  customs,  and  industries  in  the 
United  States  vary  widely  from  the  conditions  prevailing  in 
Western  Europe,  and  therefore  the  problem  of  infant  and  child 
mortality  is  somewhat  different  in  character.  Until  recently 
our  population  has  been  largely  rural,  but  with  the  development 
of  urban  and  industrial  centers  and  the  increase  of  a  wage-earning 
class,  new  conditions  have  been  thrust  upon  us.  These  condi- 
tions are  reflected  in  the  varied  rates  of  infant  mortality. 

i.  Rural  vs.  Urban  Mortality. 

The  first  characteristic  variation  in  infant  death  rates  is  the 
difference  between  the  mortality  of  rural  and  urban  districts. 
This  difference,  although  not  necessarily  inherent,  will  tend  to 
persist  for  an  indefinite  length  of  time.  Our  urban  growth  has 
been  so  rapid  that  cities  of  10,000  and  over  now  contain  more 
than  three-eighths  of  our  entire  population ;  consequently  a 
steadily  increasing  percentage  of  children  are  becoming  subject 
to  the  health  conditions  of  the  cities.  City  life  has  suffered 
from  a  number  of  very  grave  and  almost  insuperable  disad- 
vantages, and  for  these  reasons  the  urban  death  rate  has  ap- 
peared hopeless.  For  a  long  time  to  come  children  in  the  city 
must  suffer  from  a  congestion  of  population.  A  pall  of  smoke 
or  dust  continually  hovers  over  some  cities  and  contaminates 
the  air;  the  atmosphere  is  always  more  or  less  vitiated  by 
impurities,  and  billions  of  injurious  germs  are  ever  ready  to 
destroy  human  life.  The  lack  of  fresh  air  is  perhaps  the  city's 
chief  handicap,  although  children  also  suffer  from  an  insufficient 
amount  of  light  and  sunshine.  The  salubrious  effects  of  nature's 
healing  forces  are  well  known,  but  the  country  child  is  the  chief 
gainer,  as  it  is  difficult  to  provide  adequately  for  the  city  child. 

44 


CONDITIONS   UNDERLYING   CHILD   MORTALITY         45 

Danger  from  contagion  is  much  greater  in  the  city  than  in 
the  country  districts,  since  even  the  most  painstaking  measures 
of  quarantine  and  isolation  will  not  obviate  the  differences. 
The  ebb  and  flow  of  city  populations  tend  to  perpetuate  disease 
and  to  carry  it  from  place  to  place,  but  from  these  dangers  the 
rural  districts  are  almost  immune.  Hundreds  of  children  are 
gathered  together  in  city  schools,  and  disease  can  easily  be 
spread  among  them.  Furthermore,  crowds  frequently  assemble 
and  scatter  contagion.  The  cities  offer  the  lurking  germs  a 
better  opportunity  to  hide  themselves,  and  the  squalor  and 
poverty  of  the  "  other  half  "  render  them  easy  victims  of 
disease.  Federal  statistics  indicate  that  such  children's  diseases 
as  diphtheria,  scarlet  fever,  smallpox,  and  the  diarrhceal  diseases 
are  much  more  frequent  in  the  cities  than  elsewhere.  The  pro- 
portion of  deaths  in  England  caused  by  immaturity  is  twice  as 
heavy  in  the  cities  as  in  the  country,  while  that  for  epidemic 
diarrhoea  is  seven  times  as  high.  Another  handicap  which  the 
city  child  must  suffer  is  dependence  upon  an  imported  food 
supply  which  is  subject  to  deterioration  while  on  the  way. 
Especially  is  this  true  of  milk,  from  the  bad  effects  of  which 
thousands  of  children  die  every  year,  the  immediate  cause  being 
some  form  of  diarrhceal  disease.  Various  contagious  diseases 
are  sometimes  traceable  to  an  infected  milk  supply,  while  fruits, 
vegetables,  eggs,  and  meat  are  often  partly  spoiled  before  they 
reach  the  consumer  in  the  city.  Bad  city  water  is  a  source  of 
danger  to  thousands,  whereas  a  single  well  or  even  a  number  of 
wells  in  the  country  will  affect  comparatively  few  people. 
Urban  life  therefore  is  inferior  to  rural  life  in  three  important 
respects :  first,  there  is  an  insufficiency  of  fresh  air,  of  sunlight, 
and  of  healthful  outdoor  life ;  second,  contagious  diseases  are 
more  common  and  less  easily  suppressed;  third,  the  food  and 
drink  consumed  in  the  city  have  a  relatively  greater  deleterious 
effect. 

The  statistical  results  of  the  differences  that  exist  are  briefly 
indicated  in  the  following  table  of  mortality.  The  rates  for  the 
diseases  specified  show  the  proportion  of  deaths  per  100,000 
population  in  urban  as  contrasted  with  rural  communities. 


46 


PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD    WELFARE 


Death  Rate  from  Specified  Diseases  in  Registration  Area  per 
100,000  Population,     (iqii)1 


Diseases 

Registration 
Cities 

Rural  Parts  op 

Registration 

States 

10.2 

II. 2 

10.9 
21.9 

95-3 
85.2 

9-7 
6.0 

Diarrhceal  diseases  (under  two  years)   . 
Congenital  debility  and  malformation 

11.8 

55-8 
71.7 

The  above  statistics  are  not  based  on  age  groups,  as  they  should 
be,  because  the  Bureau  of  the  Census  failed  to  make  these  com- 
parisons. Accordingly  the  principal  children's  diseases  have 
been  selected  and  the  mortality  noted.  It  is  evident  that  with 
the  exception  of  whooping  cough  and  measles,  there  is  a  large 
discrepancy  between  the  rural  and  the  urban  rates.  The  latter 
are  75  per  cent  higher  for  the  diarrhceal  diseases,  nearly  90  per 
cent  higher  for  scarlet  fever,  45  per  cent  for  diphtheria,  and  19 
per  cent  for  congenital  debility.  Although  no  adequate  Ameri- 
can statistics  are  available,  these  facts  as  well  as  older  figures 
clearly  show  that  the  child  in  the  country  has  a  great  advantage 
over  the  city  child  as  far  as  freedom  from  disease  is  concerned. 
Furthermore,  the  lowest  mortality  from  the  children's  diseases 
is  reported  from  the  states  which  are  largely  rural.  European 
statistics  corroborate  these  conclusions. 

2.  Negro  vs.  White  Death  Rates. 

There  is  a  marked  difference  between  the  death  rates  of  negro 
and  of  white  children.  This  difference  is  so  wide  as  to  make  it 
a  problem  of  the  utmost  gravity  for  the  negro  race.  The  negro 
possesses  certain  constitutional  disqualifications  which  result 
in  a  uniformly  high  death  rate  in  every  age  period  of  life,  but 
other  considerations  also  affect  his  vitality.  Among  these 
are  his  poverty,  ignorance,  bad  housing  conditions,  sexual 
excesses,  poor  food,  and  general  negligence. 

1  United  States  Bureau  of  the  Census,  Mortality  Statistics,  1911,  p.  74. 


CONDITIONS    UNDERLYING   CHILD   MORTALITY         47 

The  very  unsatisfactory  federal  statistics  for  1900  indicated 
that  the  mortality  of  negro  children  was  double  that  of  the 
white,  and  that  in  the  cities  three-eighths  of  the  children  under 
five  were  regularly  lost.  In  the  rural  districts,  however,  the  rate 
was  one-third  lower,  less  than  that  still  existing  among  the  white 
population  of  Eastern  Europe.  The  wide  disparity  between 
the  rural  and  urban  rates  is  a  hopeful  sign  for  the  negro,  for  it 
indicates  that  a  considerable  proportion  of  the  excessive  mor- 
tality is  due  to  environmental  factors  and  therefore  subject 
to  human  control.  The  latest  available  statistics — 191 1  — 
do  not  make  a  general  comparison  of  infant  death  rates  possible 
because  of  the  inadequacy  of  the  data.  They  show,  however, 
that  the  general  death  rate  of  the  negro  has  fallen  to  23.7  per 
1000,  but  it  is  still  73  per  cent  higher  than  that  of  the  white 
race,  and  in  many  Southern  cities,  an  enormous  mortality  still 
prevails  among  negro  children.  Carefully  compiled  records 
for  191 1  show  that  the  mortality  of  colored  children  under  five 
as  compared  with  the  white  was  as  follows :  for  Washington, 
88  per  1000  population  of  corresponding  ages  as  against  32.5 ; 
for  New  Orleans,  75.1  compared  with  37.8 ;  for  Baltimore,  in. 2 
and  43.2  respectively. 

Scarlet  fever  and  diphtheria  have  been  less  severe  in  their 
attacks  upon  the  negro  child  than  upon  the  native  whites,  but 
the  relative  fatalities  from  the  diarrhoeal  diseases  have  been 
distressingly  larger,  and  so  with  the  mortality  from  the  respira- 
tory diseases  and  from  congenital  debility.  A  lower  death  rate 
from  certain  diseases  clearly  indicates  the  comparative  immu- 
nity of  the  negro  race  in  these  respects.  On  the  other  hand, 
higher  rates  do  not  in  themselves  prove  a  greater  susceptibility 
to  other  diseases,  because  the  precise  influence  of  inferior  social 
conditions  cannot  be  determined.  The  latter  seldom  favor  the 
negro  child,  who,  if  he  refuses  to  succumb  to  disease,  clearly 
demonstrates  superior  resisting  power.  Although  the  negroes 
on  the  Panama  canal  had  a  death  rate  two  times  as  high  as  that 
of  the  white  laborers,  the  comparative  mortality  of  negroes 
and  whites,  living  under  practically  the  same  conditions  in  our 
cities,  is  not  so  varied.     It  is  fairly  clear  that  a  considerable 


48  PROBLEMS  OF  CHILD   WELFARE 

proportion  of  the  excess  death  rate  among  negro  children  is  due 
to  the  unfortunate  and  dismal  homes  in  which  they  live,  and  to 
the  ignorant  parents  on  whom  they  must  depend  for  care. 

3.  Social  and  Industrial  Conditions. 

The  difference  between  good  and  bad  social  and  industrial 
conditions  is  roughly  measured  by  the  difference  between  intelli- 
gent care  and  neglect  of  children,  although  poverty  is  of  course 
a  dominant  factor.  The  infant  mortality  in  our  slum  sections 
and  industrial  centers  is  almost  invariably  larger  than  that  in 
the  other  parts  of  our  cities,  the  conspicuous  exception  to  this 
rule  being  the  low  mortality  of  Jewish  children,  in  spite  of  their 
life  in  the  slums  and  among  almost  intolerable  conditions. 
Industrial  cities  are  prone  to  develop  conditions  inimical  to 
child  life.  Frequently  the  number  of  married  women  employed 
is  so  large  as  to  affect  vitally  the  degree  of  care  which  can  be 
bestowed  on  the  child.  The  large  factory  towns  of  New  England 
are  conspicuous  examples,  since  a  considerable  foreign  population 
has  entered  the  manufacturing  establishments  there ;  women 
are  employed  in  large  numbers  in  the  mills,  and  consequently 
many  children  are  neglected.  In  Massachusetts  the  infant  mor- 
tality of  the  industrial  centers  where  tenement  houses  are 
common,  as  in  Fall  River,  is  more  than  twice  as  large  as  that 
of  the  residential  towns.  Cities  in  which  mixed  conditions 
prevail  show  a  proportionate  mortality,  the  rates  declining  as 
residential  features  gain  in  comparative  importance.  Cholera 
infantum  has  been  shown  to  have  a  direct  relation  to  the  number 
of  married  women  employed  away  from  home.  The  number  of 
deaths  from  the  diarrhoeal  diseases  in  the  industrial  sections  is 
appalling,  and  must  be  definitely  attributed  to  the  gross  neglect 
of  the  children  by  their  hard-working  parents. 

The  misery  of  the  slum  is  a  well-known  fact,  and  the  poor 
districts  of  a  city  suffer  from  the  excessive  infant  mortality 
imposed  upon  them  by  their  surroundings.  In  Chicago,  for 
instance,  the  Stockyards  section  is  hopelessly  inferior  to  a  resi- 
dence section  such  as  Hyde  Park.  Some  slum  districts  in  spite 
of  their  high  birth  rate  do  not  add  so  large  a  proportion  to  the 
total  population  as  do  the  better  sections  with  a  smaller  birth 


CONDITIONS   UNDERLYING   CHILD   MORTALITY         49 

rate  and  a  lower  infant  mortality.  In  the  worst  sections  of 
St.  Louis  the  infant  death  rate  is  twice  that  of  the  city  as  a 
whole,  while  English  statistics  show  that  the  infant  mortality 
of  the  wealthiest  counties  is  slightly  less  than  half  that  of  the 
worst  industrial  county,  the  highest  rates  being  found  in  the 
cities  which  are  the  seat  of  the  pottery,  textile,  and  mining 
industries. 

The  laboring  classes  suffer  from  a  much  higher  infant  mor- 
tality than  do  the  salaried  and  professional  classes.  Some 
years  ago  Wolf x  presented  statistics  for  Erfurt,  Germany, 
which  indicated  that  505  out  of  every  1000  infants  died  among 
the  working  classes;  that  the  relative  mortality  among  the 
middle  classes  was  173;  that  among  the  rich  it  was  only  89. 
The  principal  cause  of  this  lower  rate  among  the  wealthy  was 
their  greater  capacity  to  care  for  their  children  in  the  right 
way.  The  industrial  cities  of  Lowell  and  Fall  River  are  the 
only  American  cities  of  more  than  100,000  population  which  in 
191 1  reported  an  infant  death  rate  of  more  than  200  per  1000 
of  the  population  under  one  year  of  age.  Although  grave 
difficulties  exist  among  the  various  classes  in  the  United  States, 
they  are  less  marked  than  abroad.  Nevertheless  the  condi- 
tions of  environment  are  uniformly  superior  for  the  child  of 
wealthy  parents ;  the  housing  is  better,  the  food  is  more  adapt- 
able, a  physician  is  always  procurable,  detailed  care  can  be 
given,  and  disease  can  be  more  successfully  combated.  The 
proportion  of  wealthy  children  dying  from  measles  and  sum- 
mer complaint  is  comparatively  small.  The  higher  mortality 
among  the  children  of  the  working  classes  is  due  to  the  absence 
of  these  advantages,  and  even  where  women  are  not  compelled 
to  work  away  from  home,  other  handicaps  often  exist.  But 
when  the  mother  must  enter  the  gainful  occupations,  the  situa- 
tion is  well-nigh  hopeless. 

The  influence  of  ignorance  is  clearly  seen  in  such  rates  as 
those  prevailing  in  Moscow,  Russia,  which  in  1910  had  an  infant 
death  rate  of  297  per  1000  births,  while  that  of  Amsterdam  stood 
at  78.     In  thirty  years  the  former  city  reduced  its  rate  7.9  per 

1  See  Spargo,  The  Bitter  Cry  of  the  Children,  p.  7. 
E 


50  PROBLEMS  OF  CHILD   WELFARE 

cent,  the  latter,  55.7  per  cent.  Where  people  are  intelligent 
and  the  rate  of  illiteracy  is  low,  there  the  preventable  diseases 
of  infancy  are  rapidly  coming  under  control.  In  several  Euro- 
pean countries  the  agricultural  districts  suffer  from  very  high 
infant  death  rates,  which  are  mainly  due  to  the  enforced  absence 
of  the  mother  from  the  home,  and  to  the  utter  ignorance  of 
many  of  the  peasants.  Home  conditions  suffer  if  the  mother 
is  compelled  to  spend  her  time  in  the  fields.  In  this  way  the 
superior  advantages  of  the  country  are  largely  lost. 

4.  Illegitimacy. 

Illegitimate  children  suffer  from  an  enormous  death  rate, 
which  usually  ranges  at  about  twice  that  of  legitimate  children. 
The  differences  are  partly  due  to  the  fact  that  many  fatherless 
babies  are  cared  for  in  inferior  institutions,  partly  to  the  igno- 
rance or  neglectfulness  of  the  mother,  who  also  has  usually  but 
little  assistance  in  supporting  her  baby.  She  must  work  to 
maintain  both  herself  and  her  child;  accordingly  the  child 
frequently  receives  altogether  too  little  care.  If  given  as  much 
care  as  the  legitimate  child,  the  death  rates  are  but  slightly  dif- 
ferent.1 In  the  Poor  Law  Institution  in  London  the  rate  per 
1000  for  legitimate  children  during  the  first  two  weeks  of  life 
was  47.2  in  1907;  that  for  the  illegitimate  children  was  1.1 
per  cent  less,  but  in  the  institutions  outside  of  London  the  rate 
for  the  illegitimates  was  2.4  per  cent  higher  than  for  the  others. 
Given  a  similar  environment,  the  death  rates  do  not  vary  much 
from  each  other. 

5.  Age  and  Sex  as  Factors. 

A  remarkable  proportion  of  the  infants  that  die  are  lost  within 
the  first  three  months  of  life ;  for  example,  in  England,  in  1909, 
55.1  per  cent  of  the  infant  mortality  occurred  during  this  period. 
In  the  registration  area  of  the  United  States  in  1911,  the  propor- 
tion was  nearly  60  per  cent  and  42.2  per  cent  of  the  deaths 
occurred  during  the  first  month.  The  mortality  for  the  first 
month  of  life  is  apparently  eight  times  as  heavy  as  for  the 
remainder  of  the  first  year,  but  this  is  not  all,  for  a  still  more 
startling  condition  exists.     English  statistics  indicate  that  2.4 

1  Minority  Report  of  the  Royal  Commission  on  the  Poor  Laws,  igoo,  pp.  86,  87. 


CONDITIONS   UNDERLYING   CHILD  MORTALITY         51 

per  cent  of  the  newly  born  die  during  the  first  week.  At  that 
rate  no  children  would  remain  at  the  end  of  42  weeks.  In  the 
United  States  nearly  one-fourth  of  the  infant  deaths  occur  within 
one  week  from  birth,  while  in  some  cities  this  rate  is  actually 
exceeded.  Nearly  10  per  cent  of  the  deaths  under  one  year 
occur  the  first  day.  The  average  mortality  for  the  first  week 
is  sixteen  times  as  high  as  for  the  remainder  of  the  year.  To 
summarize :  the  infant  mortality  is  very  high  during  the  first 
week,  it  remains  high  for  a  period  of  three  months,  then  grad- 
ually declines  month  by  month.  In  some  cities,  however,  it 
rises  again  toward  the  close  of  the  year  because  of  the  weaning 
of  babies  and  the  extended  use  of  animal  milk  and  other  arti- 
ficial foods. 

About  106  boys  are  born  to  every  100  girls,  this  excess  being 
necessary  to  offset  the  higher  mortality  among  boy  babies  which 
continues  throughout  the  first  five-year  age  period.  It  seems 
that  the  resisting  power  of  girls  is  somewhat  greater  than  that 
of  boys,  but  the  reasons  for  this  are  somewhat  obscure. 

6.  The  Reduction  of  Infant  Mortality. 

The  gravity  of  the  problem  in  the  United  States  is  measured 
by  the  difference  between  the  actual  and  the  non-preventable 
infant  mortality.  Social  progress  demands  that  the  rate  be 
reduced  to  the  lowest  minimum  consistent  with  the  physical 
welfare  of  the  people.  There  is  a  limit  below  which  the  reduc- 
tion of  infant  mortality  would  only  result  in  an  increase  of  the 
death  rate  throughout  the  childhood  period,  or  in  the  preserva- 
tion to  adult  years  of  men  and  women  doomed  to  early  death 
on  account  of  constitutional  weaknesses.  The  infant  mortality 
is  becoming  a  constantly  decreasing  proportion  of  all  deaths, 
as  more  infants  are  being  saved  than  formerly,  while  the  gains 
for  adults  are  less  favorable.  This  does  not  necessarily  imply 
a  weakening  of  the  race,  but  may  simply  mean  preventive  work 
where  it  was  not  applied  before. 

The  saving  of  weaklings  may  be  of  doubtful  benefit  to  society, 
yet  social  progress  should  be  possible  without  the  sacrifice  of 
child  lives.  The  present  problem  consists  in  reducing  the  infant 
mortality  to  the  lowest  point  which  enlightened  civilization 


52 


PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 


can  accomplish.  The  reasonable  bed-rock  is  far  from  present 
attainment,  and  experiments  in  limited  areas  where  exceptional 
care  could  be  given  to  children  have  resulted  in  remarkable 
reductions  of  the  infant  mortality.  Because  such  experiments 
are  necessarily  local,  the  death  rates  which  are  attained  represent 
a  figure  lower  than  the  average  to  which  general  rates  can  be 
reduced  for  a  considerable  time  to  come. 

In  order  to  indicate  the  changes  that  have  occurred  in  the 
United  States,  the  following  somewhat  incomplete  statistics 
are  presented.1 

Death  Rates  of  Children  by  Age  Groups 


Area  and  Ages 

Rate  per  iooo  of  Specified 
Ages 

Pergentage  of 
Decline 

1911 

1900 

States  included   in   registration 
area  in  1900 : 

1  to  4  years 

Under  5  years 

10  to  14  years       

States   included   in  registration 
area  in  1911 : 

1  to  4  years 

125.5 
12.8 
36.6 

3-2 

2.2 

112.9 

11.8 

32-9 

3-i 
2.2 

161.9 

19.8 

49.9 

4-7 

3-o 

22 
35 
27 
32 
26 

Consistent  progress  has  been  made  since  1900.  The  states 
for  which  continuous  records  for  12  years  are  available  indicate 
a  decline  in  the  infant  death  rate  of  nearly  one-fourth,  while 
the  mortality  under  five  has  decreased  even  more  rapidly. 
Notable  gains  have  also  been  made  for  the  older  children,  among 
whom  less  progress  might  be  expected.  Roughly  speaking, 
about  one-eighth  of  the  children  in  these  states  die  under  one 

1  United  States  Bureau  of  the  Census,  Mortality  Statistics,  191 1,  pp.  14  and  20. 


CONDITIONS   UNDERLYING   CHILD   MORTALITY 


S3 


year  of  age.  Although,  in  1900,  the  proportion  was  about  one- 
sixth  and  in  1890,  according  to  very  incomplete  statistics,  about 
one-fifth.  A  notable  saving  in  life  has  thus  been  effected. 
Probably  about  one-fourth  of  the  population  in  these  states 
dies  before  the  age  of  fifteen,  although  in  the  present  registration 
area  the  proportion  is  apparently  somewhat  less.  Here  the 
infant  death  rate  is  only  n 2.9  per  1000  population  under  one 
year  of  age,  and  in  10  out  of  the  22  states  included  the  recorded 
rate  is  less  than  100,  the  lowest  being  that  of  the  state  of  Wash- 
ington, 64.6. 

Wide  differences  still  exist  among  the  cities,  as  is  shown  in 
the  following  table. 


Death  Rate  per  iooo  Population  at  Specified  Ages1 

Cities 

1911 

1900 

Percentage  of 

Under  i 

1  to  4 

Under  5 

Under  1 

Decline 

Philadelphia      .... 
New  York  City      .     .     . 

Chicago 

St.  Louis 

239-5 
203.4 
197.6 

I4I-9 
130.6 

160.9 
123.3 
123.8 
100. 1 
106.4 

23.2 
19.6 
20.4 
18.8 
17.4 
16.9 
16.0 
16.0 

ii-5 
9.6 

74.0 
60.6 
61.5 

45-3 

42.0 

47.6 
39-5 
38.3 
30.1 
30.0 

304-7 
275-5 
300.7 
201.9 
189.4 
1 94. 1 
146.6 
162.4 

i75-i 
102.0 

21 
26 
34 
3° 
31 
17 
16 

24 

43 

+4 

Such  a  divergence  of  rates  needs  explanation.  No  doubt 
natural  climatic  advantages  lie  at  the  base  of  some  of  the  in- 
trinsic differences.  Good  climate  and  a  diminutive  slum  popu- 
lation check  the  rates  in  the  cities  of  the  West  and  Northwest, 
most  of  which  have  low  rates.  Contrasted  with  these  is  a  group 
whose  rates  are  almost  twice  as  high.  In  the  South  these  exces- 
sive rates  are  due  to  intense  summer  heat,  malarial  conditions, 
and  contaminated  water,  as  well  as  to  the  presence  of  the  negro. 
In  the  North  it  is  clearly  due  to  bad  housing  and  poor  food  and 

1  United  States  Bureau  of  the  Census,  Mortality  Statistics,  1911,  pp.  14  and  23. 


54 


PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD  WELFARE 


to  ignorance  among  those  classes  which  allow  the  mothers  to 
enter  the  mills  and  factories. 

In  nearly  all  of  the  large  cities  a  considerable  reduction  in 
the  infant  death  rate  occurred  during  the  decade,  —  an  improve- 
ment due  to  the  vigor  with  which  the  cities  have  wrestled  with 
the  problem.  A  decline  of  from  20  to  30  per  cent  has  been 
common,  the  most  conspicuous  gain  being  that  of  New  York 
City,  which  in  spite  of  its  congestion,  and  its  unfortunate  classes, 
has  reduced  its  infant  mortality  more  rapidly  than  have  the 
other  large  cities.  A  few  cities  in  the  West  have  increased  their 
rates,  but  natural  conditions  have  been  so  favorable  that  little 
preventive  work  has  been  done.  As  the  cities  grew  and  condi- 
tions became  worse  a  higher  death  rate  followed,  but  in  spite  of 
this  rise  the  rates  are  still  comparatively  low. 

In  a  sense  the  great  proportion  of  all  infant  mortality  is 
theoretically  preventable ;  yet,  as  in  the  case  of  crime,  industrial 
accidents,  etc.,  a  fairly  regular  recurrence  of  cases  from  year  to 
year  may  be  expected.  Consequently  the  socially  preventable 
mortality  of  to-day  is  much  smaller  than  that  which  in  course 
of  time  will  become  absolutely  preventable.  In  the  rural  dis- 
tricts and  the  smaller  towns,  where  a  salubrious  climate  prevails, 
the  chances  are  so  strongly  in  favor  of  the  child  that  not  more 
than  6  per  cent  of  the  infants  should  be  expected  to  die  during 
the  first  year.  A  number  of  rural  counties  in  Scotland  now  en- 
joy a  rate  of  less  than  70  deaths  per  1000  living  births  —  a  rate 
very  similar  to  that  of  the  state  of  Washington.  Among  indi- 
vidual families  still  lower  rates  are  frequently  found.  The 
author  knows  of  a  man  who  had  41  first  cousins,  only  one  of 
whom  died  in  infancy ;  yet  it  is  useless  to  hope  for  a  general 
rate  of  infant  mortality  as  low  as  2\  per  cent. 

The  Western  cities  should  be  able  to  reduce  their  infant 
mortality  to  about  75  per  1000  births  within  the  present  decade, 
and  conditions  are  favorable  for  this  decline.  Even  then 
bed-rock  will  not  be  in  sight.  The  larger  cities  of  the  United 
States  have  yet  to  reduce  their  infant  death  rate  to  one  death 
for  every  ten  births,  and  it  will  take  some  years  to  bring  the 
average  down  to  78  —  the  recent  rate  for  Amsterdam  —  but  to 
do  so  will  mean  an  immense  saving  of  child  lives. 


CONDITIONS   UNDERLYING  CHILD  MORTALITY         55 

In  1909  Professor  Irving  Fisher  of  Yale  University  computed 
the  following  ratio  of  preventability  of  death  from  certain 
diseases  in  which  the  median  age  at  death  is  under  five : 1  pre- 
mature birth,  40  per  cent ;  congenital  debility,  40 ;  diarrhoea 
and  enteritis,  60 ;  measles,  40 ;  broncho-pneumonia,  50 ;  whoop- 
ing cough,  40 ;  meningitis,  70 ;  diphtheria,  70 ;  croup,  75. 
He  concluded  that  of  all  diseases  in  which  the  median  age  at 
death  is  one  year  the  percentage  of  preventability  was  47  and 
of  other  diseases  of  childhood,  67. 2  This  would  have  made  the 
number  of  preventable  deaths  among  children  approximately 
200,000  per  year. 

In  1900  the  number  of  deaths  of  children  under  five  years  of 
age  in  the  United  States  was  317,532,  or  30.5  per  cent  of  all 
deaths,  and  the  total  deaths  under  one  were  199,325,  or  19  per 
cent  of  the  mortality  at  all  ages.  In  1905  the  registration  area 
showed  an  aggregate  of  deaths  almost  identical  with  its  record 
of  1900.  The  more  satisfactory  records  of  191 1  show  that 
209,482  children  under  five  years  of  age  died  in  that  year  in 
the  registration  area.  If  similar  proportions  were  maintained 
throughout  the  United  States,  the  loss  to  the  country  must  have 
been  more  than  332,000  children,  of  whom  over  95,000  were 
above  one  year  and  less  than  five,  while  the  remainder,  or  237,000, 
were  under  one.  But  the  non-registration  area  contains  three- 
fourths  of  the  10,000,000  negroes  in  the  United  States,  the 
whites  of  the  mountains  of  the  South  with  their  unhealthful 
conditions,  and  also  the  healthy  rural  classes  of  the  North  and 
West.  Whether  these  varying  conditions  neutralize  each  other 
so  as  to  make  the  death  rate  for  the  entire  country  similar  to 
that  of  the  registration  area  cannot  be  known  without  additional 
statistical  information.  It  is  not  likely,  however,  that  the 
total  infant  mortality  will  vary  more  than  20,000  above  or  below 
the  estimate  given. 

If  the  rate  of  infant  mortality  in  the  rural  districts  of  the  reg- 

1  See  Bulletin  of  the  Committee  of  One  Hundred  on  National  Health.  Report 
on  National  Vitality,  its  Waste  and  Conservation. 

2  Median  age  represents  that  age  before  which  50  per  cent  of  the  instances  have 
occurred. 


56  PROBLEMS  OF  CHILD  WELFARE 

istration  area  in  1900  had  been  general  throughout  this  area,  the 
number  of  deaths  would  have  fallen  from  102,220  to  about 
72,300,  or  a  gain  of  nearly  30,000  infants,  while  the  gain  for  the 
entire  United  States  would  have  reached  a  total  of  59,000. 
For  children  under  five  the  rural  rate  was  one-third  less  than  the 
general  rate,  and  its  application  to  the  entire  country  would 
have  resulted  in  a  constructive  saving  of  105,000  lives.  The 
reduction,  however,  was  so  great  by  191 1  that  the  rural  rate 
applied  to  the  entire  United  States  would  have  saved  only  about 
54,000.  But  the  rural  rates  are  too  high,  and  a  standard  infant 
mortality  of  6  per  cent  would  save  over  100,000  infants  annually. 
At  least  half  of  the  mortality  of  children  between  one  and  five 
years  is  preventable.  These  children  have  passed  the  age 
when  constitutional  weaknesses  destroy  life,  so  their  death  is 
usually  an  evidence  of  some  form  of  social  neglect.  The  net 
saving  which  would  result  from  a  proper  reduction  of  our  child 
mortality  would  therefore  approximate  150,000  lives  annually. 
This  surely  constitutes  one  of  the  grave  child  problems  of  the  day. 

7.  Infant  Mortality  in  Foreign  Countries. 

Foreign  countries  differ  widely  in  their  proportions  of  infant 
and  child  mortality.  The  table  on  the  next  page  presents  fig- 
ures for  a  selected  group  of  countries.1 

These  statistics  may  be  measured  by  comparing  them  with 
the  mortality  rates  in  the  United  States  and  by  contrasting  them 
with  the  minimum  standard  that  we  have  allowed.  Making 
the  first  comparison,  we  find  that  in  Northwest  Europe  and 
New  South  Wales,  which  exemplifies  all  Australia,  the  rates 
both  for  infants  and  for  children  under  five  are  considerably 
lower  than  those  in  the  United  States.  All  of  these  countries 
have  an  intelligent  population,  and  climatic  conditions  have  also 
favored  them.  Systematic  efforts  have  likewise  been  made  to 
reduce  the  mortality,  and  campaigns  in  favor  of  breast  feeding, 
the  establishment  of  milk  stations,  the  improvement  of  the  milk 
supply,  and  the  regulation  of  the  employment  of  women  have 
contributed  largely  to  this  result. 

1  United  States  Bureau  of  the  Census,  Mortality  Statistics,  191 1,  pp.  14  and  16, 
and  The  New  York  Milk  Committee,  Infant  Mortality  and  Milk  Stations,  p.  17. 


CONDITIONS   UNDERLYING   CHILD   MORTALITY  57 


Comparative  Mortality  in  Various  Countries 


Country 

Deaths  under  one  per 
iooo  births 

Deaths  under  five  per 

iooo  population 

under  five 

Year 

Rate 

Year 

Rate 

England  and  Wales     .... 

1909 

109 

1 900- 1 902 

53-52 

Ireland      .... 

1909 

92 

1900-1902 

37.22 

New  South  Wales 

1909 

74 

1 900- I 902 

32-52 

Denmark        .     .     . 

1908 

123 

1 900- I 90 2 

38.31 

Sweden 

1908 

85 

1899-1901 

3748 

Prussia 

1909 

164 

1899-1901 

73-95 

Hungary   . 

1909 

212 

1899-1901 

91.96 

Austria 

1907 

204 

1899-1901 

86.71 

France 

1907 

135 

1 900- 1 90 2 

47.64 

Spain   .     . 

1907 

173 

1900-1902 

104.14 

Chili     .     . 

1908 

320 

1900-1902 

Russia 

I 896-1 900 

261 

1 896-1 898 

i34-5o 

United  States 

1900 

51-86 

1911 

1 1 2.9  x 

1911 

32-9 

Spain,  France,  and  Prussia  exceed  the  American  rates,  al- 
though the  last  two  countries  have  also  given  considerable  atten- 
tion to  their  infant  mortality.  Especially  is  this  true  of  France, 
where  strenuous  efforts  have  been  made  to  reduce  the  rate,  but 
the  prevalence  of  artificial  feeding  and  the  ignorance  of  the 
poorer  classes  have  retarded  the  decline  of  the  death  rate.  In 
Spain  the  mortality  remains  high  for  the  entire  first  five-year 
period,  practically  one-half  of  the  children  dying  during  this 
time. 

Russia,  Hungary,  and  Austria  exemplify  conditions  in 
Eastern  Europe,  where  a  heavy  rate  of  infant  mortality  still 
prevails.  In  each  of  these  countries  more  than  one-fifth  of  the 
babies  die  during  the  first  year  of  life.  For  nearly  a  century 
Northwest  Europe  has  enjoyed  rates  lower  than  those  now 
obtaining  in  East  Europe,  where  although  climatic  conditions 
are  not  unfavorable,  the  level  of  intelligence  is  low  and  the 


1  Tliis  represents  the  number  of  deaths  under  one  per  1000  of  the  population 
under  one. 


58  PROBLEMS   OF  CHILD  WELFARE 

stolid  peasant  classes  are  helpless  to  prevent  disease.  Further- 
more, their  governments  have  given  the  subject  little  thought. 
The  European  countries  may  be  roughly  classed  in  three 
groups;  Northwest  Europe  has  low  rates  of  infant  mortality, 
Middle  and  South  Europe  have  fairly  high  rates,  while  South 
and  Southeast  Europe  still  suffer  from  exorbitant  rates.  If  a 
minimum  mortality  of  six  per  cent  be  allowed  as  at  present 
socially  non-preventable,  then  the  unnecessary  death  rate 
reaches  enormous  proportions.  In  the  best  portions  of  Europe 
the  mortality  is  about  50  per  cent  above  this  standard,  in  Middle 
Europe  it  is  more  than  double,  and  in  the  most  backward  coun- 
tries it  is  three  or  four  times  as  high.  It  is  clear  then  that  more 
than  1,000,000  preventable  infant  deaths  occur  in  Europe  every 
year. 


CHAPTER  IV 
PHYSIOLOGICAL  AND  SOCIAL  CAUSES  OF  CHILD  MORTALITY 

i.  Diseases  of  Children. 

Children  are  particularly  susceptible  to  certain  diseases,  and 
therefore  the  average  age  at  death  of  persons  dying  from  these 
diseases  is  comparatively  low.  The  term  "  children's  diseases  " 
may  therefore  be  properly  applied  to  a  number  of  such  affec- 
tions, of  which  the  following  are  the  principal  ones : 1 

Children's  Diseases  and  Median  Age  at  Death.     191 1 


Disease 

Median  Age  at  Death 

Diphtheria 

3  years 
1  year 

4  years 
Under  1 
Under  1 

Scarlet  fever 

Diarrhoea 

Meningitis 

1  year 

2  years 
Under  1  week 

Diseases  of  early  infancy          

Smallpox  was  formerly  a  children's  disease,  but  now  the 
average  age  at  death  is  nearly  28  years.  This  change  is  not  due 
to  any  transformation  of  the  disease,  but  to  the  splendid  achieve- 
ments of  medical  science  which  has  almost  exterminated  it. 
Vaccination  has  rendered  the  child  comparatively  immune,  and 
since  adults  are  now  more  frequently  exposed  than  are  chil- 
dren, they  likewise  more  often  acquire  the  disease. 

a.  Diphtheria. 

This  disease  has  been  the  chief  terror  of  childhood  since  the 
virtual  elimination  of  smallpox.     It  is  an  extremely  malignant 

1  Computed  from  United  States  Bureau  of  the  Census,  Mortality  Statistics,  191 1. 

59 


60  PROBLEMS  OF  CHILD   WELFARE 

disease,  as  is  evidenced  by  its  continued  high  case  fatality. 
The  remarkable  change,  however,  which  medicine  has  accom- 
plished since  1890  is  shown  by  the  following  facts:  in  1891 
the  percentage  of  diphtheria  cases  in  Brooklyn  which  proved 
fatal  was  63.6;  in  New  York  City  (old)  it  was  36.5 ;  in  Balti- 
more in  1894  it  was  74  per  cent,  but  at  present  in  each  of  these 
cities  the  rates  have  been  reduced  to  less  than  10  per  cent. 
In  Boston  in  191 1  the  rate  had  fallen  to  5.88  per  cent,  and  during 
the  decade  1 900-1 910  the  general  death  rate  throughout  the 
United  States  fell  50  per  cent. 

The  reduction  in  the  death  rate  has  been  largely  due  to  the 
extended  use  of  anti-toxin,  which  was  first  introduced  in  1895. 
Chicago  presents  an  excellent  example  of  its  value.  During 
the  decade  1 897-1 906  the  case  fatality  in  this  city  from  cases 
treated  with  anti-toxin  by  the  bureau  of  health  was  only  6.5 
per  cent.  Chicago's  experience  also  illustrates  the  advantage 
of  early  treatment  of  the  disease,  since  the  results  of  the  treat- 
ment of  8372  cases  during  the  period  given  above  show  that  if 
the  administration  of  anti-toxin  occurred  on  the  first  day  of  the 
disease,  the  mortality  was  .32  per  cent;  if  on  the  second  day, 
1. 51  per  cent ;  if  on  the  third  day,  3.38  per  cent ;  if  on  the  fourth, 
11. 15  per  cent ;  but  if  anti-toxin  was  not  used  until  a  later  day, 
the  rate  rose  to  22.01  per  cent.1  Furthermore,  during  this  period 
more  than  9000  persons  who  had  been  exposed  to  the  disease 
were  treated  with  immunizing  doses  of  anti-toxin,  and  of  these 
persons  only  51  afterwards  contracted  the  disease,  all  of  whom 
subsequently  recovered. 

Some  difficulty  has  been  experienced  in  securing  an  ample 
supply  of  serum.  Private  manufacturers  have  not  always 
acted  generously  toward  cities  in  need  of  anti-toxin,  so  occa- 
sionally a  shortage  has  occurred,  and  cities  are  sometimes  com- 
pelled to  borrow  a  supply  from  other  localities  to  meet  an 
emergency. 

In  spite  of  recent  progress,  diphtheria  is  not  yet  wiped  out,  and 
is  still  the  cause  of  many  deaths.  Diphtheria  and  croup  cause 
more  than  twice  as  many  deaths  as  scarlet  fever  and  nearly 

1  Report  of  the  Department  of  Health,  Chicago,  1906,  p.  129. 


CAUSES   OF   CHILD   MORTALITY  6l 

twice  as  many  as  measles,  and  the  case  fatality,  although  greatly 
reduced  since  1895,  is  still  higher  than  that  of  either  of  these 
diseases.  The  following  steps  are  gradually  being  taken  to 
save  the  children  from  this  disease :  first,  a  bacteriological 
diagnosis  of  the  case,  which  has  resulted  in  the  positive  identi- 
fication of  cases,  which  were  then  properly  quarantined,  thereby 
checking  contagion.  New  York  City  began  this  in  the  year 
1892,  and  accomplished  good  results  through  the  exercise  of 
this  precaution.  Second,  the  establishment  of  a  rigid  quaran- 
tine, and  in  the  larger  cities  of  medical  inspection  in  the  schools, 
by  means  of  which  many  incipient  cases  of  diphtheria  are 
discovered.  The  rates  of  morbidity  are  thereby  considerably 
decreased. 

Third,  the  extensive  use  of  anti-toxin,  which  has  saved 
thousands  of  lives.  The  effectiveness  of  the  virus  is  evident 
from  the  work  done  in  the  tenement  house  districts  of  New  York 
City,  where  the  case  fatality  in  1903  among  the  poor  who  were 
treated  free  of  charge  by  the  health  officials  was  only  5.7  per 
cent,  as  compared  with  an  average  of  10.5  per  cent  for  the  entire 
city.  The  existence  of  this  remedy  has  lessened  the  tendency 
of  many  parents  to  conceal  the  fact  that  some  of  their  children 
are  suffering  from  the  disease.  The  serum  is  still  rather  costly, 
and  the  poor  are  unable  to  pay  for  its  use,  but  all  of  the  large 
cities  have  liberally  provided  for  the  free  distribution  of  anti- 
toxin to  those  unable  to  engage  the  services  of  a  physician 
directly,  and  private  charity  has  provided  adequate  hospital 
room.  Accordingly,  no  one  need  forego  the  enlightened  treat- 
ment which  the  present  day  affords.  Undue  caution,  how- 
ever, frequently  results  in  a  tardy  diagnosis,  with  consequent 
disaster  to  the  child. 

Fourth,  the  tracing  of  the  contagion  to  the  place  of  origin 
and  ascertaining  its  communicating  medium.  Bad  milk,  sweat- 
shop goods,  unclean  food,  and  other  agencies  which  carry  the 
disease  are  being  more  carefully  inspected  than  formerly.  In 
many  cities  pasteurization  has  acted  as  a  deterrent ;  for  example, 
in  the  city  of  Washington,  where  the  prevalence  of  diphtheria 
has  declined,  owing  largely  to  this  method  of  caring  for  milk. 


62  PROBLEMS  OF  CHILD  WELFARE 

Pure  food  laws  and  the  inspection  of  goods  made  in  tenements 
are  additional  measures  that  reach  the  disease  at  its  sources 
and  decrease  the  danger  of  contagion. 

Climatic  and  racial  conditions  influence  the  prevalence  of 
diphtheria,  it  being  largely  a  winter  disease,  for  comparatively- 
low  rates  of  mortality  prevail  during  the  summer  months. 
The  negro  child  enjoys  a  somewhat  greater  immunity  from  the 
disease  than  does  the  white  child.  Owing  to  these  differences, 
the  children  of  the  South  suffer  less  from  this  ailment  than  do 
children  in  the  remainder  of  the  United  States.  In  European 
countries  rates  do  not  differ  materially  from  the  ones  prevailing 
here,  and  the  use  of  anti-toxin  is  working  similar  results. 

b.  Measles  and  Scarlet  Fever. 

Although  less  dangerous  than  diphtheria,  measles  and  scarlet 
fever  are  extremely  contagious.  Science  has  as  yet  discovered 
no  specific  for  them,  and  victims  must  rely  upon  the  old  methods 
of  treatment.  The  case  fatality  of  measles  is  less  than  2  per 
cent,  but  the  mortality  is  greater  than  that  .from  scarlet  fever. 
In  191 1  measles  caused  5922  deaths  in  the  registration  area  of 
the  United  States,  or  approximately  9400  for  the  entire  country. 
Measles  is  especially  fatal  during  the  second  year  of  life,  while 
the  season  of  greatest  prevalence  is  from  February  to  May; 
that  is,  it  is  a  spring  disease,  but  the  number  of  cases  fluctuates 
widely  from  year  to  year,  with  a  general  average  that  changes 
but  little.  In  New  York  City  waves  of  incidence  seem  to 
appear  every  second  year.  Since  the  disease  has  been  quaran- 
tined and  fumigation  practiced,  a  favorable  decline  in  the  num- 
ber of  cases  has  occurred,  but  cities  still  suffer  disproportionately, 
and  far  exceed  the  rural  districts  in  their  fatalities.  The 
disease  could  be  more  effectively  checked  but  for  the  attitude 
of  many  mothers,  who  regard  measles  as  an  unavoidable  disease 
and  who  permit  their  children  to  be  exposed  to  it.  Wage-earn- 
ing mothers  frequently  hide  the  fact  from  the  health  officials 
and  so  evade  quarantine.  The  general  feeling  of  unconcern 
results  in  lax  attention  to  the  disease,  so  it  is  carried  to  school 
by  children  and  spread  far  and  wide.  In  spite  of  the  law, 
physicians  do  not  always  require  quarantine,  nor  are  the  health 


CAUSES  OF  CHILD  MORTALITY  63 

officials  or  the  public  sufficiently  cautious,  as  is  indicated  by 
the  enormous  variation  in  the  death  rates  among  different  cities. 
The  mortality  from  measles  can  be  entirely  wiped  out. 

Scarlet  fever  causes  slightly  fewer  deaths  than  does  measles, 
but  its  case  fatality  is  from  two  to  three  times  greater,  the  heav- 
iest mortality  occurring  during  the  third  and  fourth  years  of 
life,  while  the  season  of  greatest  prevalence  is  during  the  late 
winter  months.  The  disease  frequently  leaves  very  serious 
after-effects,  the  most  important  of  which  is  impaired  hearing 
or  total  deafness.  No  other  disease  causes  so  much  defective- 
ness except  meningitis  and  possibly  ophthalmia ;  consequently 
there  is  special  need  of  guarding  against  it. 

Scarlet  fever  is  practically  unknown  in  those  countries,  such 
as  Japan,  that  do  not  use  cow's  milk  as  food ;  it  is  evident, 
therefore,  that  a  close  relation  exists  between  the  use  of  the  milk 
and  the  disease,  the  elimination  of  which  consequently  depends 
largely  upon  the  purification  of  the  milk  supply.  An  epidemic 
has  on  several  occasions  been  traced  to  a  dairy  farm  where  vic- 
tims of  the  fever  have  infected  the  milk.  Buffalo,  Chicago, 
and  other  cities  have  endeavored  to  prevent  the  disease  by  at- 
tempting to  discover  its  source.  The  scarlet  fever  germ  will 
lie  dormant  for  years,  and  then  infect  through  contact  with  the 
individual.  Accordingly  the  disease  should  be  subjected  to 
the  strictest  quarantine,  precautionary  methods  should  be 
adopted,  and  thorough  fumigation  required,  since  more  easily 
than  any  other  malignant  disease  can  it  be  carried  about  by  old 
or  exposed  clothes.  The  poor  and  constitutionally  weak  are 
more  prone  to  succumb  to  this  disease  than  are  the  strong  and 
well-fed,  since  the  former  have  less  power  of  resistance.  Better 
nutrition,  sufficient  food,  and  more  adequate  care  of  the  young 
are  needed  to  resist  attacks  of  the  fever. 

c.  Whooping  Cough  and  Respiratory  Diseases. 

Whooping  cough  is  decidedly  a  disease  of  infancy,  since  more 
than  one-half  of  the  deaths  from  this  disease  occur  during  the 
first  year  of  life,  and  five-sixths  under  two.  Formerly,  rates 
in  the  country  were  lower  than  those  in  the  city,  but  in  191 1 
the  rural  rates  were  slightly  higher.     Epidemics  in  the  cities 


64  PROBLEMS  OF  CHILD   WELFARE 

have  been  greatly  reduced  by  medical  inspection  of  schools, 
by  the  exercise  of  greater  precaution  than  heretofore,  and  by 
a  policy  of  systematic  quarantine.  The  American  mortality 
from  this  cause  is  hardly  one-half  that  of  England  or  Germany. 
Whooping-cough  is  most  common  during  the  summer  and  au- 
tumn months ;  nearly  every  one  contracts  the  disease  at  some 
time,  and  the  annual  deaths  are  about  equal  to  those  from  measles. 

Acute  bronchitis  is  a  disease  of  childhood  as  well  as  of  old 
age.  About  one-half  of  all  deaths  from  this  cause  occur  during 
the  first  year  of  life ;  more  than  two-thirds  take  place  during 
the  first  five-year  period,  and  nearly  all  of  the  remainder  occur 
after  the  forty-fifth  year.  The  total  death  rate  for  both  bron- 
chitis and  pneumonia  is  much  higher  than  the  rate  for  measles, 
scarlet  fever,  or  whooping  cough.  Here  the  rural  districts 
show  lower  rates  than  do  the  cities,  but  the  difference  is  not  a 
marked  one.  The  winter  months  are  especially  favorable  to  a 
high  mortality  from  these  respiratory  diseases;  for  example, 
in  the  registration  area  in  191 1  the  deaths  from  bronchitis  were 
four  times  as  numerous  and  from  pneumonia  six  times  as  high 
in  January  as  in  July.  Among  children  under  five,  broncho- 
pneumonia is  by  far  the  most  fatal  respiratory  disease,  it  caus- 
ing more  deaths  than  any  other  disease  except  diarrhoea  and 
enteritis  and  the  diseases  of  early  infancy.  With  the  other 
respiratory  diseases  it  emphasizes  the  need  of  fresh  air,  proper 
ventilation,  and  the  avoidance  of  undue  exposure. 

d.  Diseases  of  the  Digestive  System. 

The  most  deadly  of  all  diseases  of  infancy  and  childhood  are 
the  various  forms  of  acute  intestinal  diseases,  including  diarrhoea 
and  enteritis.  Effective  work  in  saving  child  lives  is  largely 
measured  by  the  success  attained  in  decreasing  the  mortality 
from  the  diseases  of  the  digestive  system.  Success  in  this  re- 
spect indicates  a  high  water  mark  in  the  history  of  preventive 
work,  while  failure  to  reduce  the  death  rate  indicates  that  a 
community  has  not  awakened  to  the  problem  of  infant  mor- 
tality. The  following  table  illustrates  the  situation  in  the 
registration  area  of  the  United  States : * 

1  United  States  Bureau  of  the  Census,  Mortality  Statistics,  1900-1904,  1908, 
1911. 


CAUSES   OF   CHILD  MORTALITY 


65 


Deaths  under  Two  Years  from  Diarrhcea  and  Enteritis  per 

100,000  Population 


Area 

Average 
1900-1904 

1908 

1911 

Registration  cities 

Registration  states 

Cities  in  registration  states  .... 
Rural  part  of  registration  states    .     . 
Registration  cities  in  other  states  .     . 

112.8 
126.0 
H3-4 
139-9 
80.3 
111.8 

116.0 
128.0 
116. 2 

133-5 

96.9 

114. 6 

77-4 
95-3 
73-6 
91.0 
55-8 
119.6 

In  1911,  45,868  children  in  the  registration  area  died  from  these 
diseases,  and  the  total  mortality  for  the  United  States  at  the 
same  rate  must  have  been  approximately  73,000,  or  four  times 
the  number  of  deaths  from  diphtheria  and  croup.  About  four- 
fifths  of  these  deaths  occur  during  the  first  year  of  life.  The 
urban  rate  is  much  higher  than  the  rural  rate,  and  the  industrial 
cities  show  a  distinctively  heavy  mortality.  In  the  decade 
1900-1910,  the  rate  throughout  the  registration  area  fluctuated 
but  slightly,  the  year  1905  marking  a  high  point.  The  year 
191 1,  however,  was  noted  for  a  much  lower  death  rate  —  lower 
than  any  during  the  preceding  decade.  Many  individual 
cities  have  successfully  reduced  their  mortality  from  the  intes- 
tinal diseases  by  insisting  upon  the  proper  preventive  measures. 
Among  cities  having  a  population  of  more  than  100,000,  Fall 
River,  Massachusetts,  reported  the  highest  rate  in  191 1,  its 
mortality  being  318.9  per  100,000  of  population,  or  more  than 
three  times  the  average  rate  for  the  registration  cities.  Local  so- 
cial and  industrial  conditions  are  largely  responsible  for  this  fact. 
Likewise  in  Lowell  and  in  other  manufacturing  cities 
the  rates  tend  to  remain  stationary  or  to  decline  but  slowly, 
because  of  the  high  proportion  of  ignorant,  non-English  speak- 
ing people.  Here  the  city  officials  are  less  alert,  and  the  instruc- 
tion of  mothers  is  a  difficult  problem.  In  some  of  the  smaller 
towns  also  almost  unbelievable  rates  still  prevail.  Several 
large  cities  have,  however,  in  spite  of  the  difficulties  attending 


66 


PROBLEMS  OF  CHILD  WELFARE 


the  work,  succeeded  in  reducing  the  mortality  from  the  diarrhceal 
diseases.  Greater  New  York  City  lost  4590  children  under 
two  years  of  age  in  191 1,  and  while  the  absolute  number  of 
deaths  has  remained  almost  stationary,  the  rate  has  decreased 
considerably  since  1895,  when  a  decided  fall  in  the  mortality 
from  this  source  first  took  place.  In  spite  of  its  size  and  conges- 
tion, New  York  City  has  made  splendid  progress,  while  Phila- 
delphia, with  ample  room  and  many  homes,  has  a  much  higher 
rate.  So  has  Chicago,  although  vigorous  attempts  have  been 
made  to  diminish  the  digestive  diseases  there.  The  lowest 
rates  occur  in  the  rural  districts  of  the  Northwest  and  the  far 
West. 

The  distribution  of  the  diseases  throughout  the  different 
months  of  the  year  is  most  significant,  as  in  no  other  case  does 
the  death  rate  vary  so  heavily  from  season  to  season.  The  pre- 
dominating influence  of  weather  conditions  as  a  cause  —  direct 
or  indirect  —  of  the  violent  fluctuations  in  rates  is  therefore 
at  once  apparent.  The  following  table  shows  the  proportion 
of  deaths  each  month  of  the  year,  according  to  figures  based  on 
the  mortality  in  the  registration  area  of  the  United  States  dur- 
ing the  year  191 1. 

Proportion  of  Deaths  from  Diarrhcea  and  Enteritis.1      (Children 

under  2.)     (Base  =  1000) 


Months 

Proportion 

Months 

Proportion 

January 

36 

July 

202 

February 

33 

August 

211 

March 

39-3 

September 

152 

April 

41.6 

October 

84 

May 

52.7 

November 

41 

June 

77-4 

December 

31 

This  table  shows  that  during  the  winter  and  spring  months 
the  mortality  is  comparatively  low,  that  it  rises  as  summer 
approaches,  reaches  its  highest  point  in  August,  and  then  grad- 
ually declines.     The  rate  for  August  is  six  times  that  of  the 

1  United  States  Bureau  of  the  Census,  Mortality  Statistics,  191 1. 


CAUSES  OF  CHILD  MORTALITY  67 

winter  months,  and  more  than  half  of  the  deaths  occur  during 
the  summer  season.  Particularly  hot  summers  also  cause  an 
excessive  death  rate  from  these  diseases ;  but  as  they  are  germ 
diseases,  heat  must  be  regarded  as  a  contributory  rather  than 
a  primary  cause.  Attention  must,  therefore,  be  given  to  the 
fundamental  causes,  so  that  the  heat  will  not  aggravate 
them. 

After  the  first  month  of  life,  the  diarrhoeal  diseases  are  the 
principal  single  cause  of  death  for  the  remainder  of  the  first 
year ;  in  fact,  during  the  second  quarter  of  the  year,  over  40  per 
cent  of  the  deaths  are  caused  by  these  diseases.  The  rates, 
however,  decline  slowly  month  by  month  but  remain  compara- 
tively high  during  the  first  half  of  the  second  year  because  of 
weaning  and  the  subsequent  use  of  cow's  milk  and  milk  substi- 
tutes. In  many  cities  half  of  the  deaths  during  the  second 
quarter  of  the  first  year  are  due  to  diarrhoea  and  enteritis,  —  a 
fact  due  largely  to  a  failure  to  institute  the  preventive  measures 
which  have  been  so  successful  in  some  localities. 

e.  Diseases  of  Early  Infancy. 

The  diseases  of  early  infancy  have  not  received  much  atten- 
tion from  social  workers  until  recently,  since  deaths  from  these 
causes  have  been  considered  inevitable.  Malformations  were 
responsible  in  191 1  for  about  10,000  deaths  in  the  United  States. 
Probably  very  little  can  be  done  to  reduce  this  mortality,  al- 
though prenatal  work  might  lessen  the  number  of  abnormalities. 
From  the  eugenic  point  of  view  the  race  would  be  strengthened 
by  the  elimination  of  this  group. 

Premature  birth  and  congenital  debility  are  the  principal 
diseases  of  early  infancy,  having  caused  42,119  deaths  in  the 
registration  area  in  191 1  and  probably  66,000  throughout  the 
United  States.  Two-thirds  of  the  deaths  during  the  first  day 
of  life  are  due  to  these  two  causes,  which  are  also  responsible 
for  more  than  half  of  the  mortality  of  the  first  month.  Nearly 
all  of  the  fatal  premature  birth  cases  die  before  the  child  is  four 
weeks  old,  but  many  congenital  debility  cases  linger  beyond 
this  time.  However,  nearly  all  the  deaths  occur  before  the  end 
of  the  third  month. 


68  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

The  death  rate  in  the  United  States  from  the  entire  group  of 
diseases  classed  under  the  term  "  early  infancy  "  shows  but 
little  change.  There  are  slight  fluctuations  from  year  to  year, 
but  the  mortality  rate  in  ign  was  higher  than  during  the 
years  1901-1905.  It  appears  therefore  that  practically  no 
progress  has  been  made  against  the  conditions  responsible  for 
this  very  heavy  mortality.  In  England,  where  the  death  rate 
from  these  causes  is  higher  than  in  the  United  States  and  is  40 
per  cent  of  the  entire  infant  mortality,  the  rate  is  increasing  — 
a  fact  which  is  a  cause  of  great  concern.  The  so-called,  "  wast- 
ing diseases,"  which  include  premature  births,  congenital 
defects,  lack  of  breast  milk,  starvation,  atrophy,  debility,  and 
marasmus,  are  a  cause  of  half  of  the  infant  mortality.  It  seems 
that  the  rate  is  higher  among  the  poor  than  among  the  well- 
to-do,  and  that  it  is  lower  in  the  country  than  in  the  cities. 
These  differences  indicate  that  social  and  industrial  conditions 
affect  the  rates  and  that  heredity  is  not  the  only  factor.  The 
prenatal  condition  of  the  mother  is  also  an  important  con- 
sideration, and  may  outweigh  all  other  factors. 

/.  Meningitis  and  Convulsions. 

Another  ailment  responsible  for  many  fatalities  among  chil- 
dren is  meningitis,  which  destroys  about  as  many  children  as 
does  measles,  although  the  death  rate  has  fallen  more  than 
50  per  cent  during  the  last  decade.  Physicians  are  seeking 
earnestly  for  some  specific  with  which  to  cure  the  disease,  for 
it  cripples  a  large  number  of  the  children  it  attacks. 

More  than  4000  children  died  in  191 1  in  the  registration 
area  from  "  convulsions."  This  term  is  used  loosely  in  designat- 
ing deaths  that  really  result  from  some  preceding  cause,  such  as 
diarrhoea  or  injuries  at  birth,  a  severe  case  of  which  may  cause 
convulsions.  Then  the  victim  dies,  although  the  fatality  would 
not  have  occurred  but  for  the  principal  disease. 

g.  Proportionate  Mortality  from  Principal  Diseases. 

Having  completed  this  short  summary  of  children's  diseases, 
the  following  table  showing  the  distribution  of  mortality  among 
several  groups  of  diseases  is  particularly  significant. 


CAUSES   OF   CHILD   MORTALITY 


69 


Proportionate  Mortality   from   Principal   Diseases   in  the  Regis- 
tration Area  of  tile  United  States  in  191  i1 


Diseases 

Percentage 

Under  i 

Under  s 

Bronchitis   and   pneumonia   (including 
broncho-pneumonia) 

3^-3 
25.2 

14-5 
29.0 

22.3 
23.O 

16.6 
38.1 

This  table  indicates  that  three  groups  of  diseases  are  respon- 
sible for  nearly  three-fourths  of  the  deaths  of  infants,  and  for 
over  60  per  cent  of  the  deaths  of  children  under  five.  The  first 
group  causes  nearly  one-third  of  the  infant  mortality  —  more 
than  any  other  cause.  How  much  is  due  to  constitutional 
weakness  of  father  and  mother?  How  much  to  overwork  and 
improper  care  of  the  prospective  mother?  How  much  to  mal- 
nutrition ?  These  are  questions  still  unanswered.  So  enormous 
is  the  proportionate  mortality  from  diseases  of  early  infancy  that 
a  study  of  prenatal  conditions  is  necessary  to  determine  what 
particular  environmental  factors  contribute  to  this  result.  The 
general  failure  to  reduce  these  rates  within  the  last  decade  indi- 
cates that  new  lines  of  attack  are  necessary,  although  the  evi- 
dence that  a  large  percentage  is  preventable  is  very  strong. 
Consequently  in  the  near  future  this  will  furnish  a  fertile  field 
for  the  operations  of  the  social  workers,  especially  in  view  of 
the  constantly  declining  birth  rates. 

The  next  group  —  diseases  of  the  digestive  system  —  cause 
more  than  one-fourth  of  all  deaths  under  one  and  an  almost 
equal  percentage  of  the  mortality  under  five.  Here  we  are 
dealing  almost  exclusively  with  post-natal  conditions,  and  the 
great  majority  of  all  these  deaths  are  preventable,  for  the 
causes  are  well  known,  and  the  eugenic  consideration  hardly 

1  Computed  from  Report  of  the  United  States  Bureau  of  the  Census,  Mortality 
Statistics,  igii. 


70  PROBLEMS   OF  CHILD   WELFARE 

enters.  The  need  now  is  an  adequate  program  of  prevention. 
Owing  to  the  many  deaths  after  the  first  year,  this  group 
causes  the  largest  mortality  under  five,  which  means  that  the 
loss  to  society  is  comparatively  high;  for  the  social  cost  in- 
volved increases  with  the  age  of  the  child.  No  other  phase  of 
the  mortality  problem  needs  so  much  attention  as  does  this. 

The  respiratory  diseases  claim  about  one-sixth  of  the  child 
mortality,  much  of  which  can  likewise  be  prevented,  but  the 
method  is  difficult.  The  causes  lie  chiefly  in  two  extremes  of 
conduct  —  lack  of  ventilation  and  bad  air  on  the  one  hand, 
over-exposure  on  the  other.  Ignorance,  bad  housing,  and 
poverty  are  prime  factors  in  the  problem,  and  these  it  will  indeed 
be  difficult  to  remove. 

All  the  other  causes,  including  the  contagious  diseases,  pro- 
duce but  one-fourth  of  the  infant  mortality  and  slightly  more 
than  one-third  of  that  under  five.  While  all  of  these  causes 
must  be  understood  and  methods  of  prevention  instituted,  they 
do  not  lend  themselves  to  some  simple  unified  program  of 
action.  We  therefore  find  three  principal  groups  of  diseases, 
each  of  which  can  be  largely  counteracted  by  some  specific 
method  of  control,  as  follows : 

(i)  Diseases  of  the  Digestive  System  —  through  proper 
control  of  the  milk  supply. 

(2)  Diseases  of  Early  Infancy  —  by  instituting  prenatal  and 
neo-natal  work. 

(3)  Respiratory  Diseases  —  by  providing  children  with  pure 
air. 

2.  Ultimate  Causes  of  Child  Mortality. 

In  the  foregoing  pages  we  have  detailed  the  more  important 
pathological  causes  of  infant  mortality.  These,  however,  are 
not  fundamental,  but  are  induced  by  more  remote  or  ultimate 
causes ;  and  it  is  the  latter  with  which  we  must  deal  in  order  to 
eliminate  disease.  Preventive  medicine  is  more  important 
than  the  art  of  healing,  but  even  this  does  not  touch  bottom. 
The  sociologist  asks,  what  are  the  hereditary  and  environmental 
factors  which  aid  the  disease  germs?  Would  not  the  improve- 
ment of  social  and  personal  conditions,  coupled  with  direct 


CAUSES   OF  CHILD  MORTALITY  7 1 

methods  of  preventing  disease,  practically  eliminate  many  of 
the  ills  of  childhood? 

a.  Causes  as  classified  by  Fan  and  by  Newshohne. 

Writing  in  1862,  Dr.  Farr,  the  eminent  English  vital  statis- 
tician, concluded  that  the  conditions  in  respect  to  food,  water, 
cleanliness,  malnutrition,  and  midwifery  were  the  principal 
causes  of  the  unnecessary  infant  mortality  in  England.  Arthur 
Newsholme  in  1899  gave  the  following  classification  of  causes: 

(1)  Premature  Births  and  Congenital  Defects. 

(2)  Hereditary  Tendencies.  (Inheritance  of  syphilis,  drunk- 
enness, etc.) 

(3)  Inexperience  and  Neglect  of  Mothers. 

(4)  Industrial  Conditions.  (Women  working  during  and  after 
pregnancy.) 

(5)  Social  Conditions. 

(6)  Improper  Food. 

(7)  Deaths  from  Accidental  or  Homicidal  Violence. 

b.  Causes  according  to  Newman. 

George  Newman  regards  the  prenatal  influence  as  a  most 
prominent  cause  of  infant  mortality  in  England.  Among  the 
important  factors  he  includes  the  ill  effects  of  poisoning  caused 
by  the  work  of  mothers  in  certain  dangerous  trades,  the  action 
of  alcohol  upon  fcetal  life,  poor  physique  and  ill  health  in  the 
mother,  previous  miscarriages,  poverty  and  insufficiency  of 
food,  and  overwork  by  the  mother.  Among  the  postnatal 
causes  are :  the  occupation  of  mothers  who  leave  their  children 
at  home  without  providing  them  with  proper  care ;  the  preva- 
lence of  city  life ;  poor  housing  ;  bad  social  conditions ;  artifi- 
cial feeding  of  infants ;  the  use  of  contaminated  milk ;  and  igno- 
rance and  carelessness  on  the  part  of  mothers.  This  ignorance 
manifests  itself  in  the  methods  of  feeding,  in  uncleanliness,  in 
exposure,  in  drunkenness,  and  in  indifference  to  parental  obli- 
gations. To  poverty  as  a  cause  Newman  does  not  attach 
much  weight. 

c.  Detailed  Table  of  Causes. 

The  underlying  causes  with  special  reference  to  the  United 
States  may  be  conveniently  classified  as  follows : 


72 


PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 


I.   Improper  Feeding. 

(i)  Artificial  Feeding. 

(2)  Use  of  Indigestible  Foods. 

(3)  Use  of  Bad  Milk. 
II.    Underfeeding. 

(1)  Caused  by  Ignorance  of  Mother. 

(2)  Caused  by  Failure  of  Natural  Food  Supply. 

(3)  Caused  by  Poverty  of  Parents. 

III.  Unsanitary  Conditions. 

(1)  Bad  Housing  Conditions,  such  as  Insufficient  Light 

and  Air. 

(2)  Overcrowding. 

(3)  Filthy  Homes. 

(4)  Absence  of  needed    Sanitary  Arrangements,   e.g. 

Sewage  Systems. 

(5)  Germ-laden  Water. 

(6)  Lack  of  Park  Area. 

IV.  Ignorance  of  Parents. 

(1)  As  to  Need  of  Pure  Air. 

(2)  As  to  Right  Methods  of  feeding  the  Child. 

(3)  As   to   Proper  Way   to   protect    Child  from   Ex- 

posure. 

(4)  As  to  Intelligent  Care  of  the  Sick  Child. 
V.   Inadequate  Quarantine  System. 

VI.    General  Influence  of  City  Life. 
VII.   Negligence  of  Parents. 
VIII.    Climatic  Conditions. 

(1)  Extremes  of  Heat  and  Cold. 

(2)  Dampness. 

IX.   Occupation  of  Mother. 
X.   Prenatal  Influences. 

(1)  Effects  of  Overwork  by  Mother. 

(2)  Toxic  Influence  on  Fcetal  Life. 

(3)  Malnutrition  of  Mother. 

(4)  Condition  inducing  Abortion,   Premature  Birth, 

and  Malformation. 


CAUSES   OF   CHILD   MORTALITY  73 

XI.   Hereditary  Causes. 

(1)  Defectiveness. 

(2)  Constitutional  Weakness. 

(3)  Inherited  Diseases. 
XII.   Poverty. 

3.  Analysis  of  Important  Causes. 

a.  Poverty. 

Poverty  is  both  a  cause  and  an  effect,  and  is  usually  part  of  a 
vicious  circle  which  must  be  broken  before  the  revolving  train 
of  consequences  can  be  checked.  Indirectly,  poverty  is  a  serious 
factor.  Infant  mortality  is  high  among  the  poor,  not  because 
they  are  poor,  but  because,  being  poor,  they  cannot  take  advan- 
tage of  the  opportunities  needed  to  prevent  and  to  cure  disease. 
Frequently  ignorance  accompanies  poverty  and  ignorance  leads 
often  to  sickness  and  death.  In  England  out  of  3000  infants 
born  in  homes  in  which  the  weekly  income  averaged  less  than 
$5,  15  per  cent  died  within  the  first  week;  this,  in  spite  of 
the  fact  that  charity  nurses  were  sent  to  each  case.  In  an  Eng- 
lish private  hospital  attended  largely  by  the  well-to-do,  the 
death  rate  was  only  two-thirds  as  high.  In  St.  Louis  the  general 
infant  death  rate  is  slightly  more  than  half  as  large  as  that  of  the 
most  wretched  of  the  city's  districts. 

b.  Use  of  Cow's  Milk. 

Nature  has  provided  a  most  satisfactory  way  of  feeding  the 
infant,  but  civilization  has  recently  begun  to  substitute  other 
methods.  So  far  the  substitutes  have  not  been  generally  suc- 
cessful, although  there  is  no  inherent  reason  why  they  may  not 
eventually  be  so  perfected  that  efficient  results  will  follow. 
Many  mothers  now  feed  their  babies  on  cow's  milk,  and  have 
discontinued  breast  feeding.  This  is  probably  true  of  a  majority 
of  the  wealthy  classes  and  of  a  large  minority  of  the  poor,  it 
having  been  estimated  that  about  60  per  cent  of  the  wealthy 
and  well-to-do  use  artificial  foods.  Many  mothers  do  not  want 
to  bother  with  the  nursing  of  their  babies  and  turn  the  important 
task  of  feeding  them  over  to  the  nurse  girl.  Recent  investiga- 
tions indicate  that  among  the  poor  the  proportion  of  mothers 
who  do  not  practice  maternal  feeding  is  somewhat  less  than  20 


74 


PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD  WELFARE 


per  cent.  If  in  these  cases  ordinary  raw  dairy  milk  is  used,  the 
result  is  frequently  disastrous  to  the  child,  but  the  effects  of  milk 
substitutes  are,  on  the  other  hand,  still  more  fatal,  and  both 
classes  of  food  may  be  heavily  laden  with  disease  and  death. 
Tests  made  in  European  countries  have  revealed  the  fact  that 
breast  feeding  yields  the  lowest  infant  mortality,  that  the  use 
of  animal  milk  causes  a  larger  death  rate,  and  that  the  milk 
substitutes  are  responsible  for  the  highest  rates. 

There  are  some  very  striking  differences  between  cow's  and 
human  milk.  The  former  contains  3.5  per  cent  of  proteids,  the 
latter  1.5  ;  the  percentage  of  milk  sugar  is  4.5  and  7  respectively ; 
of  ash  .75  and  2  ;  the  water  and  the  fat  constituencies  are  prac- 
tically the  same ;  in  the  former  4.3  per  cent  is  nitrogenized,  in 
the  latter  1.9 ;  while  the  one  has  an  acid,  and  the  other  an  alkali, 
reaction. 

Cow's  milk  was  intended  for  calves,  not  for  babies,  so  in  order 
to  become  an  adequate  substitute  for  mother's  milk  it  must  be 
modified,  and  modification  must  proceed  along  very  definite 
lines.  The  high  percentage  of  proteids  must  be  reduced  by 
adding  water ;  that  of  milk  sugar  must  be  raised  by  sweetening 
the  milk ;  then  additional  cream  is  necessary,  because  the  water- 
ing has  decreased  the  proportion  of  fat;  finally  limewater  is 
introduced  to  obtain  the  alkali  reaction.  Only  by  changing 
the  ingredients  in  this  way  does  it  possess  the  proper  proportions 
for  the  child.  If  the  use  of  cow's  milk  is  to  increase,  its  modi- 
fication will  be  necessary  in  the  case  of  thousands  of  infants  in 
order  to  prevent  their  becoming  victims  of  disease.  Many 
children  are  able  to  thrive  on  undiluted  cow's  milk,  but  it  is 
precisely  because  large  numbers  are  incapable  of  adapting  them- 
selves to  this  unnatural  diet  that  diseases  of  the  digestive  system 
attack  and  destroy  them.  Furthermore,  breast  milk  changes  its 
constituency,  varying  with  the  age  of  the  child  —  an  accommo- 
dation which  has  been  worked  out  by  nature  for  the  advantage 
of  the  babe.  Animal  milk,  on  the  other  hand,  does  not  vary  to 
meet  the  changing  needs  of  the  infant,  and  consequently  is  an 
inferior  and  unsatisfactory  food.  The  proper  modification  of 
animal  food  requires  various  mixtures,  each  adapted  to  a  spe- 


CAUSES   OF   CHILD   MORTALITY 


75 


cific  age  period  of  the  infant,  at  least  three  or  four  modifications 
being  needed  during  the  first  six  months  of  life. 

Experiments  conducted  by  the  Rockefeller  Institute  of  New 
York  City  to  test  the  relative  merits  of  the  different  kinds  of 
milk  used  for  infants  resulted  in  the  following  statistics  based  on 
a  study  of  400  families  divided  into  four  equal  groups,  each  of 
which  used  a  different  kind  of  milk.  The  results  secured  are 
given  in  the  subjoined  table. 

Merits  of  Different  Kinds  of  Milk 


Kinds  of  Milk 

Results 

Good 

Bad 

Bottled  milk 

56 
60 
61 
81 

44 
40 

39 

Straus  and  diet  kitchen  milk  .... 

19 

The  store  milk  was  sold  from  the  open  cans,  and  was  therefore 
subject  to  rapid  deterioration  and  multiplication  of  bacteria. 
It  yielded  the  worst  results,  with  the  exception  of  the  condensed 
milk,  which  is  not  adapted  to  the  small  child  and  which  cannot 
from  its  very  nature  be  expected  to  succeed.  Bottled  milk 
proved  slightly  more  favorable,  but  the  pasteurized  and  specially 
prepared  milk  alone  showed  a  high  percentage  of  good  results. 
The  difference  between  the  last  grade  and  the  rest  is  sufficiently 
striking  to  illustrate  the  necessity  of  constant  attention  to  the 
character  of  food  given  to  the  infant. 

The  investigation  made  in  1907  by  the  summer  corps  of  in- 
spectors and  nurses  of  the  New  York  City  Department  of  Health 
yielded  the  following  very  interesting  conclusions  in  regard  to 
the  results  of  feeding  children  with  various  kinds  of  milk.  Of 
the  total  number  of  children  under  nine  months  of  age,  81.15 
per  cent  were  being  breast  fed,  and  only  18.85  Per  cent  received 
cow's  milk  or  other  forms  of  artificial  food.  The  latter  group 
of  children,  however,  furnished  57.53  per  cent  of  all  cases  of 


76  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

diarrhoea,  while  the  former,  comprising  more  than  four-fifths  of 
all  the  children  investigated,  supplied  less  than  one-half  (42.47 
per  cent)  of  the  cases.  Of  the  children  under  nine  months  of 
age  who  died  of  diarrhceal  disease,  25.04  per  cent  had  been  breast 
fed,  while  74.96  per  cent  had  been  artificially  fed.  The  propor- 
tions for  children  over  nine  months  were  almost  similar,  being 
23.72  and  76.28  per  cent  respectively.1  Accordingly,  three- 
fourths  of  the  deaths  from  these  diseases  were  furnished  by  a 
group  containing  less  than  one-fifth  of  the  total  number  of  chil- 
dren ;  that  is,  the  death  rate  from  diarrhceal  diseases  was  twelve 
times  as  high  among  the  children  using  animal  milk  or  substi- 
tutes as  among  those  nursed  directly  by  their  mothers. 

In  the  summer  of  1910  a  limited  study  was  made  in  St.  Louis 
of  the  feeding  history  of  babies.  The  facts  show  that  while 
only  15.5  per  cent  were  bottle-fed,  these  furnished  74  per  cent 
of  the  digestive  trouble,  or  15  times  their  proper  proportion. 
When  the  mother  nurses  the  child,  such  disease  is  exceptional, 
but  when  cows'  milk  is  used  it  is  the  most  common  of  the  dis- 
eases. Two  well-known  illustrations  may  properly  be  cited  here. 
The  siege  of  Paris  during  the  Franco-Prussian  war  forced  many 
mothers  to  nurse  their  babies,  and  although  the  general  death 
rate  rose  because  of  the  scarcity  of  food,  that  of  infants  declined 
precipitately.  The  great  strike  in  the  cotton  mills  in  Manches- 
ter, England,  sent  hundreds  of  mothers  home,  with  the  result 
that  their  children  were  properly  nursed,  and  the  infant  mortality 
fell  40  per  cent.  The  superiority  of  mother's  milk  and  the  bad 
effects  under  ordinary  conditions  of  the  various  forms  of  arti- 
ficial foods  are  thus  clearly  demonstrated. 

The  first  step  advocated  by  many  physicians  is  the  return  to 
breast  feeding  wherever  that  is  possible,  because  a  pure,  clean 
food  is  thereby  assured.  In  an  increasing  number  of  cases,  how- 
ever, this  seems  impossible,  hence  the  market  supply  of  milk 
must  be  improved  to  insure  the  health  of  the  babies  and 
small  children.  The  milk  supply  of  our  cities  receives  but 
little  attention,  because  its  importance  has  not  yet  been  ap- 
preciated. 

1  See  Report  of  the  Department  of  Health  of  New  York  City,  1Q07,  pp.  43  ff. 


CAUSES   OF  CHILD   MORTALITY  77 

c.  Ignorance  and  Indifference. 

Apart  from  the  inadaptability  of  prepared  foods,  disease  is 
not  a  necessary  consequence  of  their  use,  since  the  care  of  the 
food  is  the  principal  factor  in  its  disease-producing  effects. 
Dirt  and  germs  are  introduced  into  cow's  milk  at  the  first  con- 
tact with  the  air.  Frequently  disease  germs  are  present,  and  these 
soon  multiply  under  the  effects  of  heat,  and  through  the  milk 
infect  the  babies.  The  principal  specific  result  is  the  occurrence 
of  diseases  of  the  digestive  system,  and  these,  as  has  already  been 
shown,  form  the  most  important  group  of  causes  of  infant  and 
child  mortality.  The  special  incidence  of  a  high  death  rate  during 
the  summer  months  depends  largely  upon  the  effect  of  the  heat 
upon  the  milk.  The  milk  deteriorates,  and  the  harmful  bacteria 
multiply  in  a  very  short  time.  Accordingly  the  child  suffers 
more  in  summer  from  the  use  of  milk  originally  as  good  and  as 
carefully  handled  as  the  milk  supplied  during  the  winter  months, 
a  fact  which  should  stimulate  producers  of  milk  and  dealers 
to  take  every  precaution.  In  summer  the  milk  must  be  kept 
cleaner  and  cooler  than  during  the  remainder  of  the  year.  Com- 
mercialism rather  than  philanthropy  has  guided  men,  however, 
and  during  the  hottest  months  of  the  year,  when  babies  need  the 
best  of  foods,  they  are  rewarded  with  the  most  germ-laden  milk. 

Mothers  too  are  very  neglectful,  and  usually  they  do  not  know 
that  dirty  milk  allowed  to  become  stale  and  warm  increases  the 
probability  of  disease.  They  do  not  understand  the  germ  theory, 
so  they  blindly  persist  in  feeding  babies  with  milk  that  is  no 
longer  fit  for  food.  The  milk  contains  germs  to  begin  with  and 
the  effect  of  the  heat  is  largely  indirect.  It  is  unsanitary  con- 
ditions in  the  production  and  the  care  of  milk  that  cause  the 
germs  to  be  introduced,  but  heat  multiplies  the  germ  very  rapidly , 
and  in  a  short  time  the  babies  suffer  from  intestinal  disorders. 
Babies  do  not  usually  die  of  excessive  heat,  but  from  diseases 
which  have  been  superinduced  by  the  effect  of  heat  upon  their 
food.  The  emphasis,  then,  must  be  placed  not  on  protection 
from  the  heat  but  on  protection  from  vitiated  milk.  Neglect 
and  ignorance  are  regarded  as  three  times  as  serious  in  their 
results  as  the  heat. 


78  PROBLEMS  OF  CHILD  WELFARE 

d.  Bad  Housing  Conditions. 

The  bad  housing  conditions  of  the  poor  also  undermine  the 
health  of  the  children.  The  effects,  however,  are  not  so  evident 
upon  the  suckling  child,  which  draws  upon  the  mother  for  its 
vitality  and  therefore  does  not  suffer  as  far  as  the  food  item  is 
concerned.  The  absence  of  light,  of  fresh  air,  and  sunshine  bears 
more  heavily  upon  the  child  beyond  this  age,  since  he  is  weak- 
ened and  devitalized  thereby  and  becomes  a  prey  to  disease. 
To  some  extent  inferior  housing  is  a  reflection  of  the  poverty  of 
the  people,  and  poverty,  not  housing,  should  be  charged  with 
the  results.  Overcrowding,  however,  no  matter  how  caused, 
does  result  in  an  increased  child  mortality,  and  several  investi- 
gations of  tenement  districts  have  disclosed  the  fact  that  a  large 
proportion  of  deaths  occur  in  the  rear  and  more  poorly  con- 
structed and  worse  situated  houses  than  in  those  facing  the 
street.  Rents  are  also  lower ;  so  the  victims  of  poverty  gravi- 
tate toward  the  alley.  They  are  not  able  to  command  the  serv- 
ices of  a  physician,  and  are  further  oppressed  by  unsanitary 
and  dilapidated  homes.  A  heavy  mortality  is  the  natural  re- 
sult. 


CHAPTER  V 

THE   MILK  PROBLEM 

i.  Introduction. 

The  milk  problem  is  constantly  becoming  a  more  important 
one,  since  a  larger  number  of  babies  are  being  fed  on  milk  than 
ever  before  and  the  danger  to  their  health  is  constantly  increasing. 
Bacteriology,  however,  has  made  possible  a  knowledge  of  the 
condition  of  milk  and  thus  opened  the  way  for  whatever  meas- 
ures may  be  necessary  for  the  elimination  of  disease  germs  and 
the  production  of  good  milk.  When  the  connection  between  bad 
milk  and  disease  was  discovered,  the  cities  began  to  consider 
plans  for  lessening  the  evil.  The  milk  consumed  in  rural  dis- 
tricts is  usually  so  fresh  that  comparatively  few  bad  results 
follow,  but  cities  are  not  so  favored.  Accordingly,  boards  of 
health  have  begun  to  solve  the  problem,  and  are  suggesting  meas- 
ures of  control.  Public  opinion  likewise  is  demanding  proper 
protection  for  the  babies,  while  private  philanthropy  is  feebly 
struggling  to  supplement  the  work  left  undone  by  the  state  and 
municipal  agencies. 

2.  Clean  Milk. 

Specialists  now  demand  that  all  milk  meet  two  requirements  — 
cleanliness  and  proper  temperature.  The  former  is  the  supreme 
need,  as  without  cleanliness  the  development  of  bacteria  cannot 
be  prevented.  Bacteria  are  usually  introduced  from  the  out- 
side and  are  of  two  kinds :  first,  the  harmless  bacteria  which 
comprise  the  great  majority  of  all  the  germs  present  and  are 
factors  in  causing  the  milk  to  sour ;  second,  the  disease  germs, 
which  become  a  source  of  danger  when  the  milk  is  consumed. 
Many  diseases  may  be  carried  in  this  way,  chief  among  these 
being  scarlet  fever,  diphtheria,  typhoid  fever,  and  especially  the 

79 


80  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

diseases  of  the  digestive  system.  Tuberculosis  also  is  probably 
carried  by  infected  milk.  In  this  case,  however,  the  germ  is  not 
brought  in  by  uncleanly  processes,  but  is  introduced  into  the  milk 
at  the  time  of  its  secretion. 

Bacteriologists  have  not  as  yet  been  able  to  isolate  disease 
germs  in  milk,  but  they  can  tell  whether  the  bacteria  are  few  or 
many.  If  a  large  number  are  present,  it  is  probable  that  harmful 
germs  are  included.  Accordingly  the  bacterial  count  —  the 
number  of  bacteria  per  cubic  centimeter  —  is  recognized  as  the 
proper  standard  by  which  to  judge  milk.  In  spite  of  this  if  acid- 
forming  bacteria  alone  have  been  introduced,  the  slides  may 
show  an  enormous  number ;  yet  there  will  be  no  danger  of  dis- 
ease. On  the  whole,  however,  the  number  of  bacteria  is  usually 
a  good  indication  of  the  fitness  of  the  milk,  which  is  commonly 
considered  to  be  of  good  quality  if  it  contains  not  more  than 
50,000  bacteria  per  cubic  centimeter. 

The  principal  considerations  upon  which  clean  milk  depend 
are  the  following :  cows  must  be  in  good  condition  and  incapable 
of  responding  to  the  tuberculin  test ;  dairymen  and  all  persons 
handling  the  milk  must  be  free  from  contagious  diseases  and 
must  carry  on  their  work  with  sufficient  care  to  reduce  to  a  min- 
imum the  amount  of  dirt  and  foreign  particles  in  the  milk ;  the 
premises  as  well  as  the  cows  must  be  kept  clean  to  protect  the 
milk  from  contamination ;  water  free  from  disease  germs  must 
be  used ;  cans,  bottles,  and  all  vessels  containing  milk  need  ade- 
quate sterilization  because  the  bacteria  lodge  in  the  uneven 
surfaces  of  the  vessels  and  speedily  multiply  in  the  milk ;  depots 
must  maintain  sanitary  conditions  to  prevent  the  infection  of 
milk ;  finally,  the  consumer  must  know  the  essential  conditions 
under  which  milk  will  deteriorate  and  become  dangerous  food 
for  small  children. 

3.  Temperature. 

Proper  temperature  is  the  next  essential,  because  it  is  only  by 
rapid  cooling  that  the  deterioration  of  milk  can  be  retarded.  In 
practice  there  are  three  stages  in  the  handling  of  milk :  first,  it 
is  cooled  at  the  dairy,  where  its  temperature  should  be  imme- 
diately reduced  to  not  more  than  50  degrees  Fahrenheit  and  then 


THE  MILK   PROBLEM  8 1 

kept  at  or  below  this  figure ;  second,  it  is  transported  to  the  place 
of  consumption,  and  during  this  time  is  frequently  subjected  to  a 
churning  process,  as  it  is  usually  carried  first  by  wagon,  then  by 
rail,  and  finally  again  by  wagon.  Throughout  its  journey  the 
milk  should  be  kept  at  a  temperature  of  not  more  than  45  degrees ; 
if  it  is  shipped  in  refrigerator  cars,  it  can  be  kept  comparatively 
cool,  but  if  ordinary  freight  cars  are  employed,  this  low  tempera- 
ture cannot  be  maintained.  It  frequently  happens  in  the  winter 
months  that  milk  is  collected  from  the  dairies  not  oftener  than 
every  other  day ;  consequently  some  of  this  milk  will  be  36  hours 
old  before  it  leaves  the  shipping  point,  and  since  it  is  not  dis- 
tributed to  the  consumer  till  a  day  later  it  will  then  be  60  hours 
old.  This  long  interval  between  the  time  of  milking  and  that  of 
distribution  demonstrates  the  absolute  necessity  of  keeping 
milk  cool  while  in  transit.  Yet  even  in  the  summer  months 
milk  is  sent  to  large  cities  in  ordinary  cars  with  the  hot  sun  beat- 
ing down  upon  the  roofs,  and  at  least  half  of  it  is  more  than  36 
hours  old  when  delivered  to  the  consumer. 

It  sometimes  happens  that  milk  is  commercially  pasteurized 
at  receiving  stations  in  the  dairy  districts.  Afterward  this 
milk  is  mixed  with  other  milk,  and  all  subjected  to  pasteuriza- 
tion at  the  station  of  the  dealer  in  the  city,  where  preservatives 
are  occasionally  introduced,  and  possibly  water.  The  milk, 
which  is  bottled  before  its  pasteurization,  is  then  ready  for 
distribution. 

The  influence  of  changing  temperature  upon  the  quality  of 
milk  is  demonstrated  by  an  experiment  once  made  in  the  city  of 
Chicago.  A  sample  of  fresh  milk,  containing  11,500  bacteria 
per  cubic  centimeter,  was  divided  into  two  equal  parts  labeled 
"  A  "  and  "  B."  "  A  "  was  cooled  at  the  dairy,  but  only  after 
being  loaded  for  shipment ;  "  B  "  was  immediately  cooled,  then 
iced  and  in  a  condition  of  refrigeration  was  sent  to  the  city. 
Both  samples  were  delivered  to  dealers,  and  the  milk  was  24 
hours  old  when  it  reached  the  customer.  The  examinations 
showed  the  following  results  : l 

1  Report  of  Department  of  Health  of  Chicago,  igo6,  p.  15. 
G 


82 


PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 


Table  Showing  the  Multiplication  of  Bacteria  in  Milk 


Age  (Hours) 

Place 

Bacteria  per  Cubic  Centimeter 

Sample  "  A  " 

Sample  "  B  " 

Separate  Test 
of  Best  Milk 

o 

3 
6 

12 

24 

Cow  barn 
Shipping  platform 
City  platform 
Dealer's  vat 
Delivered  to  consumer 

11,500 

18,000 

102,000 

114,000 

1,300,000 

11,500 

11,000 

8,000 

7,Soo 

62,000 

3,890 
3,280 
3,000 
3,800 
8,400 

The  first  set  of  results  clearly  shows  that  reasonably  clean 
milk,  if  properly  iced  at  once,  then  kept  cool  while  in  transit  and 
in  the  dealer's  hands,  will  yield  a  sufficiently  low  bacterial  count 
to  render  its  use  entirely  innocuous ;  while  a  failure  to  observe 
these  precautions,  especially  if  immediate  cooling  is  neglected, 
will  occasion  a  rapid  multiplication  of  bacteria  and  render  the 
milk  unwholesome.  Bulk  and  bottled  milk  as  sold  in  the  city 
was  found  to  contain  as  many  as  18,000,000  bacteria  per  cubic 
centimeter.  The  second  experiment,  the  results  of  which  are 
given  in  the  last  column  of  the  table,  represents  the  average  of 
five  tests  of  milk  properly  handled  and  kept.  It  is  clearly  de- 
monstrated that  clean  production  and  proper  handling  will 
prevent  the  rapid  growth  of  bacteria  and  lessen  the  danger  of 
disease  resulting  from  the  presence  and  development  of  injurious 
germs.  This  is  also  shown  by  a  comparison  of  bottled  milk 
with  loose  milk.  In  some  cities  milk  from  the  can  is  sold  by 
grocers  and  other  dealers.  The  bacterial  count  of  this  milk  is 
usually  very  high,  since  it  is  not  safeguarded  as  is  milk  that  has 
been  properly  bottled.  The  fresher  milk  from  city  dairies  has 
fewer  germs  than  the  older  milk  coming  from  the  country,  so  the 
time  element  is  an  important  factor.  At  the  same  time,  really 
clean  milk  does  not  deteriorate  rapidly. 

4.  Methods  of  Providing  Good  Milk. 

The  problem  of  providing  good  milk  for  children  has  been 
answered  in  two  ways :  the  one  is  the  pasteurization  of  all  milk 
so  as  to  kill  the  germs ;  the  other  is  the  production  and  handling 


THE  MILK  PROBLEM  83 

of  milk  under  such  clean  conditions  that  raw  milk  will  be  com- 
paratively pure  and  harmless.  Theoretically  the  use  of  steri- 
lized utensils  and  the  exercise  of  every  precaution  represent  the 
correct  solution  of  the  milk  problem.  These  conditions  being 
observed,  the  milk  will  contain  but  few  germs.  Pasteurization, 
by  effecting  slight  chemical  changes  in  the  milk,  kills  the  use- 
ful bacteria  and  weakens  the  power  of  resistance  to  germs. 
Therefore  bacteria  if  again  introduced  multiply  with  amazing 
rapidity.  The  milk  also  is  less  digestible,  and  as  a  food  is  much 
inferior  to  clean  raw  milk,  since  the  latter  has  not  been  subjected 
to  injurious  changes.  Furthermore,  pasteurization  promotes 
carelessness  and  discourages  efforts  to  produce  clean  milk,  for 
it  does  not  remove  dirt  from  the  milk,  and -has  been  opposed  on 
the  ground  that,  "  milk  cooked  with  the  dirt  in  it  is  not  so  good 
as  pure  milk."  Finally,  many  mischievous  germs  escape  de- 
struction only  to  threaten  the  life  of  the  child.  This  is  especially 
the  case  with  the  dangerous  scarlet  fever  germ. 

The  practical  difficulty  which  the  advocates  of  pure  milk  en- 
counter is  finding  a  feasible  method  of  enforcing  their  require- 
ments. Who  will  inspect  the  45,000  dairies  which  produce  the 
2,500,000  quarts  of  milk  consumed  by  New  York  City  daily, 
and  the  vast  quantities  consumed  by  every  large  city?  Who 
will  enforce  measures  which  will  secure  the  precautions  desired? 
For  many  years  to  come,  inspection  will  not  be  adequate,  yet 
clean  milk  is  the  goal  of  every  hygienist.  Success  in  this  direc- 
tion depends  in  part  on  economies  in  the  method  of  production, 
and  at  present  the  profits  of  the  dairy  business  are  not  so  enor- 
mous as  to  justify  any  considerable  increase  in  outlay  and  initial 
expense.  If  necessary  costs  are  increased,  the  price  of  milk  will 
probably  rise ;  but  for  a  large  proportion  of  people  the  price  is 
already  at  the  maximum  point ;  so  if  it  be  further  increased,  the 
consumption  of  commercial  milk  must  decline  and  an  increased 
infant  mortality  follow  unless  philanthropy  intervenes.  It  is 
probable,  however,  that  greater  cleanliness  can  be  observed  with- 
out increasing  cost  or  prices;  but  the  ultimate  solution  must 
depend  on  greater  economies  in  production. 

The  advocates  of  pasteurization  insist  that  their  method  of 


84  PROBLEMS    OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

treating  milk  will  kill  the  bacteria  and  provide  the  infant  with  a 
wholesome  food.  A  proper  system  of  pasteurization,  involving 
the  heating  of  milk  to  140  degrees  Fahrenheit  for  a  period  of  20 
minutes,  or  to  150  degrees  for  15  minutes,  kills  nearly  all  the 
harmful  bacteria  without  resulting  in  serious  injury  to  the  milk, 
thus  removing  the  chief  single  source  of  children's  diseases. 
The  most  convincing  argument  for  pasteurization  is  the  absence  of 
other  practicable  means  for  providing  the  infant  with  a  reasonably 
good  milk  supply ;  which  means  that  the  chief  hope  at  present 
for  decreasing  infant  mortality  lies  in  the  use  of  pasteurized  milk. 
Either  municipal  activity  or  the  work  of  private  philanthropies, 
or  both,  are  necessary  to  carry  out  a  program  of  pasteurization. 

A  combination  of  the  two  methods  of  solution  is  undoubtedly 
the  most  feasible  plan  of  operation.  If  carried  out,  such  a  plan 
would  not  only  save  countless  infant  lives,  but  would  also  pre- 
pare the  way  for  a  clean  milk  supply.  The  New  York  Milk 
Conference  of  1906  decided  that  pasteurization  is  not  necessary 
if  the  milk  is  absolutely  clean,  and  opposed  a  system  of  compul- 
sory pasteurization,  but  recommended  that  infant  milk  depots 
supply  both  raw  and  pasteurized  milk.  The  rapidity  and 
facility  with  which  germs  multiply  when  they  are  reintroduced 
into  pasteurized  milk  was  urged  as  a  serious  objection,  and  there- 
fore special  stress  was  laid  on  the  necessity  of  procuring  clean 
milk.  Experience,  however,  has  changed  the  point  of  view,  and 
in  191 2  the  Commission  on  Milk  Standards  appointed  by  the  New 
YorkMilk  Committee  reported,  "The  Commission  thinks  that  pas- 
teurization is  necessary  for  all  milk  at  all  times  excepting  certified 
milk  or  its  equivalent.  The  majority  of  the  Commission  voted 
in  favor  of  the  pasteurization  of  all  milk  including  certified." 

5.  Significant  Forms  of  Municipal  Control. 

Every  large  municipality  now  assumes  some  form  of  control 
over  its  milk  supply.  At  first  the  purpose  of  such  efforts  was  to 
secure  better  milk,  not  necessarily  for  the  sake  of  reducing  the 
infant  mortality,  but  rather  as  a  form  of  pure  food  legislation. 
These  earlier  attempts  at  control  were  therefore  limited  largely 
to  the  enforcement  of  chemical  standards ;  that  is,  milk  was  to 
contain  a  certain  percentage  of  butter  fats,  of  solids  not  fats, 


THE  MILK   PROBLEM  85 

and  it  was  not  to  contain  preservatives.  By  means  of  a  chemi- 
cal analysis  the  milk  was  tested  for  preservatives,  especially  for 
formaldehyde,  and  if  found  unfit  was  rejected.  The  infant 
mortality,  however,  is  hardly  affected  by  the  improvements 
occasioned  by  such  work. 

Recently  reduction  of  the  death  rate  has  become  the  prime 
consideration  and  the  efforts  of  cities  aim  to  promote  the  clean- 
liness of  milk,  a  policy,  however,  that  involves  a  rather  complex 
program.  One  of  the  most  important  innovations  is  the  bac- 
teriological examination  of  the  milk,  to  determine  its  relative 
purity.  The  natural  sequence  of  the  work  of  the  laboratory  is 
the  establishment  of  a  bacteriological  standard  to  which  milk 
must  conform,  otherwise  it  will  be  considered  unfit  for  food. 
The  next  step  has  been  the  inspection  of  the  dairies  themselves. 
At  first  only  dairies  within  the  city  limits  were  inspected,  but 
gradually  the  work  was  carried  on  into  the  country  districts 
which  supply  the  city's  milk.  In  addition,  stringent  regulations 
are  now  being  enacted  such  as  the  following :  the  proper  pasteur- 
ization of  all  commercial  milk ;  the  prohibition  of  double  pas- 
teurization; confiscation  of  all  condemned  milk;  dairies 
limited  to  cows  that  have  been  tuberculin  tested ;  and  the  care- 
ful limitation  of  the  sale  of  unbottled  milk.  The  cost  of  improv- 
ing the  milk  supply  has  in  some  instances  prevented  cities  from 
aggressive  action ;  political  interference  has  also  operated  to 
hinder  effective  work ;  and  the  dairy  interests  themselves  have 
proved  a  powerful  obstacle. 

a.  The  Experience  of  Rochester,  New  York. 

Rochester,  New  York,  was  one  of  the  first  American  cities  to 
make  a  determined  attempt  to  reduce  its  infant  mortality 
through  an  improvement  of  the  milk  supply.  The  former  ex- 
cessive death  rate  among  children  under  five  years  of  age  called 
for  an  explanation,  unclean  milk  being  eventually  charged  with 
the  responsibility.  Accordingly,  under  the  very  able  direction 
of  Dr.  George  W.  Goler,  Health  Officer  of  the  city,  notable  ex- 
periments were  made.  Dr.  Goler  found  that  "  the  stables  were 
dirty,  festooned  with  cobwebs,  and  badly  drained;  the  sur- 
roundings, sinks  of  mud  and  cow  manure;   the  utensils  dirty, 


86  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

often  containing  layers  of  sour  milk  with  an  admixture  of  count- 
less millions  of  bacteria ;  and  the  milk  itself  so  imperfectly  cared 
for  and  badly  cooled  that  it  often  soured  before  reaching  the  con- 
sumer." To  revolutionize  these  conditions  seemed  almost  an 
impossibility,  especially  without  raising  the  price  of  milk,  which 
in  the  early  stages  of  the  propaganda  appeared  undesirable. 

The  first  step  taken  was  the  pasteurization  of  the  milk  used  by 
the  poor  children  —  the  most  feasible  method  at  the  time. 
During  the  summer  of  1897  two  milk  stations  were  established, 
each  with  a  trained  nurse  in  charge.  The  stations  were  humble 
establishments  provided  with  very  simple  furniture,  but  con- 
tained the  needed  equipment.  The  best  milk  obtainable  was 
secured,  and  after  modification  to  suit  four  different  age  periods 
of  the  baby  was  pasteurized  at  180  degrees  Fahrenheit  for 
twenty  minutes.  This  milk  was  placed  in  bottles  of  four  differ- 
ent sizes,  to  correspond  to  the  ages  of  the  children,  and  was  then 
retailed  at  cost  to  the  mothers. 

The  purpose  of  the  work,  as  will  be  seen,  was  to  accomplish 
two  reforms  :  first,  to  secure  a  cleaner  milk  supply ;  second,  to 
educate  mothers  in  infant  care  and  management,  and  in  the 
proper  use  of  food.  An  initial  step  in  the  organization  of  the 
work  was  the  conference  with  the  mother,  who  was  often  igno- 
rant of  the  proper  methods  of  caring  for  her  children.  At  the 
time  of  her  first  purchase  of  milk  the  mother  was  required  to 
appear  at  the  station  and  to  bring  her  baby  with  her  for  examina- 
tion. A  milk  combination  suited  to  the  needs  of  the  child  was 
prescribed  by  the  physician  or  nurse,  the  baby  was  weighed, 
and  the  mother  was  instructed  in  regard  to  the  changing  needs 
of  the  child.  In  addition,  a  pamphlet,  containing  advice  on  the 
care  of  babies,  printed  in  various  languages  so  as  to  meet  the 
lingual  conditions  of  the  city,  was  distributed  among  the  mothers. 

For  two  years  the  work  was  carried  on  as  described  above, 
and  the  number  of  stations  was  increased  to  four.  The  results 
were  apparent  in  a  reduced  death  rate  for  children  under  five 
and  in  better  care  of  the  surviving  ones.  The  pasteurization  of 
impure  milk  was,  however,  unsatisfactory  to  the  authorities, 
and  it  was  therefore  abandoned  for  the  policy  of  striving  to  se- 


THE  MILK  PROBLEM 


87 


cure  milk  originally  pure  and  wholesome  and  consequently  fit 
food  for  babies.  This  reform  required  the  production  of  milk 
under  clean  and  sanitary  conditions,  so  in  1899  a  central  milk 
station  was  established  on  a  dairy  farm.  Owing  to  the  precau- 
tions taken  by  the  farmer,  and  the  complete  sterilization  of  all 
milk  utensils,  pasteurization  was  then  abandoned  and  the  raw 
milk  was  apportioned  to  the  stations  located  in  the  city.  In 
order  to  educate  producers  the  central  station  was  located  on 
a  different  farm  each  succeeding  year,  and  as  a  result  the  influ- 
ence of  this  rotation  extended  far  beyond  the  dairy  directly  af- 
fected. This  aggressive  method  of  providing  the  poor  with  good 
milk  was  supplemented  by  vigorous  inspection  of  all  dairies 
contributing  to  the  city  milk  supply.  A  well-developed  system 
of  marking  and  grading  dairy  conditions,  as  well  as  the  milk 
placed  on  the  market,  was  also  established.  All  resulted  in 
better  standards  among  the  dairy  farmers;  better  milk  was 
therefore  provided  for  the  babies,  and  the  quality  for  the  entire 
city  was  improved.  Strict  regulations  were  adopted,  the  use 
of  preservatives  was  forbidden,  dairymen  were  required  to 
report  certain  contagious  and  infectious  diseases  in  the  family 
or  among  the  helpers,  and  the  license  to  sell  milk  in  the  city 
was  made  revocable  if  the  law  was  violated. 

The  results  of  the  first  ten  years  of  effort  are  partly  shown  in 
the  effects  on  the  mortality  rates  among  the  children.  Selected 
facts  are  given  in  the  following  table  : l 

Deaths  of  Children  under  Five  in  Rochester,  New  York 


1887-18Q6 


1897-1906 


Total  .  . 
January  . 
April  .  . 
July  .  . 
August  . 
September 
November 


745i 
552 
526 
1222 
1075 
739 
434 


4865 
388 

443 
54° 
603 

533 

293 


1  Goler,  Geo.,  But  a  Thousand  a  Year,  Charities  and  Commons,  April,   1907, 
Supplement. 


88  PROBLEMS   OF  CHILD   WELFARE 

This  table  clearly  indicates  a  tremendous  reduction  in  the 
death  rate  of  children,  and  particularly  gratifying  was  the  result 
for  the  summer  months,  when  the  death  rate  is  usually  enormous. 
Not  only  was  the  aggregate  number  of  deaths  reduced  one-half 
during  these  months,  but  the  former  disproportion  between  the 
summer  rates  and  those  for  the  rest  of  the  year  was  also  sub- 
stantially modified. 

While  this  crusade  was  carried  on,  it  constantly  met  with  the 
opposition  of  certain  private  interests ;  politics  also  was  in- 
jected, and  a  strenuous  effort  made  to  undermine  the  work. 
As  a  consequence,  the  city  has  progressed  less  rapidly  in  recent 
years.  As  a  pioneer,  however,  its  work  cannot  be  too  highly 
praised.  Other  cities  now  see  the  light,  and  if  they  surpass 
Rochester  in  their  splendid  work,  it  is  because  the  needs  are 
great  and  the  work  efficient. 

b.   New  York  City. 

Among  the  large  cities  whose  preventive  work  deserves  at- 
tention is  New  York.  During  the  years  1880  to  191 1  inclusive, 
its  infant  mortality  fell  58.8  per  cent,  or  more  than  half,  and  the 
reduction  in  the  death  rate  from  the  diarrhceal  diseases  was  al- 
most exactly  one-half.  The  greatest  gains  have  been  made 
since  the  formation  of  the  Division  of  Child  Hygiene  in  1908. 
Much  of  the  progress  during  these  thirty-two  years  is  due  to 
the  improved  quality  of  the  milk  consumed  by  the  babies. 

New  York  City  is  gradually  evolving  a  milk  code  which  covers 
most  of  the  salient  points.  Pasteurization  is  not  compulsory, 
but  where  it  is  done,  it  must  be  carried  on  under  special  permit 
from  the  board  of  health.  Pasteurized  milk  must  be  labeled, 
the  hour  and  day  of  pasteurization  given,  the  degree  of  heat 
used,  the  amount  of  time,  and  the  number  of  the  permit. 
In  addition,  milk  must  not  be  kept  more  than  24  hours  after  pas- 
teurization, or  by  that  time  it  must  be  in  the  hands  of  the  con- 
sumer, and  no  second  pasteurization  is  allowed.  Store  milk 
cannot  be  taken  from  the  can  and  placed  in  bottles ;  nor  can  it 
be  kept  in  sleeping  rooms  or  in  unsanitary  places.  Milk  is  clas- 
sified according  to  quality,  and  must  be  labeled  accordingly. 
Finally,  condemned  milk  is  destroyed  and  vendors  of  bad  milk 
may  be  prosecuted. 


THE  MILK  PROBLEM  89 

New  York  City  has  spent  much  effort  in  the  wearisome  task 
of  securing  an  adequate  inspection  of  dairies.  The  city  receives 
milk  from  six  or  more  states,  but  inspectors  from  New  York  have 
no  power  to  coerce  dairymen  in  any  other  state ;  nor  even  in 
New  York,  which  contains  80  per  cent  of  the  dairies  sending 
milk  to  the  city ;  yet  some  form  of  coercion  is  necessary.  This 
is  secured  in  the  following  way :  first,  a  group  of  officials  is  de- 
tailed to  inspect  milk  after  it  is  brought  to  the  city  and  to  decide 
upon  its  quality  and  cleanliness,  and  if  found  unfit  for  food,  it 
is  rejected,  and  the  dairyman  who  produced  it  is  no  longer  per- 
mitted to  ship  his  milk  to  the  city.  An  effective  check  upon  un- 
sanitary methods  of  production  can  thus  be  exercised  by  the 
inspectors  who  perform  their  work  within  the  city  itself. 
Second,  traveling  inspectors  who  are  authorized  to  visit  the 
dairies.  Although  they  are  without  direct  power,  they  can 
threaten  to  order  the  city  authorities  to  prohibit  a  recalci- 
trant dairyman  from  sending  his  disqualified  milk  to  the  city, 
and  thus  they  compel  him  to  improve  the  conditions  under 
which  his  milk  is  produced.  The  system  of  scoring  dairies  as 
worked  out  by  the  federal  government  is  used,  and  by  means  of 
this  elaborate  system  of  grading,  the  comparative  standing  of 
each  dairyman  visited  can  be  placed  on  record.  Doubtful 
producers  can  be  more  carefully  followed,  and  if  necessary  their 
product  can  be  rejected.  The  chief  obstacle  to  adequate  in- 
spection is  the  physical  impossibility  of  supervising  the  dairies 
and  of  visiting  them  with  sufficient  frequency  to  ascertain 
whether  the  standards  are  being  maintained. 

c.  Other  Cities. 

Boston,  which  receives  milk  from  7000  dairies  in  several  states, 
has  an  elaborate  system  of  inspection  in  which  it  uses  the  United 
States  score  card  and  tries  to  secure  inspection  of  each  dairy  at 
least  three  times  a  year.  At  first  45  per  cent  of  the  dairies  were 
found  in  an  unsatisfactory  condition,  but  this  proportion  has  not 
only  been  reduced  to  5  per  cent,  but  the  city  has  also  established 
a  bacteriological  standard  for  its  milk  —  500,000  bacteria  per 
cubic  centimeter.  Frequent  tests  are  made,  and  nearly  90  per 
cent  of  the  milk  examined  is  well  within  the  standard  adopted. 


90  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD  WELFARE 

Most  other  regulations  only  duplicate  those  mentioned  as  ex- 
isting elsewhere. 

In  Washington  compulsory  pasteurization  has  been  required 
for  many  years,  and  a  well-developed  system  of  dairy  control  has 
been  evolved.  Inspection  has  been  reduced  to  a  minimum  by 
requiring  every  dairyman  who  wishes  to  sell  milk  in  the  city 
to  secure  a  permit  which  is  granted  after  a  satisfactory  evidence 
is  given  that  the  milk  is  produced  under  wholesome  conditions ; 
and  with  the  agreement  that  the  dairyman  is  both  to  be  gov- 
erned by  the  regulations  of  the  health  office  of  the  city  and  that 
his  dairy  is  to  be  inspected  without  notice.  The  milk  is  ex- 
amined from  time  to  time,  and  if  found  unworthy,  the  license  is 
revoked.  The  inspectors  are  educators  rather  than  spies. 
They  are  trained  dairymen  who  guide  and  instruct  producers. 
They  come  as  friends,  and  therefore  the  dairymen  are  more 
tractable,  and  more  willing  to  improve  conditions  when 
necessary.  The  tuberculin  test  is  also  required  of  all  milk  cows 
within  the  city. 

Chicago  has  met  with  the  most  determined  resistance  in  its 
campaign  for  pure  milk.  The  city  has  adopted  a  bacteriological 
standard  accepting  a  limit  of  500,000  bacteria  per  cubic  centi- 
meter in  the  winter  and  1,000,000  in  the  summer  months  as 
reasonable.  Milk,  however,  is  not  condemned  unless  the  count 
has  reached  3,000,000.  City  ordinance  requires  all  milk  to  be 
pasteurized,  and  the  process  is  carefully  denned  by  statute  in 
order  that  the  ineffectual  methods  of  partial  pasteurization  may 
not  pass  as  a  complete  process,  since  interrupted  pasteurization 
is  forbidden.  The  milk  is  then  to  be  cooled  immediately  to 
45  degrees  without  exposure  to  the  air.  Chicago  has  also  taken 
steps  to  secure  the  testing  of  milk  cows  for  tuberculosis,  but  has 
been  hindered  in  this  work  by  the  state  government. 

d.  Effects  of  Inspection  on  Disease. 

A  very  wholesome  effect  of  persistent  inspection  of  the  milk 
supply  is  the  detection  of  contagious  diseases  along  the  route, 
and  the  immediate  stoppage  of  the  milk  sent  from  the  sources 
of  contamination.  By  means  of  a  telltale  register  the  infected 
milk  is  discovered.     Whenever  a  case  of  contagious  disease  is 


THE  MILK   PROBLEM  91 

reported,  it  is  charged  to  the  particular  dairy  of  which  the  dis- 
eased person  is  a  patron,  and  if  other  cases  can  be  similarly 
charged,  an  investigation  is  instituted.  In  case  the  source  of 
contagion  can  be  definitely  traced  to  an  offending  dairy,  the  dairy 
is  closed  till  the  danger  is  passed.  Epidemics  of  scarlet  fever, 
typhoid  fever,  diphtheria,  and  even  of  smallpox  have  been  effec- 
tually checked  in  this  way.  The  danger  from  scarlet  fever  es- 
pecially can  thus  be  largely  minimized.  Buffalo  has  been  par- 
ticularly active  in  preventing  the  spread  of  disease  through  a 
contaminated  milk  supply. 

6.  State  Control. 

The  states  are  gradually  assisting  the  cities  in  developing  and 
maintaining  standards.  Many  states  require  commercial  milk 
to  have  a  certain  percentage  of  butter  fat,  while  some  are  legis- 
lating in  reference  to  bovine  tuberculosis  and  are  requiring  all 
dairy  cows  to  be  tested,  while  methods  of  preventing  disease 
are  being  introduced.  Massachusetts  has  a  state  law  requiring 
dairy  inspection.  New  York  is  agitating  the  question  of  state 
control  and  the  reform  forces  would  require  the  state  board  of 
health  to  examine  the  employees  connected  with  dairies,  cream- 
eries, and  shipping  stations,  and  to  insure  the  use  of  good  water. 
They  also  hope  to  secure  laws  requiring  the  state  department  of 
agriculture  to  examine  dairy  cattle,  and  to  inspect  the  premises 
connected  with  milk  cows  and  milk  production,  and  to  grant 
licenses  to  farmers  to  produce  milk.  Such  a  form  of  state  con- 
trol would  relieve  the  cities,  which  could  then  give  more  time  to 
inspections  within  the  city  and  to  the  examination  of  milk. 
The  New  York  Milk  Committee  claims  that  a  definite  sum,  ex- 
pended for  laboratory  purposes  within  the  city,  can  accomplish 
ten  times  as  much  as  if  used  to  extend  a  municipal  system  of 
dairy  inspection  beyond  the  city  limits.  The  logical  develop- 
ment is  in  the  direction  of  increased  state  control ;  but  this 
cannot  be  realized  until  public  opinion  recognizes  the  value  of 
clean  milk.  Even  then  an  increased  cost  of  production  would 
act  as  a  deterrent.  Consequently  the  better  sanitary  handling 
of  milk  must  be  accompanied  by  economies  in  production. 

Much  can  be  done  by  the  various  state  colleges  of  agriculture 


92 


PROBLEMS  OF   CHILD   WELFARE 


to  improve  the  milk  supply.  Through  their  extension  work 
they  can  educate  the  dairymen  and  the  farmers  in  the  standards 
of  milk  production,  and  by  emphasizing  the  relation  to  disease 
they  can  also  develop  a  public  conscience  on  the  duty  of  the 
proper  handling  of  the  milk  supply. 

7.  Classification  of  Dairy  Milk. 

In  recent  years  a  grade  of  milk  known  as  "  certified  milk  " 
has  been  introduced.  This  is  a  copyrighted  term,  and  the  label 
cannot  be  used  unless  permission  is  granted  by  the  commission 
controlling  its  use.  The  milk  must  be  produced  under  condi- 
tions which  will  insure  its  cleanliness  and  a  very  low  bacterial 
count  without  being  subjected  to  pasteurization  —  "  certified 
milk  "  should  not  contain  more  than  10,000  bacteria  per  cubic 
centimeter.  In  St.  Louis  30,000  are  allowed.  A  dairy  must 
apply  for  the  label,  and  if,  after  subsequent  inspection,  a 
favorable  report  is  given,  the  use  of  the  term  may  be  granted, 
but  this  right  may  be  withdrawn  whenever  the  milk  carrying 
the  label  fails  to  meet  the  requirements.  On  account  of  the 
drastic  conditions  imposed,  few  dairies  sell  "  certified  milk," 
but  the  number  is  constantly  increasing.  This  milk,  which 
costs  the  consumer  about  50  per  cent  more  than  ordinary  milk, 
is  not  within  the  reach  of  the  poor,  but  it  can  be  afforded  by 
a  large  portion  of  the  middle  class,  among  whom  it  finds  its 
chief  clientele. 

Other  commercial  milk  can  be  conveniently  divided  into 
several  grades.  The  Commission  on  Milk  Standards  appointed 
by  the  New  York  Milk  Committee  has  recommended  the  grading 
of  milk  into  four  classes,  as  follows :  certified  milk  or  its  equiva- 
lent ;  inspected  milk ;  pasteurized  milk ;  and  milk  not  suitable 
for  drinking  purposes.  The  bacterial  count,  pasteurization,  and 
cleanliness  were  the  chief  considerations  that  determined  this 
classification. 

The  Department  of  Health  of  New  York  City  has  adopted  the 
following  gradations : 
Grade  A  (for  infants  and  children). 

(1)  Certified.     This  meets  the  requirements  set  by  the  Medi- 
cal Society  of  New  York. 


THE  MILK  PROBLEM  93 

(2)  Guaranteed.     Meets  same  requirements  as  certified  milk 

but  is  guaranteed  by  the  Department  of  Health. 

(3)  Inspected  Raw.     Must  have  not  more  than  60,000  bac- 

teria per  cubic  centimeter  when  delivered  to  consumer, 
and  dairy  must  meet  certain  requirements. 

(4)  Selected  Pasteurized.     Must  have  not  more  than  50,000 

bacteria  per  cubic  centimeter,  must  be  labeled  as  to 
date  and  hour  of  pasteurization,  and  milk  must  be  de- 
livered within  30  hours  of  pasteurization. 
Grade  B  (for  adults). 

(1)  Selected  Raw.     Must  come  from  cows  that  have  been 

examined  and  found  healthy.  Dairies  must  score  68 
according  to  certain  proportions  for  equipment  and 
methods. 

(2)  Pasteurized.  Must  be  delivered  within  30  hours  of  pas- 
teurization. 

Grade  C  (all  other  milk). 

8.  Modified  Milk. 

In  1 89 1  a  Walker-Gordon  laboratory  was  established  in  Boston, 
and  since  then  these  laboratories  have  sprung  up  in  large  num- 
bers. Their  purpose  is  to  prepare  modified  milk  suited  to  the 
needs  of  the  individual  child,  but  no  two  modifications  are  alike, 
as  each  one  is  made  according  to  the  physician's  order.  This 
milk,  which  is  sold  on  a  purely  commercial  basis,  costs  two  or  three 
times  the  price  of  ordinary  milk,  so  its  use  is  confined  to  the 
children  of  the  wealthy  classes  and  is  quite  beyond  the  financial 
reach  of  the  poor.  Made  from  the  cleanest  milk  obtainable,  it 
serves  its  limited  field  most  successfully. 

Modified  milk  is  also  prepared  by  various  philanthropic  agen- 
cies. A  milk  of  good  quality  is  chosen ;  then  modifications  are 
made  according  to  a  number  of  formulas,  each  of  which  is  pre- 
sumably adapted  to  some  age  period  of  the  infant.  The  modified 
milk  is  then  pasteurized  and  sold  at  cost  or  less.  It  is  intended 
for  the  poor,  to  whom  it  is  ordinarily  distributed  from  milk  sta- 
tions established  for  the  purpose. 

9.  Milk  Depots. 

In  1892  Dr.  Budin  of  France,  moved  by  the  numberless  deaths 


94 


PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD    WELFARE 


of  babies  among  the  poor,  devised  a  plan  of  education  for  the 
mothers.  He  established  an  institution  designated  a  "  Con- 
sultation de  Nourissons,"  where  he  attempted  to  reduce  infant 
mortality  according  to  the  following  plans:1  first,  by  encourag- 
ing breast  feeding  as  far  as  possible ;  second,  by  giving  sterilized 
milk  if  necessary ;  third,  by  supplementing  maternal  milk  with 
good  cow's  milk,  if  the  former  was  insufficient ;  fourth,  by  mak- 
ing systematic  observations  of  each  infant  in  order  to  note  its 
progress. 

Institutions  of  this  kind  have  attained  considerable  success 
in  persuading  mothers  to  nurse  their  children.  In  two  years  one  of 
them  increased  the  percentage  of  infants  who  were  breast  fed  from 
22  to  77.     Many  such  stations  have  been  established  in  France. 

Another  form  of  institution  known  as  the  "  goutte  de  lait," 
begun  in  France  in  1894,  provided  modified  cow's  milk  to  infants 
who  needed  to  be  artificially  fed.  Each  infant  received  the 
special  modification  needed,  and  was  also  given  regular  medical 
examination.  This  type  of  agency  has  become  the  more  popu- 
lar ;  it  has  spread  all  over  France,  and  has  been  copied  by  cities 
throughout  Western  Europe. 

In  the  United  States  the  milk  depot  is  a  permanent  feature  in 
the  campaign  for  the  reduction  of  infant  mortality.  Although 
not  the  first  ones,  the  Straus  milk  depots  established  in  New 
York  City  in  1893  gave  the  impetus  to  similar  work  elsewhere. 
These  depots  sold  pasteurized  and  modified  milk  at  less  than  cost 
price,  so  they  had  to  be  supported  by  private  philanthropy. 
They  have  undoubtedly  been  a  large  factor  in  the  reduction  of 
infant  death  rates  in  that  city.  Later  when  their  founder  failed 
to  continue  his  support,  the  Straus  depots  were  replaced  by  the 
milk  stations  doing  a  similar  work.  Every  large  American  city 
now  has  milk  depots  which  are  operated  by  private  philanthropy, 
but  in  191 2  the  New  York  City  Department  of  Health  main- 
tained 55  such  stations  in  addition  to  the  ones  under  the  direc- 
tion of  private  societies.  In  the  near  future  many  cities  will 
undoubtedly  establish  milk  stations  as  a  part  of  their  public 
social  service  work. 

1  Heath,  Llewellyn,  The  Infant,  the  Parent,  the  State,  p.  142. 


THE   MILK   PROBLEM  95 

In  a  typical  milk  station  modified  pasteurized  milk  is  provided 
for  poor  mothers.  Usually  modifications,  such  as  already  noted, 
are  made,  and  the  milk  is  then  sold  at  or  below  cost,  and  a  small 
amount  may  even  be  given  away.  It  is  ordinarily  withheld, 
except  on  the  prescription  of  a  physician.  If  the  mother  can 
nurse  her  baby,  she  is  always  urged  to  do  so. 

An  auxiliary  feature  of  some  of  the  milk  depots  is  the  babies' 
clinic,  where  infants  are  examined  by  the  physician  in  charge, 
or,  in  his  absence,  by  a  trained  nurse.  As  already  explained  in 
connection  with  the  experience  of  Rochester,  the  baby  is  weighed, 
his  case  is  carefully  diagnosed,  milk  of  the  proper  modification 
is  prescribed,  the  mother  is  instructed  as  to  the  best  method 
of  feeding,  and  is  ordered  to  bring  the  child  to  the  depot  when- 
ever the  physician  finds  this  necessary.  The  condition  of  the 
mother  and  her  ability  to  care  for  the  child  are  noted,  and  in 
numerous  cases  the  trained  nurse  is  detailed  to  visit  the  homes 
of  the  babies  to  supplement  the  work  of  the  mother.  Such 
efforts  have  a  cumulative  effect,  since  mothers  communicate 
their  experience  to  other  women,  who  in  turn  profit  from  the 
knowledge  obtained.  This  form  of  education  is  definitely  bound 
up  with  the  milk  depot,  but  other  methods  of  instruction,  which 
will  be  considered  later,  are  also  employed.  A  third  feature  is 
the  visiting  nurse  who  goes  to  the  homes.  In  so  far  as  her  work 
consists  of  instruction  as  to  the  care  of  milk,  or  its  proper  modi- 
fication, her  service  is  one  of  the  necessary  steps  in  securing  good 
milk  for  babies.  In  so  far  as  it  is  educative  along  other  lines,  it 
will  be  discussed  in  the  succeeding  chapter. 

Milk  stations  are  usually  placed  in  localities  which  are  in 
greatest  need  of  their  services  ;  accordingly,  a  knowledge  of  con- 
ditions in  each  community  should  precede  the  establishment  of 
the  station.  Then  mothers  should  learn  of  the  existence  of 
the  depots.  In  New  York  City,  mothers  of  babies  under  three 
months  of  age,  living  within  six  blocks  of  a  public  station,  are 
notified  of  its  presence,  and  informed  of  its  work.  As  many  of 
the  mothers  are  of  foreign  birth  and  are  ignorant  of  the  English 
language,  specialized  effort  is  necessary  to  reach  them.  Some 
milk  stations  operate  throughout  the  year,  but  the  majority  are 
open  only  during  the  summer  months. 


96  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

The  Rochester  public  milk  stations  furnished  modified  milk, 
but  the  New  York  City  Department  of  Health,  in  establishing  its 
depots,  decided  to  sell  whole  milk  of  a  certain  quality,  and  then 
to  instruct  mothers  in  the  art  of  modification,  thus  reducing  the 
cost  of  the  milk  and  at  the  same  time  making  the  reform  per- 
manent because,  having  once  learned  how,  most  mothers  will 
not  forget  and  will  become  less  dependent  on  milk  stations. 


CHAPTER  VI 
METHODS   OF  PREVENTIVE  WORK 

i.  Encouragement  of  Maternal  Feeding. 

If  cow's  milk  were  the  only  substitute  for  nature's  food,  the 
reduction  of  infant  mortality  would  be  far  simpler  than  it  is ; 
but  milk  substitutes  and  other  foods  are  used.  Although  bottle- 
feeding  causes  a  high  infant  death  rate,  the  use  of  substitutes  for 
milk  is  far  more  dangerous.  While  a  return  to  maternal  feeding 
is  desirable,  serious  obstacles  sometimes  present  themselves. 
For  example,  pregnancies  occur,  and  these  necessitate  the  wean- 
ing of  the  child ;  again,  ill-health  or  disease  may  intervene ;  be- 
sides, many  mothers  are  obliged  to  enter  industry,  and  cannot 
afford  to  nurse  their  babies.  Furthermore,  well-to-do  mothers 
frequently  do  not  wish  to  undergo  the  inconvenience  which  the 
care  of  babies  involves.  Many  infants  unable  to  digest  any  other 
than  liquid  food  must  therefore  be  fed  upon  cow's  milk  or  other 
substitutes  for  their  mother's  milk.  In  the  poorer  districts  in 
particular  we  find  babies  fed  upon  pickles,  bananas,  crackers, 
cheese,  and  salt-pork,  etc.  Needless  to  say,  their  tiny  over- 
worked stomachs  are  unequal  to  the  task  of  assimilation. 

However,  an  effort  must  be  made  to  return  to  the  policy  of 
maternal  feeding.  This  principle  was  recognized  in  France  in 
1876,  when  a  society  was  formed  whose  object  was  to  aid  mothers 
so  that  they  might  continue  to  nurse  their  babies,  and  which  also 
disseminated  knowledge  as  to  the  desirability  of  wet  nursing. 
Under  such  teaching,  France  has  witnessed  a  widespread  re- 
turn to  the  old  and  venerable  method  of  feeding  babies  on  breast 
milk.  In  the  United  States  the  principle  is  universally  accepted 
by  medical  agencies,  and  our  milk  stations  likewise  insist  that 
the  mother  do  her  utmost  to  nurse  the  baby,  modified  milk 
being  prescribed  only  as  a  last  resort.  More  and  more,  physi- 
h  97 


98  PROBLEMS  OF  CHILD  WELFARE 

cians  are  urging  middle  class  mothers  to  nurse  their  babies  in- 
stead of  resorting  to  bottle-feeding. 

On  the  other  hand,  many  infants  fed  upon  mother's  milk 
suffer  and  waste  away.  Consequences  of  this  sort  are  an  indica- 
tion that  the  mother  is  physically  unfit  to  nurse  her  child.  Under 
these  conditions,  breast-feeding  should  be  abandoned  unless  the 
mother  is  able  to  recuperate  so  that  the  child  will  begin  to  thrive 
and  become  a  healthy,  vigorous  infant.  It  is  clear  that  many 
instances  clearly  justify  the  use  of  cow's  milk.  In  France,  again, 
a  part  of  the  remedial  work  consists  in  providing  the  mother  with 
food  and  in  restoring  her  health  and  vigor  so  as  to  enable  her  to 
nurse  her  baby.  Poverty  is  usually  responsible,  at  least  in  part, 
for  the  mother's  ill-health ;  consequently  with  the  development 
of  a  more  generous  relief  policy,  the  food  provided  for  mothers 
will  be  more  nearly  adequate,  and  they  can  fit  themselves  for  this 
most  important  duty.  At  present  we  insist  that  they  work  at 
some  gainful  occupation  so  as  to  reduce  necessary  relief,  and  as  a 
result  they  are  unfitted  for  the  work  of  nursing.  This  difficulty 
is  constantly  faced  by  nurses  engaged  in  postnatal  care,  but 
reform  is  slow,  and  a  long  time  must  elapse  before  the  question 
can  be  solved.  Public  lectures  discussing  the  dangers  of  artifi- 
cial foods  and  presenting  other  subjects  related  to  the  care  of 
babies  should  be  given  to  mothers  at  club-meetings,  settlements, 
milk-stations,  public  school  buildings,  playgrounds,  and  other 
gathering  places.  Some  departments  of  health  are  now  actually 
attempting  this  method  of  instruction,  and  private  philanthropy 
has  likewise  carried  on  a  limited  amount  of  such  education. 

2.  Prenatal  Work. 

Apart  from  the  unavoidable  use  of  contaminated  and  over- 
heated milk,  the  ignorance  of  parents  is  the  chief  point  of  attack 
in  lessening  infant  mortality,  but  ignorance  is  caused  by  poverty 
and  poverty  is  caused  by  ignorance,  so  this  evil  is  not  a  simple 
one.  Efforts  to  eliminate  poverty  must  be  continued,  but  the 
reduction  of  infant  death  rates  cannot  be  delayed  until  poverty 
is  abolished ;  so  immediate  action  is  necessary  to  educate  parents 
in  reference  to  this  one  question.  Among  the  poorest  classes,  \ 
knowledge  as  to  the  feeding  of  babies  is  very  meager ;   little  is  » 


METHODS   OF  PREVENTIVE  WORK  99 

known  of  the  invigorating  and  curative  properties  of  fresh  air, 
the  value  of  an  outing  for  the  baby  is  not  appreciated,  and  open 
windows  are  viewed  with  horror  and  dread,  and  the  importance 
of  proper  clothing  and  of  frequent  bathing  is  unknown.  Many 
babies  are  still  bundled  into  swaddling  clothes,  much  to  their 
grief  and  discomfort,  and  thousands  are  not  dressed  according 
to  the  season.  In  the  large  cities,  children  may  be  seen  on  cold 
February  days  clad  in  the  frailest  of  garments,  and  in  July  al- 
most suffocating  from  a  superabundance  of  clothing.  Foreign 
mothers  especially,  unused  to  the  range  of  our  climatic  condi- 
tions, fail  to  accommodate  their  children  to  the  varying  re- 
quirements. 

Such  facts  as  these  indicate  the  need  of  enlightening  mothers. 
Some  of  the  large  cities  require  the  registration  of  all  births,  and 
send  a  circular  of  information  to  the  mother  of  every  newly 
born  infant.  They  usually  send  instructions  in  the  language  of 
the  mother,  or  in  several  languages,  but  very  little  attention  is 
paid  to  information  proffered  in  this  way.  The  circulars  are 
doubted  or  discredited,  and  unless  the  human  element  enters, 
little  is  accomplished.  Unless  some  person  actually  impresses 
the  facts  directly  on  the  minds  of  mothers,  the  effort  is  largely 
wasted. 

In  view  of  the  ignorance  of  mothers  which  results  in  an  exces- 
sive number  of  still  births  and  an  infant  mortality  especially 
heavy  in  the  first  few  months  of  life,  instruction  should  be  given 
to  prospective,  as  well  as  to  actual,  mothers.  To  meet  this  need 
prenatal  work  has  been  introduced.  It  was  first  attempted  in 
New  York  City  in  1908,  and  the  woman's  Municipal  League  of 
Boston  began  the  work  in  that  city  in  1909.  Since  then  a 
limited  amount  of  prenatal  work  has  been  attempted  in  other 
cities,  including  Chicago,  St.  Louis,  Baltimore,  and  Milwaukee.1 

The  method  of  prenatal  care  is  comparatively  simple. 
Women  come  independently  or  by  invitation  after  the  fourth  or 
fifth  month  of  pregnancy  to  the  dispensary,  where  their  cases  are 
carefully  diagnosed  and  their  history  examined.     Perhaps  a 

1  See  Work  for  Expectant  Mothers  in  Certain  American  Cities,  by  Ellen  C.  Babbitt. 
Woman's  Medical  Journal,  January,  1913- 


IOO 


PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD  WELFARE 


little  instruction  is  sufficient ;  perhaps  they  are  asked  to  report 
at  regular  intervals  to  receive  additional  care  and  advice.  In 
many  cases  this  is  not  sufficient,  and  nurses  are  sent  to  the  homes 
to  complete  the  instruction.  The  principal  subjects  covered  are 
the  following:  food  and  diet,  which  should  be  intelligently 
regulated  both  as  to  amount  and  kind ;  proper  clothing,  which 
will  impede  as  little  as  possible  the  free  movement  of  the  body ; 
work  and  exercise,  much  advice  being  needed  to  distinguish 
clearly  the  difference  in  effect  between  work  and  exercise  and  to 
convince  women  of  the  beneficial  effects  of  the  latter;  indica- 
tions of  ill  health,  so  that  if  any  morbid  condition  exists,  the  serv- 
ices of  the  dispensary  can  be  offered,  and  the  condition  can  be 
corrected ;  household  sanitation,  since  bad  conditions  can  often 
be  easily  remedied  and  headaches  and  other  bodily  ailments  be 
avoided. 

After  several  months  of  instruction  prospective  mothers  learn 
that  they  are  feeling  better,  they  become  more  cheerful  and  are 
much  better  prepared  to  undergo  the  ordeal  of  confinement. 
To  be  effective,  the  work  of  supervision  should  be  carried  on  until 
the  baby  is  at  least  one  month  old.  So  little  prenatal  care  has 
as  yet  been  attempted  that  the  statistics  of  results  are  very 
meager,  but  they  nevertheless  indicate  very  successful  work. 
The  following  table  gives  a  few  significant  facts  relating  to  the 
work  carried  on  by  the  New  York  Milk  Committee  in  Manhat- 
tan, and  to  that  of  the  Pregnancy  Clinic  of  the  Boston  Lying- 
in  Hospital.1 

Prenatal  Work 


Date 
or  Time 

Babies 
Born 
Alive 

Deaths 
under 
1  Mo. 

Death  Rate 

Still- 
Births 

Ratio 

to  Rate 

for 

City 

Entire 
City 

Supervised  Cases 

Rate 

Ratio 
to  Rate 
for  City 

City 

Manhattan 
Boston      .     . 

17  mo. 
7  mo. 

135° 
910 

37 
9 

40.2 
45-7 

27.4 
10.0 

68.1 
21.9 

48 
30 

71-5 
79-5 

1  See  Ellen  Babbitt,  in  article  cited ;  also  Sixth  Annual  Report  of  the  New  York 
Milk  Committee. 


METHODS   OF  PREVENTIVE   WORK  ioi 

Apart  from  the  fact  that  prenatal  care  makes  confinement 
easier  and  more  regular,  it  appears  that  death  rates  have  been 
materially  affected  thereby.     In  Manhattan  the  still-birth  rate 
among  the  supervised  cases  was  28.4  per  cent  lower  than  that  of 
the  entire  borough ;  in  Boston  the  rate  was  21.5  per  cent  lower, 
and  the  minor  experiments  in  other  cities  have  yielded  similar 
results.     In  each  city  the  rate  has  fallen  below  the  normal,  and 
it  must  be  remembered  that  these  rates  relate  to  the  poorest 
and  most  ignorant  people  in  the  city.     Since  the  average  rate  of 
still-births  among  the  poor  is  undoubtedly  much  above  the  nor- 
mal for  the  entire  city,  the  real  reduction  is  much  larger  than  that 
indicated  by  the  percentages  given.     This  principle  also  applies 
to  the  death  rates  of  babies  under  one  month  of  age,  which  are 
largely  due  to  diseases  of  early  infancy,  and  these  are  several  times 
as  fatal  among  the  poor  as  among  the  well-to-do.     In  Man- 
hattan the  rate  among  the  supervised  cases  was  31.8  per  cent 
lower  than  that  of  the  entire  borough,  while  the  records  for  the 
Boston  Lying-in  Hospital  indicate  a  reduction  of  78  per  cent. 
This  figure,  however,  is  exceptional,  and  far  in  excess  of  the  gains 
made  through  other  experiments,  whether  in  Boston  or  else- 
where.    Nevertheless,  the  evidence  in  regard  to  prenatal  care  in- 
dicates a  present  saving  of  about  one-third  of  the  infants  who 
ordinarily  die  of  diseases  of  early  infancy  as  well  as  the  remark- 
able reduction  in  the  proportion  of  still-births.     No  doubt  the 
number  of  miscarriages  is  also  reduced  thereby,  though  the  work 
is  so  recent  that  the  maximum  efficiency  has  not  been  reached. 
Additional  experience  should  develop  increased  ability  to  carry 
on  successful  work.    As  a  result,  the  diseases  of  early  infancy  will 
be  brought  under  greater  human  control  and  the  majority  of  the 
deaths  from  these  diseases  be  avoided.     In  view  of  the  heavy 
mortality  which  can  be  prevented,  prenatal  care  becomes  a  most 
valuable  form  of  preventive  work.     On  the  other  hand,  it  has 
serious  limitations.     It  cannot  effectively  improve  the  economic 
conditions  which  are  in  part  responsible  for  overwork,  lack  of 
care,  incompatibility,  ignorance,  and  low  ideals.     It  can,  how- 
ever, bring  these  needs  to  the  attention  of  the  public,  and  can 
greatly  reduce  our  needless  infant  mortality. 


102  PROBLEMS  OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

3.  Visiting  Nurse  Work. 

As  an  adjunct  of  the  milk  station,  the  visiting  nurse  gains 
an  easy  entrance  into  many  homes.  There  her  work  includes  a 
multitude  of  details.  The  duties  of  the  nurses  of  New  York 
City  well  illustrate  the  variety  of  tasks  imposed.1  The  nurses 
work  in  the  schools  during  the  school  year  and  then  engage  in 
home  visiting  in  the  summer  months,  when  they  are  assigned  to 
the  worst  districts  of  the  city,  and  each  one  given  the  supervision 
of  100  babies  whose  records  are  secured  from  the  Bureau  of  Vital 
Statistics.  The  mothers  are  persuaded  to  nurse  their  children 
if  possible ;  otherwise  instruction  in  baby-feeding  and  hygiene 
is  given.  Instruction  is  both  oral  and  written,  circulars  of  in- 
formation being  regularly  distributed,  and  the  work  is  carried  on 
in  cooperation  with  the  milk  station  in  the  district  and  mothers 
are  connected  with  this  if  advisable.  All  mothers  are  visited 
every  ten  days ;  those  with  sick  babies  oftener. 
'  Sick  babies  are  given  special  attention.  Private  medical  care 
is  first  sought  for  the  child,  but  if  charity  is  necessary,  the  hospital 
or  dispensary  is  pressed  into  service.  Sometimes  outdoor  medi- 
cal care  is  sought  from  the  department  of  health,  which  sends 
one  of  its  medical  inspectors.  Small  groups  of  nurses  meet 
regularly  with  an  inspector  for  consultation  over  cases,  and  the 
nurses  must  familiarize  themselves  with  the  social  agencies  of 
the  community.  Finally,  adequate  reports  on  all  cases,  whether 
sick  or  well,  are  required.  The  nurses  as  shown  by  their  duties 
are  engaged  in  both  remedial  and  preventive  work.  The  success 
of  the  New  York  City  nurses  is  indicated  by  the  fact  that  during 
4^  months  in  191 1  only  1.4  per  cent  of  the  16,987  babies  under 
their  care  died.  At  the  same  rate  the  annual  mortality  would 
have  been  37.3  per  1000  babies,  or  less  than  half  that  of  the  pre- 
vailing rate  in  the  entire  city. 

In  Boston  a  record  is  being  made  of  every  baby,  and  its  feed- 
ing history  is  noted,  and  if  it  is  bottle-fed,  the  case  is  visited. 
If  the  infant  has  proper  medical  care,  the  case  is  dropped,  but 
the  neglected  babies  are  at  once  given  attention.     Many  small 

1  Report  of  Division  of  Child  Hygiene  of  the  Department  of  Health,  New  York 
City,  191 2,  pp.  29-30. 


METHODS   OF  PREVENTIVE  WORK  103 

children  have  also  been  saved  in  the  homes  of  consumptives 
because  the  treatment  of  the  latter  has  been  accompanied  by 
examination  of  the  children.  In  Chicago  some  of  the  "  baby 
nurses  "  have  been  employed  to  make  a  house  to  house  canvass 
of  certain  districts ;  others  confine  their  attention  to  the  babies 
whose  names  have  been  referred  for  visitation. 

More  nurses  are  needed  for  this  work.  Some  can  be  recruited 
from  the  various  organizations  which  at  present  engage  in  visit- 
ing the  homes;  many  cities  have  visiting  nurse  associations 
maintained  by  private  charity ;  some  charity  organization 
societies  employ  nurses  directly ;  some  settlements  also  main- 
tain one  or  more  nurses,  and  many  dispensaries  command  the 
services  of  the  trained  nurse.  Usually  the  organization  which 
manages  the  milk  stations  is  able  to  finance  the  appointment 
of  a  number  of  nurses.  The  chief  reliance  in  the  future,  how- 
ever, must  be  the  boards  of  health  in  our  cities,  which  must 
employ  a  sufficient  number  of  nurses  to  cover  the  field  ade- 
quately. To  some  extent  the  school  nurse  can  be  used  for  this 
purpose,  but  additional  workers  will  probably  be  needed.  The 
ignorance  of  parents  cannot  be  removed  unless  intensive  work 
is  done  within  the  home. 

The  experience  of  the  little  town  of  Huddersfield,  England, 
further  illustrates  the  effects  of  knowledge  in  the  art  of  infant 
care  and  management.1  In  order  to  decrease  the  infant  mor- 
tality of  one  of  the  bad  districts  of  the  town,  the  mayor  in  1904 
offered  a  small  premium  for  every  child  who  should  reach  the 
twelfth  month  of  life.  The  promise  was  issued  on  a  small  card 
bearing  the  baby's  name  and  date  of  birth,  and  the  address  of 
the  parents.  In  addition  the  card  contained  rules  of  advice, 
most  prominent  of  which  was  the  appeal  in  favor  of  the  use  of 
mother's  milk.  This  appeal  was  fortified  by  the  statement 
that  infant  mortality  is  fifteen  times  greater  when  other  means 
of  feeding  are  employed.  Visits  were  as  frequent  as  necessary, 
and  special  efforts  were  made  to  render  service  to  mothers  at 
the  beginning  of  both  the  hot  and  the  cold  seasons,  when  disease 
is  most  frequent  and  the  mortality  from  certain  complaints  is 

1  See  Newman,  George,  Infant  Mortality,  p.  265. 


104  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

aggravated.  This  combination  of  methods  gave  remarkable 
results.  During  this  trial  year  the  infant  mortality  of  the 
district  fell  from  134  per  1000  births  to  54  —  a  decline  of  approx- 
imately 60  per  cent.  The  value  of  the  plan  cannot  be  doubted, 
in  spite  of  the  small  area  covered  and  the  temporary  nature  of 
the  experiment. 

4.  The  Day  Nursery. 

The  day  nursery  has  a  limited  value  in  educating  mothers, 
but  the  total  number  of  children  cared  for  at  the  nurseries  is 
insignificant  compared  with  the  absolute  number  of  children 
who  are  in  need  of  more  intelligent  care.  The  nursery  is  pat- 
ronized almost  exclusively  by  women  who  work  away  from 
home,  yet  thousands  of  mothers  do  not  enter  the  gainful  occu- 
pations, and  the  influence  of  the  nursery  does  not  reach  them. 
This  influence  usually  operates  through  the  children,  who  are 
daily  fed  and  cared  for,  and  who  reflect  at  home  the  conditions 
and  high  standards  of  the  nursery.  Indirectly  therefore,  the 
nursery  transforms  the  life  and  ideals  of  a  limited  number  of 
homes,  but  its  work  as  a  child-saving  agency  has  not  yet  reached 
its  full  development.  Its  direct  beneficiaries  are,  however, 
limited  to  small  children,  and  the  infant  gains  only  indirectly 
from  the  new  ideals  established  in  the  homes. 

5.  Education  of  Girls  and  Boys. 

Our  educational  system  needs  revision,  and  the  school  cur- 
riculum must  be  made  to  conform  more  nearly  to  the  actual 
requirements  of  our  complex  life  of  to-day.  Our  emphasis 
upon  literary  education  is  gradually  being  displaced  by  an  insist- 
ence upon  training  which  will  equip  the  growing  boy  and  girl 
for  industrial  and  trade  opportunities.  The  economic  needs 
are  being  supplied,  but  the  social  aspects  of  education  have 
not  received  sufficient  encouragement.  Girls  are  usually  kept 
ignorant  of  the  significance  of  maternity,  and  receive  little 
instruction  relating  thereto.  They  are  usually  required  to  learn 
everything  in  the  school  of  experience.  The  immature  girl  also 
suffers  because  of  her  youth,  statistics  showing  that  early  mar- 
riages yield  a  higher  infant  mortality  than  do  later  ones.  If 
the  mother  is  under  20,  the  infant  death  rate,  particularly  from 


METHODS   OF  PREVENTIVE   WORK 


I05 


the  diarrhceal  diseases,  is  excessive.  A  limited  investigation  in 
Chicago  among  the  families  of  immigrants  indicates  a  higher 
death  rate  in  the  larger  than  in  the  smaller  \  families.  Since 
ignorance  as  well  as  spent  energies  contributes  to  this  result, 
the  public  schools  must  face  this  problem  and  train  our  children 
for  the  varied  duties  of  life.  Our  young  men  and  young  women 
must  learn  more  about  the  requirements  and  needs  of  the  home 
and  of  home  life.  Domestic  science,  the  art  of  housekeeping, 
proper  uses  of  food,  the  importance  of  cleanliness,  hygiene, 
sanitation,  infant  care  and  management,  and  other  items  of 
value  should  become  part  of  the  instruction  of  every  young 
woman.  Such  instruction  is  so  fundamental  that  it  should 
rank  as  a  most  important  preventive  measure. 

Domestic  science  must  soon  form  part  of  the  curriculum  in 
every  elementary  school.  It  should  be  made  compulsory  for 
every  girl  in  the  seventh  and  eighth  grades,  and  the  amount  of 
ground  covered  during  these  two  grades  ought  to  be  sufficient 
to  enable  a  young  woman  to  learn  all  the  rudiments  necessary 
to  begin  a  home  on  an  intelligent  basis.  A  very  large  percentage 
of  public  school  pupils  leave  school  before  they  reach  these 
grades,  many  going  at  the  end  of  the  fifth  year,  while  the  loss 
during  the  sixth  year  is  also  very  heavy.  Provision  of  some 
kind  for  these  children  is  also  imperative,  for  it  is  precisely  this 
class  that  swells  the  aggregate  of  undesirable  elements  in  our 
large  cities.  Compulsory  education  will  reach  all  who  are  not 
over-aged,  but  the  latter  form  a  special  problem  and  cannot 
be  neglected.  Either  they  must  be  given  the  training  in  special 
classes,  or  they  must  be  held  at  school  until  they  have  had  the 
needed  training.  The  group  of  girls  most  in  need  of  the  training 
afforded  by  domestic  science  and  household  economy  are  least 
liable  to  be  reached  by  the  present  halting  methods  of  instruc- 
tion. The  majority  of  cities  have  done  little  for  the  cause  of 
domestic  science,  and  therefore  the  chief  cause  of  ignorance 
of  household  economy  still  remains.  Domestic  science  in  the 
high  school  should  be  encouraged,  and  it  will  be  a  source  of 
pleasure  and  of  profit  to  the  high  school  girl.  Instruction  in 
this  branch,  however,  does  not  benefit  the  children  of  the  poor, 


106  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

because  they  do  not  reach  the  high  school ;  and  effective  preven- 
tive work  for  the  child  of  the  coming  generation  can  be  performed 
only  by  educating  the  girl  and  boy  who  are  most  in  need  of 
the  training  which  these  branches  will  yield.  The  introduction 
of  such  courses  into  the  secondary  schools  will  only  touch  the 
better  classes  and  will  affect  less  than  10  per  cent  of  all  the 
people.  Our  schools  are  strangely  lacking  in  their  provisions 
for  instruction  in  household  economy,  and  the  need  of  reform 
is  urgent  and  immediate. 

In  the  larger  cities  many  babies  are  really  cared  for  a  large 
share  of  the  time  by  their  older  sisters.  These  "  little  mothers  " 
are  usually  ignorant  of  the  principles  of  baby  care  and  are  there- 
fore quite  precarious  caretakers.  In  New  York  City  the  De- 
partment of  Health,  realizing  that  for  many  years  this  practice 
would  continue,  decided  to  instruct  the  children.  Accordingly 
a  lecture  on  baby  care  is  given  in  every  public  school  in  the  city 
in  May  of  each  year,  and  little  mothers'  leagues  are  formed 
among  girls  over  twelve  years  of  age.  These  leagues  continue 
the  study  of  child  care,  and  in  iqii  239  such  leagues  were  or- 
ganized, with  a  membership  of  17,050  girls.  The  leagues  met 
weekly  for  twelve  weeks,  during  which  time  they  covered  an 
entire  course  on  the  principles  of  baby  care.  Valuable  as  this 
work  is  in  guiding  the  little  mother  in  her  daily  task,  it  will  have 
still  more  value  when  she  becomes  a  real  mother.  We  can  well 
afford  to  utilize  school  buildings  for  this  purpose. 

Boys  likewise  need  additional  training,  especially  in  home 
hygiene  and  sanitation.  The  value  of  nature's  curative  forces 
and  regenerative  agencies  must  be  taught  in  order  to  give  the 
boy  a  proper  appreciation  of  the  danger  and  injury  incident 
to  unsanitary  housing  conditions.  The  uses  of  fresh  air,  the 
germ-destroying  power  of  sunlight,  the  effects  of  contamination 
of  air,  the  influence  of  gases,  standards  in  regard  to  sufficient 
air  space,  and  other  necessary  knowledge  relating  to  proper 
housing  conditions  must  be  effectually  taught  to  all  young  boys. 
The  meager  knowledge  of  these  subjects  gained  at  present  in 
the  study  of  physiology  is  entirely  insufficient,  and  an  extension 
along  the  lines  indicated  is  necessary ;  otherwise  the  instruction 


METHODS   OF  PREVENTIVE   WORK  107 

must  be  given  as  a  separate  branch  of  the  work  of  the  school. 
Whatever  be  the  course  followed,  it  must  be  judged  from  the 
standpoint  of  efficiency.  The  knowledge  which  makes  for  better 
homes  and  more  sanitary  houses,  and  which  will  accordingly 
save  the  lives  of  thousands  of  babies,  must  be  acquired  before 
the  homes  are  formed  and  before  babies  are  born.  If  this  is 
not  done,  children  will  always  be  the  victims  of  ignorance  and 
neglect. 

The  evening  school,  with  its  classes  in  appropriate  subjects 
for  both  young  men  and  young  women,  and  the  classes  formed 
in  settlements  and  other  institutions  which  strive  to  meet  this 
deficiency  in  the  education  of  the  child,  reach  a  small  number 
of  persons  only  and  cannot  adequately  meet  the  situation. 
Furthermore,  this  work  is  or  should  be  considered  a  mere  tem- 
porary expedient,  to  be  abandoned  when  the  elementary  schools 
expand  their  functions  so  as  to  include  home  science  among  the 
subjects  taught.  A  temporary  expansion  of  the  work  of  these 
classes  should  be  cordially  welcomed,  because  the  public  school 
does  not  now  meet  the  needs  of  a  large  bulk  of  our  growing 
youth,  and  many  anticipated  reforms  are  not  yet  being  realized. 

6.  Prevention  of  Overcrowding. 

Fatalities  among  children  depend  in  part  on  the  bad  housing 
conditions  of  a  city.  Overcrowding  may  take  one  of  the  fol- 
lowing forms :  first,  an  enormous  number  of  persons  may  live 
on  a  single  acre ;  again,  many  families  may  live  in  a  single  house 
or  tenement ;  third,  a  large  number  of  persons  may  be  crowded 
into  a  single  flat  or  group  of  rooms,  this  latter  form  being  by  far 
the  most  dangerous  one.  It  is  an  appalling  fact  that  the  three- 
room  apartment  is  the  most  common  form  of  housing  for  the 
large  families  of  the  poor,  while  two-room  apartments  are  also 
amazingly  frequent.  In  England  an  average  of  more  than  two 
persons  per  room  is  considered  overcrowding,  but  in  New  York 
City  the  informal  standard  is  i|  persons  per  room.  Owing  to 
the  small  rooms  in  its  tenements  this  standard  is  not  entirely 
adapted  to  other  cities,  but  if  the  sexes  are  to  be  separated,  it 
will  hold.  A  tremendous  amount  of  overcrowding  does  exist 
in  American  cities. 


108  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

The  density  per  acre  may  be  very  heavy,  yet  the  conditions 
under  which  the  individual  families  live  accord  with  all  the 
demands  of  sanitation  and  cleanliness.  Tenement  houses  well 
cared  for  and  well  inspected  by  the  city  authorities  may  house 
a  dense  population  without  special  injury  or  excessive  suffering 
to  the  indwellers.  This  is  particularly  true  if  houses  are  built 
according  to  the  best  modern  models.  In  actual  practice,  how- 
ever, a  heavy  per  acre  density  is  usually  associated  with  tene- 
ment house  conditions  of  the  worst  type,  the  size  of  the  families 
of  the  better  classes  being  uniformly  smaller  and  the  families 
themselves  refusing  to  submit  to  such  crowding.  Congestion 
invariably  means  poor  conditions  and  inadequate  equipment. 

Investigations  have  made  quite  plain  the  following  proposi- 
tion in  regard  to  the  effects  of  crowding :  first,  the  mortality  of 
a  population  increases  as  the  density  per  acre  is  increased,  and 
is  considerably  higher  when  a  very  heavy  density  obtains : 
second,  mortality  is  much  less  if  single  tenements  only  are  built 
upon  the  lots  than  if  front  and  rear  tenements  exist.  Statistics 
for  New  York  City  (old)  and  for  St.  Louis  show  that  the  mor- 
tality of  children  under  five  was  nearly  twice  as  high  in  the  latter 
type  of  buildings.  Third,  mortality  varies  inversely  according 
to  the  number  of  rooms  per  apartment.  English  figures  have 
shown  that  the  one-room  apartment  is  nearly  twice  as  fatal  as 
the  four-room  apartment.  This  form  of  overcrowding  is  by  far 
the  most  dangerous  to  life  and  health,  as  it  is  directly  related 
to  the  problem  of  adequate  air  space,  especially  for  sleeping 
purposes.  It  also  prevents  the  enjoyment  of  sufficient  sunlight 
and  ventilation.  It  is  especially  under  such  conditions  that  a 
large  infant  mortality  ensues,  because  it  becomes  impossible  to 
provide  the  child  with  a  sufficient  amount  of  nature's  curative 
forces  and  properties.  It  has  been  shown  that  in  Vienna, 
Austria,  when  8  per  cent  of  the  population  was  overcrowded,  the 
mortality  increased  more  than  ioo  per  cent  above  the  normal, 
and  that  all  overcrowding  was  accompanied  by  a  high  rate  of 
mortality.1 

The  noxious  influence  of  overcrowding  upon  the  life  and  health 

1  Bailey,  W.  B.,  Modern  Social  Conditions,  p.  323. 


METHODS   OF  PREVENTIVE   WORK  109 

of  the  young  child  is  well  known.  There  remains  only  the  prob- 
lem of  ascertaining  the  precise  influence  of  this  factor  in  order 
that  our  cities  may  become  more  resolute  in  providing  and 
demanding  sufficient  air  and  room.  Reform  in  housing  condi- 
tions, including  the  building  of  wholesome  tenements,  is  urgently 
needed,  as  well  as  insistence  upon  better  conditions  in  and  about 
the  two-family  houses,  especially  in  regard  to  plumbing,  sewage, 
garbage  disposal,  closets,  etc. 

7.  Prevention  of  Employment  of  Married  Women. 

An  additional  method  of  lessening  our  infant  mortality  con- 
sists in  reducing  the  number  of  married  women  employed  in 
factories,  offices,  and  mercantile  establishments.  In  1900  the 
total  number  of  married  women  in  the  United  States  engaged 
in  the  gainful  occupations  was  769,477  or  5.6  per  cent  of  the  entire 
number  of  married  women.  Although  a  small  number,  it  repre- 
sented an  increase  of  1  per  cent  in  the  proportion  of  married  women 
at  work  when  compared  with  the  census  of  1890.  Our  recent 
immigration  from  Europe  has  probably  increased  this  propor- 
tion, although  statistics  for  1910  have  not  yet  been  tabulated. 
Many  Italian,  Polish,  Bohemian,  and  French  Canadian  mothers 
are  at  present  employed  in  our  factories  and  workshops,  and 
therefore  are  compelled  to  neglect  their  children.  They  are 
found  in  canning  factories,  in  clothing  establishments,  in  the 
candy,  meat-packing,  and  cotton  and  wool  industries,  and 
thousands  are  engaged  in  laundry  work,  or  clean  offices  and 
stores.  In  several  cities  women  have  asked  for  a  night  nursery 
where  babies  might  be  kept  during  the  early  part  of  the  night, 
so  as  to  make  it  possible  to  work  until  10  or  n  o'clock.  In 
Fall  River,  where  a  large  percentage  of  the  married  women  are 
at  work  in  the  cotton  mills,  the  infant  mortality  is  not  only  very 
high,  but  it  exceeds  that  of  every  American  city  having  a  popu- 
lation of  100,000  or  more,  while  the  rates  for  diarrhoea  and  enter- 
itis are  also  disproportionately  high.  There  can  be  no  doubt 
of  the  causal  relation  between  this  high  mortality  and  the  pres- 
ence of  mothers  in  the  factories. 

In  some  European  countries  women  are  forbidden  by  law  to 
work  in  industrial  establishments  for  a  period  of  from  four  to 


HO  PROBLEMS  OF  CHILD   WELFARE 

six  weeks  after  childbirth,  but  the  Swiss  law  prohibits  women 
from  such  work  for  two  weeks  before  and  six  weeks  after.  In 
the  United  States,  women  do  not  wish  to  work  until  the  last 
hour  and  employers  ordinarily  do  not  allow  it.  The  foreign 
mothers,  however,  are  aggravating  the  problem,  and  conditions 
in  this  respect  must  be  carefully  watched.  Furthermore,  over- 
work in  the  home  is  also  frequently  disastrous,  the  expectant 
mother  not  being  in  a  position  to  consider  the  needs  of  the  child. 
Prenatal  and  postnatal  work  may  result  in  better  care  of  self 
and  of  baby,  but  the  pressure  of  poverty  is  not  relieved  thereby. 
Laws  such  as  those  enacted  in  European  countries  may  improve 
conditions,  though  they  do  not  solve  the  problem. 

8.  Provisions  for  Fresh  Air. 

The  fierce  summer  heat  not  only  spoils  milk  but  affects  babies 
directly,  so  illness  is  aggravated  and  mortality  much  increased. 
One  method  of  escape  from  heat  is  the  summer  outing,  but  the 
poor  unfortunately  can  hardly  get  away  from  home.  Perhaps 
they  can  afford  a  day  or  two.  Sometimes  a  private  organiza- 
tion, like  the  St.  John's  Guild_of  New  York  City,  with  its  floating 
hospital,  brings  the  fresh  air  to  a  mother  and  her  sick  baby. 
Sometimes  the  outing  farms  and  convalescent  homes  are  very 
helpful  to  the  needy  by  taking  weak  and  sickly  children  and 
placing  them  in  the  cool  fresh  country,  where  after  a  week  or 
two  of  rest  and  recreation,  they  are  invigorated  and  strength- 
ened and  nursed  back  to  health.  The  recent  appreciation  of 
this  problem  has  greatly  increased  the  fresh  air  work  of  the 
various  philanthropies.  Parks  and  playgrounds  temper  the 
fierceness  of  the  heat,  and  the  establishment  of  baby  tents  on 
open  spaces,  whether  vacant  lots  or  playgrounds,  brings  good 
air  to  the  hundreds  of  babies  that  are  brought  out  from  dark, 
foul-smelling  tenements. 

The  poor  suffer  from  the  lack  of  means  to  cool  milk.  Many 
of  them  cannot  afford  to  buy  ice,  and  the  water  is  not  sufficiently 
cool  to  serve  the  purpose.  Free  ice  funds  have,  therefore,  been 
established  in  some  cities.  Ice  is  frequently  furnished  to  needy 
families,  the  preference  always  being  given  to  those  families 
in  which  sick  children  are  in  need  of  relief. 


METHODS   OF  PREVENTIVE   WORK  m 

9.  Reduction  of  Poverty  and  Vice. 

Poverty  has  an  ultimate  relation  to  infant  mortality.  Many 
underfed  and  emaciated  children  can  be  daily  seen  in  our  large 
hospitals,  and  many  withered  mothers  are  the  victims  of  mal- 
nutrition ;  soon  their  suckling  babes  are  stricken  also.  Poverty 
prevents  parents  from  drawing  on  the  community,  which  is 
rich  in  its  resources  and  its  capacity  for  coaxing  children  back  to 
health.  Poverty  keeps  the  nurse  and  physician  out  of  the  home ; 
it  houses  the  poor  in  dirty,  dilapidated  alley  houses ;  it  prevents 
education ;  it  makes  people  helpless  and  causes  them  to  aban- 
don hope.  If  poverty  is  self-inflicted,  little  can  be  done,  and 
lazy,  shiftless,  and  improvident  parents  may  have  themselves 
to  blame.  Still  we  do  not  know  to  what  extent  our  methods  of 
training  and  our  social  neglect  are  responsible  for  their  fate. 
If  poverty  is  due  to  circumstances  over  which  individuals  have 
no  control,  the  burden  rests  flatly  on  the  community.  Poverty 
can  be  largely  abolished,  and  it  must  be  done  for  the  sake  of 
the  children,  but  it  must  also  be  done  to  promote  a  better 
civilization. 

Vice  cannot  be  overlooked.  Drunken  fathers  neglect  their 
families  and  waste  their  means,  while  vicious  mothers  are  hard- 
ened to  misery  and  shame.  The  immorality  of  many  men  and 
the  consequent  infliction  of  disease  upon  their  offspring  is  re- 
sponsible for  a  growing  proportion  of  infant  and  child  deaths. 
Innocent  women  are  frequent  victims  of  such  men,  but  the 
peril  to  children  is  perhaps  the  graver,  because  deformity  or 
death  is  the  frequent  penalty. 

10.  Control  of  Midwifery. 

In  the  American  cities  about  one-half  of  the  births  are  attended  /^* 
by  midwives ;  the  proportion  in  New  York  City  is  about  40  per 
cent ;  in  Chicago  approximately  80 ;  but  in  Boston  it  is  very 
small,  owing  to  the  enormous  extension  of  its  obstetrical  out- 
door hospital  facilities.  A  large  proportion  of  the  midwives  are 
ignorant  women,  with  no  knowledge  of  microorganisms  and 
with  no  appreciation  of  the  importance  of  absolute  cleanliness. 
Many  of  them  are  old  ;  some  are  untidy  in  habits ;  others  lack 
a  full  equipment  of  instruments,  and  probably  not  more  than 
10  per  cent  are  careful  efficient  workers. 


112  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

To  safeguard  the  life  and  health  of  the  child  and  also  of  the 
mother  the  supervision  of  midwives  has  become  necessary. 
Most  European  countries  have  adopted  strict  regulations,  and 
American  states  and  cities  are  slowly  following,  the  state  law 
applying  to  the  city  of  New  York  being  a  good  type  of  such  reg- 
ulations.    Among  the  provisions  of  the  law  are  the  following : 

Every  midwife  must  have  a  permit  from  the  Board  of  Health. 
This  must  be  renewed  annually. 

The  applicant  must  be  21  years  of  age,  literate,  of  good  moral 
character,  must  have  attended  under  the  instruction  of  a  licensed 
physician  at  least  twenty  cases  of  labor,  and  must  appear  in 
person  at  the  Department  of  Health. 

No  permit  will  be  granted  to  an  applicant  guilty  of  criminal 
practice. 

A  midwife  may  attend  only  certain  cases  of  labor.  If  speci- 
fied conditions  develop,  a  physician  must  be  called. 

She  must  be  scrupulously  clean,  must  carry  the  prescribed 
articles  in  her  equipment,  and  follow  a  certain  course  of  pro- 
cedure. 

She  must  drop  a  1  per  cent  solution  of  silver  nitrate  into  the 
eyes  of  the  newly  born  child,  and  summon  a  physician  if  the 
child  develops  certain  injurious   conditions. 

She  must  report  still-births  and  also  issue  birth  certificates. 

The  law  is  enforced  by  the  Division  of  Child  Hygiene. 

Midwifery  must  gradually  be  subjected  to  the  same  program 
of  control  as  the  medical  profession.  Schools  and  training 
must  be  provided,  and  the  right  to  practice  must  follow  a  proper 
examination  of  the  applicant.  Subsequent  supervision,  how- 
ever, must  be  rather  complete  because  of  the  relatively  inferior 
education  of  the  midwife  even  though  she  takes  a  short  train- 
ing course.  In  England  midwives  are  not  licensed  unless  they 
have  graduated  from  an  accredited  training  school,  but  in  the 
United  States  facilities  for  training  are  meager,  and  a  profes- 
sional course  is  not  required.  A  system  of  state  registration 
and  control,  and  the  adoption  of  a  standard  that  would  require 
special  training,  will  simplify  the  midwife  problem  and  develop 
a  more  efficient  group  of  workers. 


METHODS   OF   PREVENTIVE   WORK 


"3 


11.  Municipal  Campaigns  against  Infant  Mortality. 

What  is  the  function  of  the  municipality  in  connection  with 
this  problem  ?  We  have  already  seen  that  cities  engage  in  cam- 
paigns for  the  reduction  of  infant  death  rates,  but  what  are 
the  limits  of  activity  which  must  not  be  exceeded?  Will  not 
individual  responsibility  perish  under  the  threatened  deluge 
of  paternalism,  and  leave  us  weaker  than  before?  The  social 
worker  thinks  not.  He  believes  that  the  city  or  state  must 
insist  on  a  pure  milk  supply  and  that  the  individual  is  helpless 
in  this  respect.  He  also  believes  that  the  public  must  educate 
the  ignorant.  Take  for  example  the  splendid  work  recently 
carried  on  by  the  health  officials  of  Chicago.  Lectures  on  in- 
fant care  were  given  to  pupils  in  the  higher  grades  of  the  ele- 
mentary schools,  as  well  as  to  mothers.  Moving  pictures  were 
exhibited ;  literature  was  distributed ;  placards  filled  with  in- 
formation were  conveniently  posted;  articles  were  circulated; 
special  bulletins  were  prepared;  a  midwives'  correspondence 
school  was  established ;  nurses  were  sent  from  house  to  house ; 
demonstrations  of  care  and  hygiene  were  given ;  sick  babies 
were  discovered,  and  the  aid  of  private  philanthropy  invoked  if 
necessary ;  the  milk  ordinances  were  enforced  and  housing 
conditions  improved.  The  campaign  was  principally  concerned 
with  two  problems  —  a  better  food  supply,  and  better  care  of 
babies.     To  such  work  there  can  be  no  rational  objection. 

One  difficulty,  however,  remains  —  there  is  danger  of  en- 
croaching on  the  field  of  the  private  physician  who  imagines 
that  his  livelihood  is  being  wrested  from  him.  Yet  private 
and  public  philanthropy  also  have  jealously  guarded  the  as- 
sumed rights  of  the  private  physician  and  do  not  try  to  displace 
him.  Rather  they  try  to  gain  his  help  and  cooperation.  On 
the  other  hand,  health  is  a  matter  of  public  concern,  and  the 
trend  of  progress  is  inevitably  in  the  direction  of  the  public 
physician.  The  same  logic  has  given  us  the  public  school 
teacher. 

Some  of  the  more  intricate  personal  relations  involved  may 
well  be  left  to  private  philanthropy.  Especially  is  this  true  of 
relief  cases,  and  others  that  do  not  lend  themselves  easily  to  a 
1 


114  PROBLEMS   OF  CHILD   WELFARE 

definite  routine  of  action.  Public  authority  should,  however, 
take  the  lead  and  allow  private  philanthropy  to  supplement  its 
work,  rather  than  the  converse. 

Under  its  recent  socialistic  administration,  Milwaukee  began 
an  interesting  experiment  in  health  promotion,  when  it  estab- 
lished an  "  educational  health  center."  This  was  a  combination 
of  milk  station,  prophylactic  dispensary,  settlement,  social 
center,  and  district  office  of  the  charity  organization  society. 
The  area  served  covered  33  blocks  and  ministered  to  16,000 
persons.  Within  this  area  virtually  complete  birth  registration 
was  secured ;  some  prenatal  care  was  given,  and  very  careful 
postnatal  work  was  done  with  good  effects;  midwives  were 
instructed,  and  the  standards  of  physicians  raised  as  well; 
mothers  were  persuaded  to  take  time  for  education ;  boarding 
homes  were  found  for  dependent  babies,  and  other  activities 
carried  on.  It  was  planned  to  establish  similar  centers  through- 
out the  city  until  all  the  people  would  be  served.  This 
ambition,  however,  has  not  been  realized,  owing  to  political 
changes. 

The  work  of  other  cities  need  not  be  detailed  here.  The 
illustrations  given  suffice  to  show  how  cities  can  by  vigorous 
work  reduce  their  infant  mortality  and  promote  the  general 
health  of  their  small  children.  Such  work  should  be  carried 
on  during  the  hot  weather  especially,  but  should  not,  as  has 
usually  been  the  case,  be  confined  to  the  summer  months,  be- 
cause the  problem  of  care  in  the  winter  season  also  demands 
attention.  The  establishment  of  bureaus  of  child  hygiene  in 
departments  of  health,  as  has  been  done  in  a  number  of  cities, 
is  giving  a  remarkable  impetus  to  systematic  efforts  to  reduce 
infant  mortality.  Likewise  prenatal  work  carried  on  by  a 
branch  of  the  municipal  government,  as  recently  begun  in 
Boston,  opens  the  way  for  a  further  extension  of  the  work  of 
our  public  agencies. 

12.  Cooperation  among  Preventive  Agencies. 

The  saving  of  child  lives  has  become  a  question  of  such  im- 
portance that  a  variety  of  organizations  have  entered  the 
work.     At  once  there  is  danger  of  much  duplication  of  effort 


METHODS   OF   PREVENTIVE   WORK  115 

and  waste  of  energy.  Cooperation  is  necessary  to  facilitate 
well-directed  work.  New  York  City  has  an  association  of  milk 
stations  which  in  191 1  included  the  seven  different  organizations 
that  were  operating  such  stations.  This  cooperation  enabled 
them  to  work  more  efficiently,  to  prevent  duplication  and 
overlapping,  to  handle  details  more  adequately,  and  to  provide 
greater  publicity  than  would  otherwise  have  been  possible. 
In  1912  a  Babies'  Welfare  Association  was  formed,  and  27  agen- 
cies were  represented. 

In  Chicago  close  cooperation  has  existed  among  the  principal 
agencies  interested,  such  as  the  department  of  health,  the 
United  Charities,  the  Visiting  Nurse  Association,  and  the 
various  settlements  and  sanatoria.  In  St.  Louis  the  agencies 
interested  in  infant  mortality  are  brought  together  in  the 
Central  Council  of  Social  Agencies,  where  they  perfect  a  plan 
of  cooperation.  In  this  city  the  duplication  of  nurse  work 
because  of  overlapping  has  been  one  of  the  problems.  If  a 
proper  coordination  of  the  work  of  preventive  agencies  can  be 
established,  and  if  a  maximum  of  efficiency  can  be  secured  so 
that  all  waste  of  effort  will  be  avoided,  then  a  rapid  reduction 
in  death  rates  should  take  place. 


PART  II 
HEALTH   AND    PHYSIQUE 


CHAPTER  I 
PHYSICAL   CONDITIONS   OF   CHILDREN 

i.  Standards  of  Physique. 

Next  to  life  comes  health.  Without  this  no  man  can  be 
industrially,  mentally,  and  morally  as  capable  as  the  normal 
man  should  be.  The  development  of  physique  and  vigor  is 
therefore  one  of  the  great  essentials  of  wholesome  life,  and 
every  man  should  have  the  opportunity  to  acquire  his  highest 
physical  possibility.  It  is  not  mere  height  and  weight  that 
count,  but  a  normal  development,  for  the  tall  Patagonian  is 
not  necessarily  superior  to  the  short  Italian,  nor  a  heavy  race 
superior  to  one  of  lighter  weight,  but  a  man  of  normal  stature 
is  superior  to  the  dwarfed  specimen  of  his  own  race.  So  with 
strength  and  other  characteristics.  It  is  probable  that  the 
different  races  of  the  world  each  possess  certain  inherent  normal 
proportions  of  physique,  such  as  height,  weight,  lung  power, 
shape  of  head,  etc.  The  normal  tends  always  to  persist,  but 
environmental  influences  may  carry  a  people  far  from  the  origi- 
nal standard.  However,  when  favorable  conditions  return, 
the  people  will  rebound  and  the  normal  type  again  appear. 
Heredity  gives  us  a  standard  for  each  race,  environment  causes 
the  principal  deviations  therefrom.  The  social  phase  of  this 
problem  consists  in  surrounding  each  person  with  the  forces 
which  will  insure  to  him  the  physique  to  which  he  is  entitled, 
while  the  eugenic  side  consists  of  the  problem  of  improving 
the  standard. 

Recent  studies  and  observations  of  the  physical  conditions  of 
children  and  of  certain  adult  groups  have  indicated  certain  laws 
of  development,  as  well  as  the  causes  of  physical  degeneration. 
The  boy  baby  weighs  about  eight  ounces  more  at  birth  than  the 
girl  baby,  but  the  death  rate  of  male  children  is  uniformly 

119 


120         PROBLEMS  OF  CHILD  WELFARE 

higher  than  that  of  females,  and  they  are  also  more  susceptible 
to  certain  diseases.  Boys  are  superior  in  height  and  weight 
from  birth  until  they  are  about  n|  years  old,  but  at  that  age 
the  girls  overtake  them  and  exceed  them  in  both  respects  for  a 
period  of  from  two  to  three  years.  Then  boys  grow  so  rapidly 
that  they  again  outstrip  the  girls,  and  from  that  time  on  are 
taller  and  heavier  than  girls.  The  rapid  growth  of  girls  pre- 
cedes puberty  by  about  two  years,  during  which  period  of 
development  many  children  grow  as  much  as  three  inches  in  a 
single  year.  The  boy  of  14  if  allowed  to  work,  runs  a  great  risk, 
for  this  is  precisely  the  time  of  his  most  rapid  growth.  Before 
puberty  the  difference  between  boys  and  girls  as  to  strength, 
pull,  grip,  and  other  physical  powers  is  much  less  than  after- 
wards. After  this  period  the  lines  of  development  diverge,  the 
male  sex  grows  strong,  but  the  female  sex  develops  endurance, 
resistance,  and  the  peculiar  feminine  powers  at  the  expense  of 
great  physical  strength.  These  several  cycles  of  growth  are 
most  important  in  their  relation  to  the  permanent  vigor  and 
physique  of  the  individuals. 

2.  Comparative  Development  of  Social  Classes. 

The  physical  conditions  of  the  child  of  to-day  are  a  pretty  safe 
indication  of  the  forces  that  are  at  work  in  his  environment. 
Observations  made  many  years  ago  by  Quetelet  were  to  the 
effect  that  wealthy  children  were  larger  than  poor  children. 
Roberts,  in  his  study  of  English  boys,  compared  the  laboring 
class  groups  of  the  towns  with  the  non-laboring  classes  in  the 
schools  and  universities.  He  discovered  a  difference  of.  2.37 
inches  in  height  at  the  age  of  ten  and  of  1.09  inches  at  20,  both 
of  course  in  favor  of  the  well-to-do  boy.  On  the  other  hand, 
while  the  poor  boy  was  lighter  in  the  earlier  years,  at  20  he  was 
heavier  than  his  wealthy  cousin. 

Bowditch,  in  1877,  found  the  American-born  pupils  of  selected 
schools  in  Boston  both  taller  and  heavier  than  the  non-working 
English  boy,1  the  difference  in  weight  being  greater,  however, 
than  that  in  height.  He  also  showed  that  children  of  native 
parents  were  taller  and  heavier  than  those  of  foreign  extraction. 

1  Bowditch,  The  Growth  of  Children. 


PHYSICAL  CONDITIONS  OF  CHILDREN  121 

These  differences  he  attributed  partly  to  the  greater  prosperity 
of  the  old  native  stocks,  partly  to  racial  characteristics,  but  he 
also  discovered  that  the  children  of  native  parents  who  were 
attending  the  higher  schools  were  superior  to  the  average  chil- 
dren of  the  native  classes.  The  chief  difference  was  in  height. 
He  therefore  concluded  that  lack  of  comfort  was  the  principal 
factor  responsible  for  this  difference,  and  that  poverty  affected 
height  more  than  weight. 

Porter,  in  his  study  of  St.  Louis  children,  divided  them  into 
two  groups,  the  children  of  manual  tradesmen,  and  those  of 
merchants  and  professional  men.  Between  the  ages  of  6  and  10 
he  found  but  little  difference,  but  beyond  this  age  the  well-to-do 
child  was  decidedly  superior,  and  at  17  he  excelled  in  weight  by 
5.5  pounds.  Porter  concluded  that  material  prosperity  and 
social  status  are  important  influences,  especially  after  the  age 
of  10.  His  comparisons  also  indicate  that  successful  children 
are  larger  than  unsuccessful  ones,  the  corollary  of  this  being 
that  poverty  retards  school  progress. 

The  more  recent  studies  in  Great  Britain  are  perhaps  of  the 
greatest  significance.  Two  somewhat  limited  investigations 
were  made ;  one  of  children  in  schools  attended  by  the  well- 
to-do  ;  one  of  the  inmates  of  the  industrial  schools,  among  whom 
both  dependent  and  delinquent  children  would  be  included. 
At  10  the  boys  of  the  industrial  schools  were  10.64  pounds  lighter 
and  3.31  inches  shorter  than  the  others,  and  at  14  the  differ- 
ences were  21.85  pounds,  and  6.65  inches,  respectively.  A 
study  of  children  in  Edinburgh  also  revealed  striking  condi- 
tions, but  that  of  72,857  children  in  Glasgow  is  of  the  greatest 
significance.  Using  the  standard  established  by  the  Anthro- 
pometrical  Committee  of  the  British  Association,  the  figures 
for  the  poorest  districts  were  compared  with  those  for  the 
better  localities.  At  10  the  boys  in  the  poor  districts  were  10.8 
pounds  and  2.9  inches  below  the  standard,  and  at  13  the  de- 
ficiency was  1 1. 1  pounds  and  3.1  inches  respectively.  The 
average  for  all  the  children  up  to  the  age  of  14  was  below  the 
standard  in  both  weight  and  stature,  but  the  average  stature 
of  the  children  between  14  and  18  years  was  slightly  above  the 


122 


PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 


standard.  This  is  accounted  for  by  the  fact  that  practically 
no  poor  children  attend  school  after  the  age  of  14.  Children 
were  also  classified  according  to  the  housing  condition  of  the 
parents,  being  divided  into  groups  living  in  one,  two,  three,  or 
four-room  apartments,  with  very  important  results,  as  shown  in 
the  following  table  : x 


Living  in 

Weight  (Pounds) 

Height  (Inches) 

Boys 

Girls 

Boys 

Girls 

One-room  houses       .     . 
Two-room  houses      .     . 
Three-room  houses    .     . 
Four-room  houses      .     . 

52.6 
56.1 
60.6 

64-3 

51-5 
54-8 
59-4 
65-S 

46.6 
48.1 
50.0 
5i-3 

46.3 
47-3 
49.6 

51.6 

Although  it  would  seem  that  the  above  differences  would  be 
slightly  lessened  by  a  comparison  according  to  age  distribution, 
similar  results  were  shown  by  testing  the  above  summary  on 
measurements  compared  by  age  groups.  Therefore  the  figures 
are  substantially  valid.  They  indicate  an  enormous  physical 
difference  between  the  inhabitants  of  one-room  and  those  of 
four-room  houses.  The  figures  correspond  very  closely  with 
those  given  for  the  other  studies  mentioned,  and  show  that 
poverty  very  seriously  depresses  the  physique  of  children. 

Rowntree  came  to  similar  conclusions  after  his  study  of 
poverty  in  York.  Gershal  tells  us  of  the  relative  inferiority  of 
dependent  Jewish  boys,  and  Boaz  says  that  at  5  they  are  1.6 
inches  below  the  normal;  at  n,  3.4  inches,  and  that  at  15-16 
they  are  nearly  8  inches  shorter.  The  evidence  then  seems 
adequate  and  conclusive. 

The  effects  of  bad  environment  then  are  mainly  two :  First, 
we  have  physical  deterioration  and  individual  subnormality. 
The  race  standard  does  not  necessarily  suffer,  but  the  aggregate 
strength  of  a  nation  is  impaired.  Porter  says,  "  A  prolonged 
strain  on  a  growing  child  harms  for  life  and  leaves  a  mark  which 

1  Report  on  the  Physical  Condition  of  Children  attending  the  Public  Schools,  of 
the  School  Board  of  Glasgow,  1907. 


PHYSICAL  CONDITIONS  OF  CHILDREN  123 

can  never  be  effaced,"  while  Dr.  Robert  Hutchinson  of  Eng- 
land says  that  the  child  of  10  to  15  must  have  enough  food 
or  be  stunted  for  life.  Second,  physical  deterioration  impedes 
mental  and  moral  progress,  strong  children  being  relatively 
advanced  in  their  studies.  The  young  inmates  of  the  John 
Worthy  School  —  a  juvenile  reformatory  —  of  Chicago  are 
inferior  in  height,  weight,  grip,  endurance,  and  mental  capacity. 
A  relation  between  the  physical  and  moral  qualities  is  also 
evidenced  by  these  facts. 

Causes  of  degeneration  register  their  effects  in  adult  life,  and 
while  the  child  recovers  somewhat  from  his  handicap  he  cannot 
be  entirely  restored.  The  Jewish  people  are  comparatively 
short, —  probably  an  inherent  characteristic,  —  but  Ripley  says 
that  a  difference  of  three  inches  in  stature  has  been  noted 
between  the  wealthy  West-end  and  the  poverty-striken  East- 
end  Jew  of  London.  Environmental  causes  probably  account 
for  the  major  portion  of  this  difference. 

In  Berlin  the  problem  of  physical  fitness  for  the  army  is  be- 
coming a  serious  one,  and  a  very  large  proportion  of  rejections 
are  being  made.  Rural  East  Prussia  has  fared  much  better, 
and  here  a  high  proportion  are  physically  fit  for  military  service. 
During  the  years  1893-1902,  the  British  government  examined 
679,703  recruits,  and  rejected  234,914  outright  —  more  than 
one-third  —  and  about  20,000  later.1  Whether  higher  or  lower 
than  formerly,  this  proportion  of  rejections  when  physical  re- 
quirements are  comparatively  low  indicates  an  unwelcome  con- 
dition. Rejections  were  most  numerous  among  volunteers 
from  manufacturing  centers  such  as  Manchester.  Lack  of 
physical  development,  such  as  inferior  chest  measurement,  and 
want  of  vital  power  were  the  chief  causes  of  rejection;  but 
among  students  volunteering,  the  decay  of  teeth  was  the  prin- 
cipal reason.  The  British  Inter-Departmental  Committee  on 
Physical  Deterioration,  which  investigated  this  subject  in  1904, 
denied  that  deterioration  had  taken  place,  but  very  wisely  yet 
inconsistently  called  attention  to  the  many  causes  of  degen- 
eration.    It  makes  little  difference,  however,  whether  people 

1  Burke,  Thomas,  The  Forum,  Vol.  36. 


124  PROBLEMS   OF    CHILD   WELFARE 

have  declined  or  have  never  reached  their  proper  proportions. 
The  effects  are  the  same. 

3.  Causes  of  Deterioration. 

Inferior  children  and  inferior  adults  call  for  an  explanation. 
Among  many  causes,  the  Committee  on  Physical  Deterioration 
gave  the  following :  urbanization,  the  great  majority  of  British 
people  now  living  in  cities  where  smoke  and  other  unsanitary 
conditions  such  as  bad  housing  prevail ;  conditions  of  employ- 
ment, which  bear  heavily  upon  the  people,  especially  upon  the 
children,  whose  development  is  retarded  thereby;  alcoholism, 
a  frightful  expenditure  of  money  for  intoxicating  liquors,  imply- 
ing depleted  physique ;  poor  food,  much  being  of  inferior  quality, 
besides  many  people  are  suffering  from  insufficient  food.  In 
other  words,  poverty  is  a  cause,  Dr.  Eichholz  estimating  that 
16  per  cent  of  the  London  school  children  were  underfed.  These 
causes  —  bad  living  conditions,  unsanitary  workshops,  alco- 
holism, and  malnutrition  —  stand  out  as  the  four  chief  reasons 
for  physical  inferiority.  Disease  is  also  a  factor,  especially  epi- 
demics of  disease  that  affect  children  between  two  and  five 
years  of  age. 

The  causes  of  deterioration  abroad  are  apparently  similar 
to  those  operating  in  the  United  States.  They  are  largely 
factors  of  environment,  and  therefore  if  removed  will  allow  the 
race  to  spring  back  to  its  natural  physical  condition.  One  of 
the  reassuring  conclusions  of  the  English  investigators  was  that 
the  deterioration  was  not  a  degeneration,  but  only  a  temporary 
condition  dependent  upon  unfortunate  social  and  industrial 
relations.  Here  then  is  the  great  field  for  the  social  worker, 
who  must  so  change  the  environment  that  the  race  may  be 
enabled  to  reach  its  highest  development. 

4.  Physical  Defectiveness. 

Apart  from  the  failure  of  certain  classes  and  groups  to  develop 
a  normal  physique  and  the  usual  amount  of  strength,  we  find 
physical  defects  more  or  less  grave  existing  among  a  large  pro- 
portion of  children.  Among  the  more  serious  of  these  defects 
are :  blindness,  deaf-mutism,  physical  deformities,  and  tuber- 
cular tendencies.     The  relatively  minor  defects  include  adenoids, 


PHYSICAL  CONDITIONS  OF  CHILDREN  125 

enlarged  tonsils,  defective  teeth,  imperfect  vision  or  hearing,  and 
malnutrition. 

a.  Blindness. 

There  are  probably  about  100,000  blind  in  the  United  States, 
including  those  who  are  partially  as  well  as  those  who  are  totally 
blind.  Of  the  64,763  blind  tabulated  by  the  federal  govern- 
ment in  1904,  56,165,  or  about  seven-eighths  of  the  total  number, 
were  20  years  of  age  or  over.  This  indicates  that  the  vast 
majority  are  adults,  although  a  very  large  proportion  of  the 
blind  acquired  their  defect  before  they  reached  this  age.  Ac- 
cording to  the  federal  statistics  this  number  is  32  per  cent,  or 
nearly  one-third.  Furthermore,  the  congenitally  blind  and  those 
acquiring  blindness  before  they  were  two  years  old  form  two- 
fifths  of  the  entire  number  of  blind  minors,  more  blindness  ap- 
pearing during  the  first  five  years  of  life  than  during  any  sub- 
sequent five-year  period.  Special  attention  should  therefore 
be  directed  to  the  causes  responsible  for  these  conditions. 

One  of  the  principal  causes  of  blindness  is  ophthalmia  neo- 
natorum, —  a  disease  which  usually  attacks  children  shortly 
after  birth.  It  is  a  result  of  one  of  the  social  diseases.  Out 
of  2549  pupils  in  22  schools  for  the  blind  in  the  United  States 
in  191 2,  27.9  per  cent  lost  their  eyesight  from  this  disease, 
the  proportion  in  the  different  schools  ranging  from  13.3  per 
cent  to  39.1  per  cent.  The  statistics  for  two  schools  for  the 
blind  in  England  attribute  41  and  45  per  cent  respectively  to 
ophthalmia,  and  wherever  careful  examination  is  made  a  high 
percentage  of  cases  is  usually  found  to  be  due  to  this  cause. 
On  the  basis  of  the  proportions  apparent  in  the  schools,  it  is 
probable  that  from  10,000  to  15,000  persons  in  the  United  States 
owe  their  blindness  to  this  disease.  It  is  the  most  important 
cause  of  blindness  among  children.  Sex  immorality  —  usually 
of  men  —  is  responsible  for  the  condition  which  makes  this 
disease  possible,  but  the  carelessness  of  physicians  and  of  mid- 
wives  is  responsible  for  its  development,  since  a  very  simple 
treatment  of  the  child  at  birth  will  entirely  prevent  all  inflam- 
mation. Compulsory  treatment  of  the  eyes  of  the  newly  born, 
the  compulsory  reporting  by  midwives  of  all  cases  developing 


126  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

under  their  care,  and  proper  treatment  of  every  such  case  should 
reduce  the  amount  of  blindness  due  to  ophthalmia  to  a  mini- 
mum. Danger  of  infection  will  of  course  remain  so  long  as 
immorality  and  the  social  diseases  continue  to  exist. 

Among  the  causes  of  blindness  is  the  disease  known  as  tra- 
choma. It  is  becoming  increasingly  prevalent,  having  taken 
root  largely  through  its  importation  from  Southern  Europe. 
Immigrant  children  are  spreading  the  disease  in  the  schools, 
and  the  infection  has  been  planted  in  various  parts  of  the 
country. 

Congenital  blindness  or  weakness  of  vision  is  also  responsible 
for  a  large  proportion  of  blindness,  and  accidents  claim  a  con- 
siderable share.  Failure  to  care  properly  for  infected  or  injured 
eyes  frequently  causes  blindness ;  for  example,  crossed-eyes 
and  defects  of  vision  result  in  weakened  eyesight  and  often 
culminate  in  blindness.  Atrophy  of  the  optic  nerve,  perhaps 
the  most  important  cause  of  blindness,  affects  but  few  persons 
under  20  years  of  age,  its  chief  incidence  being  in  later  life.  A 
very  large  proportion  of  all  blindness  is  absolutely  preventable. 

b.  Deafness. 

In  1900,  89,287  cases  of  deafness  were  reported  for  the  United 
States  —  a  proportion  of  approximately  1.2  per  1000  popula- 
tion. Of  this  number  42  per  cent  were  totally  deaf,  and  the 
remainder,  or  58  per  cent,  suffered  from  partial  deafness  only. 
Should  the  same  ratio  hold  for  19 10,  then  the  number  of  deaf 
persons  in  that  year  was  over  112,000.  Ninety  per  cent  of  the 
total  deafness  and  58.1  per  cent  of  all  deafness  occurs  before 
the.  age  of  20,  while  70  per  cent  of  the  total  deafness  occurs  un- 
der five. 

Some  of  the  causes  of  deafness  appear  in  the  table  on  page 
127. 

Five  causes  are  responsible  for  two-thirds  of  the  total  deaf- 
ness, but  partial  deafness  apparently  resulted  from  a  great 
variety  of  conditions.  Again  congenital  conditions  produce 
22  per  cent  —  one-third  —  of  the  total  deafness,  but  only 
3  per  cent  of  the  partial  deafness.  Nerve  diseases  are  respon- 
sible for  more  than  four  times  as  much  deafness  among  the 


PHYSICAL   CONDITIONS   OF   CHILDREN 


127 


former  as  among  the  latter  group.  Scarlet  fever  tends  to  pro- 
duce total  deafness.  Congenital  causes,  nerve  diseases,  and 
scarlet  fever  produce  more  than  half  of  the  deafness  occurring 
among  persons  under  20  years  of  age.  Total  deafness  under  five 
is  usually  accompanied  by  muteness. 

Percentage  of  Deafness  from  Specified  Causes  x 


Causes 

All  Deaf- 
ness 

Totally 
.Deaf 

Partially 
Deaf 

Deafness 
under  20 

Congenital   . 

16 
8 

16 

10 
3 

53 

33 
11 

4 
18 

0 
66 

3 
6 

23 
4 
6 

42 

28 

Scarlet  fever     .     . 
Catarrh  and  colds 
Nerve  disease   .     . 
Old  age    .... 

13 
6 

15 
0 

Total  specified  .     . 

62 

The  statistics  warrant  the  conclusion  that  heredity  is  an  im- 
portant factor  in  causing  deafness.  Fay,  fn  his  extensive  study 
of  the  deaf,  discovered  an  astonishing  rate  of  deafness  among 
the  children  of  parents  having  deafness  in  their  families.  The 
investigations  of  the  United  States  government  point  to  similar 
conclusions.  Consanguinity  represents  one  phase  of  this  prob- 
lem, as  is  shown  in  the  subjoined  table. 

Congenital  Deafness  and  Consanguinity  of  Parents2 


Parents  Cousins 

Parents  not  Cousins 

Degree  of  Deafness 

Number  Deaf 

Percentage 

Congenitally 

Deaf 

Number  Deaf 

Percentage 

Congenitally 

Deaf 

All  deaf        

Totally  deaf     .... 
Partially  deaf  .... 

4065 
2525 
154° 

42.7 
61. 1 
12.0 

75,53° 
3i,56o 
43,97° 

15.O 

3i-i 

3-4 

'United  States  Bureau  of  the  Census,  The  Blind  and  the  Deaf,  1906,  pp.  118 
and  122. 

*Ibid.  p.  208  IT. 


128  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

The  percentage  of  persons  congenitally  deaf  is  nearly  three 
times  as  high  among  those  whose  parents  are  cousins  as  among 
those  whose  parents  are  not  cousins.  Among  the  totally  deaf 
this  proportion,  however,  is  almost  exactly  two  to  one.  Again, 
of  the  deaf  born  from  consanguineous  marriages,  53.4  per  cent 
had  blood  relatives  who  were  deaf,  while  of  the  remaining 
deaf  only  29.9  per  cent  had  deaf  relatives.  It  is  clear  that 
hereditary  weaknesses  have  been  intensified  by  the  intermar- 
riage of  first  cousins,  and  that  an  abnormal  amount  of  deafness 
results  therefrom. 

The  influence  of  heredity  is  also  indicated  by  the  fact  that 
32.1  per  cent  of  all  the  deaf  had  deaf  relatives.  In  the  case  of 
those  deaf  from  birth  the  proportion  was  45.5  per  cent,  the  pro- 
portion being  larger,  however,  for  the  group  which  acquired 
deafness  after  the  age  of  20  than  for  those  who  acquired  it  be- 
fore that  age.  The  evidence  indicates  that  deafness  due  to 
catarrh,  which  is  a  chief  cause  of  deafness  among  adults,  is  in 
part  attributable  to  heredity.  Thus  heredity  affects  both 
children  and  adults,  the  former  through  congenital  deafness,  the 
latter  through  the  effects  of  catarrh.  Deaf  parents  have  a  much 
larger  proportion  of  deaf  children  than  has  the  community  at 
large.  The  Bureau  of  the  Census  concludes  on  this  point  that 
"  the  tendency  to  deafness  among  the  children  of  deaf  persons 
is  more  than  five  and  one-half  times  as  great  as  in  the  case  of 
the  general  population  of  the  United  States." 

c.  Physical  Deformities. 

No  hard  and  fast  dividing  line  can  be  drawn  between  cripples 
and  normal  children,  as  every  stage  from  the  slightly  injured 
child  to  the  hopeless  cripple  is  represented  in  our  population. 
Our  interest,  however,  is  largely  confined  to  that  group  of  cripples 
who  are  so  helpless  that  they  cannot,  without  undue  pain  and 
effort,  attend  school  or  care  for  themselves.  It  is  this  group 
which  must  receive  special  attention  from  the  schools  or  from 
other  social  agencies.  A  few  facts  as  to  the  origin  of  the  cripple 
have  been  collected  in  foreign  countries,  and  the  following 
statistics  will  throw  some  light  on  the  question. 


PHYSICAL   CONDITIONS   OF   CHILDREN 


129 


Causes  of  Deformities  x 


London 

Germany 

Number 

Per  Cent 

Number 

Per  Cent 

Tuberculosis     .... 
Paralysis   (including  in- 
Congenital  conditions 

Miscellaneous  .... 
Total 

1634 

942 
227 
158 

314 

3275 

49.9 

28.7 
7.0 
4.8 

9.6 
100. 0 

n,303 

11,165 

6,479 

4,724 
9,167 

32,345 
75,i83 

15.O 

14.8 
8.6 

6-3 
12.2 

43-i 
100. 0 

The  London  cases  cover  the  seriously  crippled  children  only, 
while  those  for  Germany  include  many  children  with  very  slight 
deformities.  Tuberculosis  is  the  principal  cause  of  the  serious 
deformities,  causing  nearly  one-half  of  the  crippled  cases  in 
London,  and  a  larger  proportion  in  Germany  than  any  other 
cause.  Paralysis,  most  of  the  cases  being  infantile  paralysis, 
comes  next  in  both  places,  and  in  Germany  it  almost  rivals 
tuberculosis  as  a  cause.  The  German  statistics  include  the 
proportion  suffering  from  scoliosis  or  curvature  of  the  spine, 
which  comprises  about  one-eighth  of  the  total.  Congenital 
malformations  are  relatively  unimportant,  being  responsible 
for  from  7  to  9  per  cent  of  the  cases.  Rickets,  usually  a  result 
of  malnutrition,  accounts  for  a  considerable  number,  and  the 
"  Miscellaneous  "  cause  is  very  large  for  Germany  because  of 
the  inclusion  of  the  minor  deformities.  In  both  countries, 
however,  the  principal  causes  follow  in  the  same  order  of  im- 
portance :  tuberculosis,  paralysis,  congenital  deformity,  and 
rickets.  It  is  apparent  that  disease  through  its  various  mani- 
festations causes  the  bulk  of  physical  deformity,  but  behind 
disease  lie  conditions  which  are  ultimately  responsible  for  the 
production  of  the  cripple. 

Little  information  can  be  obtained  concerning  the  crippled 

1  Report  of  the  British  Departmental  Committee  on  Tuberculosis,  1913,  Vol.  II, 
p.  42. 

K 


130  PROBLEMS  OF  CHILD   WELFARE 

children  in  the  United  States.  Neither  their  number  nor  their 
proportion  can  be  obtained,  and  tables  of  causes  are  likewise 
unavailable.  The  efforts  of  schools  and  philanthropic  bodies 
to  provide  educational  advantages  for  every  child  promise  to 
throw  light  on  each  of  these  questions  in  the  near  future ;  crip- 
pled children  will  then  be  discovered,  and  the  cause  of  their 
condition  analyzed. 

d.  Tubercular  Tendencies. 

Recent  investigation  is  demonstrating  that  a  large  number 
of  children  show  evidence  of  tuberculosis.  The  studies  made 
by  Von  Pirquet  indicate  that  the  majority  of  children  respond 
positively  to  the  tuberculin  test,  the  proportion  among  chil- 
dren of  10  years  rising  as  high  as  70  per  cent.  In  most  cases  the 
tuberculosis  is  latent,  and  the  child  never  suffers  actively  from 
the  disease,  autopsies  having  disclosed  the  fact  that  many  chil- 
dren dying  from  other  diseases  are  also  affected  with  tubercu- 
losis. Kelynack  claims  that  40  per  cent  of  all  children  dying 
under  15  years  of  age  show  signs  of  tuberculosis,  and  that 
many  children  dying  from  measles,  whooping  cough,  influenza, 
and  other  diseases  reveal  the  presence  of  the  tubercular  germ. 
Physicians  now  admit  the  general  prevalence  of  latent  tuber- 
culosis. 

The  problem  of  tuberculosis  relates  itself  to  those  persons 
who  suffer  actively  from  the  disease,  whose  lives  are  threatened, 
and  who  may  infect  others,  but  naturally  the  proportion  of  chil- 
dren in  the  group  is  comparatively  small.  A  study  made  in 
Stockholm,  Sweden,  indicates  that  1.6  per  cent  of  the  school 
children  of  that  city  were  afflicted  with  tuberculosis  and  needed 
special  attention.  An  examination  of  543,594  English  school 
children  yielded  more  favorable  results,  only  .67  of  1  per  cent 
being  apparently  tubercular.  Dr.  Newman,  however,  has  com- 
puted the  proportion  of  tubercular  children  as  approximately 
1  per  cent  of  the  total  number  of  children,  not  including  the 
institution  cases,  which  if  added  would  yield  a  percentage  sim- 
ilar to  the  estimate  for  Stockholm.  The  inspection  of  school 
children  in  the  United  States  has  not  revealed  so  high  a  percen- 
tage, but  examinations  have  not  been  thorough  and  many  in- 


PHYSICAL   CONDITIONS  OF   CHILDREN  13 1 

fected  children  are  unable  to  attend  school.  That  tuberculosis 
in  children  is  an  important  fact  is  indicated  by  the  statistics 
of  the  registration  area  of  the  United  States,  which  show  that 
in  191 1  18  per  cent  of  all  deaths  from  tuberculosis  occurred 
among  persons  under  20  years  of  age.  If  i|  per  cent  of  our 
school  population  is  seriously  tubercular,  then  about  300,000 
school  children  should  be  given  careful  treatment  and  the  con- 
ditions of  their  environment  so  modified  as  to  insure  their 
recovery.  The  great  majority  of  tubercular  children  do  not 
suffer  sufficiently  to  cause  much  interference  with  their  school 
duties  or  with  their  occupations  if  they  have  begun  to  work. 
Tuberculosis  proceeds  very  slowly  among  children  and  usually 
does  not  manifest  dangerous  symptoms  until  after  the  age  of 
majority.  Owing  to  this  fact,  it  is  difficult  to  estimate  the 
number  of  tubercular  children  in  any  community. 

The  careful  examination  of  children  has  shown  that  the 
pulmonary  form  of  tuberculosis  is  the  most  common  one. 
The  belief  formerly  held  that  among  children  the  bones 
and  joints  were  the  chief  objects  of  attack  has  been  over- 
thrown. The  lungs  suffer  most  severely  and  most  often, 
and  it  even  appears  that  the  infection  of  joints  does  not 
usually  indicate  localized  trouble,  but  is  one  of  the  results  of 
a  generalized  infection,  the  lungs  being  the  primary  seat  of 
the  disturbance. 

Constant  exposure  to  infection  is  responsible  for  the  large 
number  of  tubercular  children.  Dr.  Wallace's  study  in  New 
York  of  443  children  suffering  from  tuberculosis  shows  that 
196  came  from  houses  that  were  previously  infected  and  130 
from  tubercular  families,  indicating  that  nearly  three-fourths 
of  the  children  had  been  regularly  exposed  to  the  disease.1 
Floyd  and  Bowditch  in  Boston  found  that  out  of  1000  children 
examined  679  had  been  directly  exposed  to  tuberculosis  in  their 
homes.  More  than  one-third  of  the  entire  number  showed 
definite  signs  of  pulmonary  tuberculosis,  and  in  two-thirds  of 
the  children  some  symptoms  of  the  disease  appeared.2    Dr. 

1  Sixth  International  Congress  on  Tuberculosis,  Vol.  II,  Section  IV,  p.  421. 
1  Ibid.,  p.  495. 


132  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

Sachs  has  estimated  that  at  least  one-third  of  the  small  children 
in  the  families  of  the  tubercular  poor  have  been  infected.1 

e.  Minor  Physical  Defects. 

Quite  apart  from  the  problems  of  physical  deterioration  and 
special  handicaps  is  that  of  the  minor  physical  defects  of  chil- 
dren. A  near-sighted  child  may  have  ample  food,  and  one  suf- 
fering from  adenoids  live  in  a  palace,  but  these  defects  will  not 
be  removed  thereby.  They  will  not  only  remain,  but  will 
severely  handicap  the  children  in  their  work  and  opportunities. 
Physical  defects  may  also  result  in  actual  deterioration  of  phy- 
sique ;  while  on  the  contrary  the  removal  of  the  defects  opens 
new  possibilities  for  the  child  and  enables  him  to  achieve  greater 
progress  along  all  lines.     Therefore  the  problem  must  be  solved. 

It  is  difficult  to  estimate  the  amount  of  physical  defectiveness 
among  children,  since  the  medical  inspections  made  in  the 
United  States  have  not  covered  a  sufficient  number  of  typical 
localities  to  enable  us  to  make  generalizations.  It  is  quite 
worthless  to  say  that,  "  1  to  15  per  cent  suffer  from  skin  dis- 
eases," 2  as  it  makes  considerable  difference  whether  it  is  1 
per  cent  or  15  times  as  much.  On  the  other  hand,  a  number  of 
cities  have  examined  so  many  children  that  their  results  must 
prove  helpful  in  enabling  us  to  arrive  at  some  conclusions  as 
to  the  magnitude  of  the  problem  in  the  cities. 

In  the  country  districts  little  or  nothing  has  been  done : 
consequently  we  can  make  no  estimates  for  more  than  one- 
half  of  the  entire  school  population.  Some  defects,  however, 
probably  occur  with  an  approximately  equal  degree  of  fre- 
quency in  city  and  country  alike,  and  partial  statistics  there- 
fore ha,ve  considerable  value. 

There  are  a  large  number  of  physical  defects  that  should  be 
discovered  by  the  examining  physician.  Among  the  most 
important  of  these,  aside  from  tuberculosis  and  deformities, 
are:  defective  eyesight,  defective  hearing,  dental  caries,  ade- 
noids, difficult  nasal  breathing,  enlarged  tonsils,  malnutrition, 
pediculosis,  curvature  of  the  spine,  organic  heart  troubles,  etc. 

1  Sixth  International  Congress  on  Tuberculosis,  Vol.  II,  Section  IV,  p.  485. 

2  Quoted  from  a  circular  sent  by  a  society  dealing  with  school  hygiene. 


PHYSICAL   CONDITIONS   OF   CHILDREN  1 33 

Each  of  these  interferes  either  with  the  mental  or  the  physical 
development  of  the  child,  and  should  be  removed  if  possible. 

Gulick  and  Ayres  have  made  the  most  extensive  investiga- 
tion of  the  physical  conditions  of  school  children  in  the  United 
States  that  has  yet  been  made,  they  having  studied  the  work  of 
medical  inspection  as  carried  on  in  the  principal  American 
cities.  Some  of  the  results  obtained  are  given  in  the  following 
table,  which  is  based  on  the  examination  of  559,863  children  in 
nine  cities ;  nearly  40  per  cent  of  the  children,  however,  being 
from  New  York  City.  The  percentages  are  based  on  the 
relation  between  the  total  number  of  children  having  specified 
defects  and  the  entire  number  of  children  examined. 

Percentage  of  Children  examined  having  Specified  Defects  x 


Nature  of  Defect 

Percentage 

46.6 

18.4 

11. 7 

10.6 

12. g 

1.6 

8-3 

64-3 

1.04 

According  to  these  figures,  nearly  two-thirds  of  the  children 
examined  had  defects  sufficiently  serious  to  require  attention. 
As  there  was  an  average  of  slightly  more  than  one  defect  per 
child,  a  large  number  of  children  must  have  suffered  from  two 
or  more  defects  each.  The  most  common  defects  are  dental 
caries,  from  29  to  50  per  cent  of  the  children  suffering  from 
this  handicap.  These  variations  indicate  the  need  of  a  wider 
study  to  arrive  at  the  average  proportion  of  children  needing 
dental  treatment ;  for  example,  an  examination  of  nearly  15,000 
school  children  in  Cincinnati  disclosed  the  fact  that  82  per  cent 

1  Gulick  and  Ayres,  Medical  Inspection  of  Schools,  1913,  p.  38.  Percentages 
computed  from  tables  given  in  this  book. 


134  PROBLEMS  OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

needed  dental  treatment.  The  difference  among  cities  depends 
somewhat  upon  the  degree  of  poverty  among  the  children 
examined.  In  most  cities  medical  examination  began  in  the 
schools  located  in  the  poorer  districts,  and  although  it  has  been 
gradually  extended,  but  few  cities  cover  their  entire  school 
enrollment.  Among  the  poor  the  proportion  of  children  having 
defective  teeth  is  highest,  orphan  asylums  sometimes  reporting 
a  number  exceeding  go  per  cent,  but  if  the  entire  body  of 
school  children  were  examined,  the  proportion  would  be  much 
reduced. 

The  proportion  of  children  suffering  from  defective  vision  is 
entirely  uncertain,  but  nearly  12  per  cent  of  these  half  million 
children  were  affected.  Defective  eyesight  was  more  common 
when  medical  inspection  was  first  introduced.  In  Boston  in 
1907  it  was  found  among  31.5  per  cent  of  the  public  school  chil- 
dren, but  by  191 2  it  had  been  reduced  to  15  per  cent.  The 
congested  districts  of  Cincinnati  recently  gave  a  proportion  of 
33.36  per  cent.  As  in  the  case  of  the  teeth,  the  care  of  chil- 
dren's eyes  depends  largely  on  the  educational  and  economic 
condition  of  the  parents.  It  has  been  estimated  that  80  per 
cent  of  the  eye  troubles  can  be  cured  or  overcome. 

Adenoids  and  other  nasal  troubles  are  found  in  various  pro- 
portions, ranging  in  the  nine  cities  tabulated  by  Gulick  and 
Ayres  from  4.8  to  18. 1  per  cent.  Adenoids  were  discovered 
in  28  per  cent  of  7102  children  examined  in  Minneapolis,  and 
the  proportion  of  these  children  affected  with  enlarged  tonsils 
was  35,  although  the  average  among  the  children  in  the  nine 
cities  was  only  18.4  per  cent.  Both  of  these  defects  are  ex- 
tremely common,  but  adenoids  are  especially  to  be  feared  be- 
cause they  frequently  result  in  weakened  mentality,  although 
enlarged  tonsils  also  cause  retardation. 

Medical  inspection  indicates  that  everywhere  the  most 
common  forms  of  defects  are :  defective  teeth,  adenoids,  enlarged 
tonsils,  and  defective  vision.  These  four  groups  comprise  the 
great  bulk  of  all  the  physical  defects.  In  most  of  the  cities 
having  systems  of  medical  examination  the  total  defects  average 
at  least  one  for  every  child,  and  usually  less  than  one-third  are 


PHYSICAL   CONDITIONS   OF   CHILDREN  135 

free  from  all  serious  defects,  but  these  conclusions  are  based 
on  data  that  are  biased  in  favor  of  a  large  proportion  of  physi- 
cal defects.  Adequate  examination  of  well-to-do  pupils  and  of 
the  children  of  the  country  and  small  towns  remain  to  be  made 
before  accurate  estimates  can  be  made  for  the  country  at  large. 


CHAPTER  II 
CARE   OF  HEALTH  AND   PHYSIQUE 

The  child  has  a  right  to  be  healthy,  and  society  must  recognize 
this  claim  by  extending  the  opportunity.  This  right  depends 
on  two  considerations :  first,  the  child  is  too  young  to  realize 
the  permanent  consequences  of  ill-health,  and  will  therefore 
not  guard  himself  against  them ;  second,  ignorant  parents  often 
fail  to  care  properly  for  their  children  and  leave  them  handi- 
capped for  life.  Children  are  wards  of  the  state  and  are  sub- 
ject to  state  care  and  protection.  The  authority  of  the  parent 
is  no  longer  absolute ;  he  cannot  treat  his  child  as  he  will,  but 
must  defer  to  the  social  interest  involved  in  rearing  children. 
According  to  theory  the  child  can  be  protected  against  serious 
delinquencies  of  parents,  but  society  cannot  force  parents  to 
build  up  the  body  and  physique  of  their  children  so  as  to  make 
them  superior  men  and  women.  This  task,  however,  is  a  worthy 
one  and  should  not  be  neglected. 

The  health  interests  of  the  child  are  of  several  varieties,  viz., 
protection  against  disease,  detection  of  physical  defects,  and  their 
removal,  and  physical  training  and  education.  Not  until 
children  were  congregated  in  schoolrooms  did  the  danger  from 
disease  appear,  and  not  until  then  were  systems  of  medical  in- 
spection of  schools  adopted.  These,  furthermore,  have  met  with 
considerable  objection  because  of  the  principles  that  were 
involved. 

i.  The  Problem  of  Medical  Inspection. 

a.  Theory  of  Inspection. 

The  medical  inspection  of  school  children  was  first  justified 
on  the  theory  that  it  was  a  legitimate  exercise  of  the  police 
power  of  the  state.  The  schoolroom  is  an  ideal  place  for  the 
diffusion  of  contagious  diseases,  and  is  a  clearing  house  for  the 

136 


CARE  OF  HEALTH  AND   PHYSIQUE  137 

diseases  of  the  community.  If  diseases  can  be  checked  at  their 
source  and  an  epidemic  prevented,  the  public  health  is  pro- 
tected. Medical  inspection  therefore  depends  on  the  same  prin- 
ciples as  quarantine  laws,  the  establishment  of  pest-houses, 
and  the  refusal  to  permit  un vaccinated  children  to  enter 
school. 

The  medical  inspection  of  schools  at  first  accorded  with  this 
theory,  and  was  practically  restricted  to  the  detection  of  con- 
tagious diseases.  In  this  work  Europe  led  the  way,  for  as  early 
as  1867  a  number  of  German  cities  adopted  some  system  of 
inspection.  They  were  followed  by  Austrian  cities  in  1873, 
Belgian  cities  in  1874,  and  French  cities  in  1884.  In  the  United 
States  the  beginnings  of  inspection  were  made  in  Philadelphia 
in  1890,  but  were  shortly  abandoned.  A  few  years  afterwards 
—  1894  —  Boston  provided  for  limited  inspection  and  was  later 
copied  by  other  cities.  In  New  York  City,  inspection  was  at 
first  limited  to  sixteen  different  diseases,  but  this  was  con- 
sidered too  broad  a  work,  so  seven  of  the  diseases  were  selected 
and  inspection  limited  to  the  task  of  detecting  them.  Since 
then,  of  course,  this  policy  has  been  reversed. 

Medical  inspection  has  been  extended  on  the  theory  that 
social  progress  requires  such  extension.  Society  is  justified 
not  only  in  defending  itself  against  dangerous  disease,  but  also 
in  fortifying  the  physique  of  its  constituent  members.  To-day 
we  feel  justified  in  building  for  the  next  generation,  and  inter- 
fere with  a  condition  that  threatens  to  imperil  the  future  social 
and  economic  welfare  of  the  individual.  Only  in  this  way  can 
misery  and  distress  be  prevented.  Abnormal  conditions  are 
a  burden  to  society  and  involve  heavy  costs,  and  since  their 
prevention  is  regarded  as  legitimate  work,  medical  inspection 
has  been  extended  to  include  the  detection  of  the  minor  diseases 
of  the  child  and  finally  to  examination  for  physical  and  mental 
defects.  In  some  localities  this  still  seems  to  be  an  unjustifi- 
able interference  with  personal  liberty,  but  the  people  are  rapidly 
refusing  to  be  guided  by  silly  sentiment  that  retards  the  cause 
of  social  reform.  Capacity  for  self-support  is  more  desirable 
than  freedom  from  the  piercing  eye  of  the  physician. 


138  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

b.  The  Scope  of  Inspection. 

The  ground  covered  by  inspection  depends  largely  on  the 
attitude  of  the  board  having  control  of  the  work.  If  guided 
by  the  old  theory,  inspection  is  limited  to  a  few  diseases ;  if  not, 
a  physical  examination  of  the  child  is  made,  and  a  program 
of  physical  improvement  adopted.  No  system  of  inspection  is 
complete  unless  the  following  points  are  covered. 

(1)  Diseases  of  every  description. 

Contagious  diseases  must  be  watched  most  closely,  and  no 
cases  of  disease  should  be  overlooked.  Children  suffering  from 
diphtheria,  measles,  scarlet  fever,  chickenpox,  whooping  cough, 
smallpox,  mumps,  and  tuberculosis,  and  other  general  contagious 
diseases  are  usually  excluded  from  the  schools.  In  addition 
certain  other  diseases  ordinarily  exclude  children  from  school 
unless  they  receive  prompt  attention  at  home,  the  principal 
ones  being  acute  cases  of  contagious  skin  or  eye  disease  and  of 
pediculosis. 

(2)  Mental  Defects. 

A  careful  mental  classification  of  the  children  should  be  made, 
and  this  can  be  done  by  applying  some  of  the  recently  devised 
mentality  tests.  The  way  will  then  be  paved  for  appropriate 
handling  of  children  in  school  as  well  as  for  the  introduction 
of  ways  of  removing  the  remediable  defects. 

(3)  Physical  Defects. 

Under  this  head  should  be  included  physical  abnormalities, 
such  as  a  crippled  condition  or  physical  deformities,  and  if 
possible  the  causes  of  such  abnormalities  should  be  unearthed. 
Special  attention  should  be  paid  to  the  sense  organs,  since  defec- 
tive eyesight  is  one  of  the  most  common  hindrances  to  children 
in  their  work.  Shortsightedness  and  focal  inequalities  —  the 
two  principal  forms  of  eye  trouble  —  must  be  cared  for  in  order 
to  avoid  serious  consequences.  Pupils,  if  apprised  of  these 
defects,  may  seek  relief,  and  parents  should  be  informed  of  the 
needs.     Delay  is  altogether  too  dangerous. 

Deafness  should  be  detected.  This  often  causes  the  teacher 
to  misunderstand  and  even  misuse  the  child,  and  it  seriously 
retards  his  development.     Adenoids  and  defective  breathing 


CARE   OF  HEALTH  AND   PHYSIQUE  1 39 

are  equally  important,  for  their  effect  on  mentality  is  so  serious 
that  prompt  attention  should  be  given.  Enlarged  tonsils  are 
a  prominent  symptom  of  defectiveness,  and  their  influence  like- 
wise is  harmful.  Stammering,  although  not  common,  is  a  great 
handicap.  Special  classes  for  stammerers  depend  upon  some 
plan  for  proper  segregation.  Malnutrition  should  be  distin- 
guished from  other  defects  so  that  its  prompt  removal  may  be 
effected.  Weaknesses  of  the  heart,  tuberculosis,  curvature  of 
the  spine,  flatfoot,  nervousness,  and  other  defects  should  be 
noted. 

Although  the  most  numerous  of  all  defects,  defective  teeth 
have  until  recently  been  considered  of  minor  importance.  They 
need  special  attention  because  they  contribute  to  malnutrition, 
indigestion,  and  other  ailments.  Other  defects  of  a  less  serious 
nature  will  be  discovered. 

2.  Organization  of  Medical  Inspection. 

The  organization  of  a  system  of  inspection  is  strongly  influ- 
enced by  the  ground  to  be  covered  by  the  work.  Medical  in- 
spection to  detect  dangerous  communicable  disease  has  been 
followed  so  rapidly  by  examination  for  non-communicable 
diseases  and  for  mere  physical  defects,  that  the  problem  of 
organization,  formerly  very  simple,  has  become  a  more  difficult 
one  and  has  involved  the  authority  of  the  schools.  Whether 
medical  inspection  of  the  schools  should  be  a  function  of  the 
board  of  health  or  of  the  board  of  education  has  therefore 
become  a  mooted  question.  The  health  departments  wish  to 
obtain  jurisdiction  over  the  health  of  the  school  children  in  order 
to  lessen  disease,  while  boards  of  education  claim  that  the  work 
is  only  a  special  application  of  the  functions  of  their  department 
of  hygiene.  The  detection  of  contagious  diseases  is  a  necessary 
part  of  the  work  of  the  health  department,  and  the  danger  of 
epidemics  makes  watchfulness  on  its  part  absolutely  necessary. 
Compulsory  vaccination,  effectual  quarantine,  and  other  pre- 
cautionary methods  have  been  established  by  this  department, 
and  the  logical  development  of  its  work  carries  it  into  the 
school  to  detect  evidences  of  contagion  there.  The  work  has 
simply  become  positive  and  preventive,  instead  of  remaining 


140  PROBLEMS  OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

negative,  as  it  formerly  was.  Contagious  disease  can  easily  be 
eliminated  if  access  to  the  probable  agents  of  an  epidemic  can 
be  gained  in  time.  It  seems  therefore  that  the  health  bureau 
has  a  claim  to  the  right  to  superintend  the  work  of  medical 
inspection  of  the  schools. 

The  board  of  education,  on  the  other  hand,  contends  that  the 
health,  cleanliness,  and  physical  condition  of  the  school  child, 
apart  from  the  presence  of  contagious  disease,  are  closely 
bound  up  with  his  school  work,  and  that  therefore  the  best  re- 
sults can  be  achieved  only  by  placing  the  medical  inspectors 
under  its  direction.  The  chief  demands  made  upon  the  school 
physician  are  the  adaptation  of  the  pupil  to  the  conditions  of 
the  school  and  the  removal  of  minor  defects.  Contagious 
disease  cases  form  a  very  small  part  of  the  total  number  of  cases 
needing  attention  —  probably  not  more  than  4  to  5  per  cent  in 
most  cities.  The  great  proportion  of  the  inspector's  work  is 
more  closely  allied  to  the  natural  functions  of  the  teacher  than 
to  those  of  the  representative  of  the  bureau  of  health.  Defec- 
tive vision,  deafness,  backwardness,  adenoids,  defective  teeth, 
and  subnormal  physical  development  directly  affect  capacity 
for  education  and  determine  the  methods  of  instruction  that 
should  be  applied.  The  promotion  of  health  means  the  pro- 
motion of  education.  Accordingly,  the  board  of  education  con- 
siders medical  inspection  a  mere  extension  of  the  work  of  its 
hygiene  and  physical  exercise  departments.  Teachers  and 
parents  are  a  very  necessary  part  of  the  system,  and  the  entire 
building  equipment  of  the  schools  is  involved. 

In  actual  practice  the  cities  in  which  medical  inspection  is  of 
longest  standing  are  doing  the  work  under  the  guidance  of  their 
health  departments.  The  system  began  owing  to  the  presence 
of  contagious  disease  in  the  schools.  It  was  natural  for  the 
health  officials  to  use  this  method  of  checking  epidemics,  and 
school  boards  did  not  consider  inspection  as  one  of  their  duties. 
But  a  foothold  once  established,  the  boards  of  health  have  been 
loath  to  relinquish  it.  In  fact,  they  have  increased  their  func- 
tions to  include  the  detection  of  non-contagious  defects.  Of  the 
first  10  cities  of  over  200,000  population  in  the  United  States, 


CARE   OF   HEALTH  AND   PHYSIQUE  141 

9  began  medical  inspection  as  a  branch  of  the  health  depart- 
ment. Several  boards  of  health,  notably  those  of  New  York 
City  and  Boston,  have  established  bureaus  of  child  hygiene 
which  deal  with  this  problem. 

Medical  inspection,  to  have  value,  involves  a  readjustment 
of  the  child  to  the  conditions  in  the  school  and  the  adaptation 
of  the  school  to  the  needs  of  the  pupils.  These  tasks  belong 
principally  to  the  educational  agencies ;  hence  the  school  boards 
began  to  realize  their  duties  and  their  opportunities.  Accord- 
ingly they  have  introduced  systems  of  medical  inspection  and 
examination  of  school  children.  The  majority  of  large  cities 
recently  adopting  a  system  of  inspection  have  done  so  through 
their  school  boards,  and  the  present  tendency  is  clearly  in  the 
direction  of  enlarging  the  work  of  the  departments  of  school 
hygiene  to  cover  this  work.  In  191 1,  out  of  443  cities  having 
systems  of  medical  inspection,  337  administered  the  work 
through  their  boards  of  education.1  On  the  whole,  this  devel- 
opment is  a  desirable  one. 

In  a  few  cities  the  work  is  done  conjointly  by  the  two  boards, 
but  this  system  tends  to  create  confusion  and  endangers  the 
efficiency  of  the  inspection,  and  especially  of  the  remedial  work 
which  follows  and  which  gives  value  to  the  examination  of  the 
child.  Joint  reponsibility  is  not  proving  successful  because  of 
the  friction  which  it  engenders  and  the  consequent  impossi- 
bility of  securing  the  best  results.  Most  of  the  remedial  work 
and  the  statistical  tabulations,  including  the  keeping  of  records, 
will  in  any  case  remain  a  part  of  the  task  of  the  school  authori- 
ties. As  the  efficiency  of  physical  examination  increases,  greater 
emphasis  is  placed  on  correlating  school  conditions  with  the 
physical  status  of  the  children,  and  less  attention  relatively  is 
given  to  the  cases  of  disease  that  may  be  discovered. 

3.  Methods  of  Examination. 

a.  Medical  Inspection. 

In  most  small  towns  systems  of  medical  inspection  are  entirely 
absent.  In  some,  the  teachers  on  discovering  a  case  of  apparent 
sickness  of  serious  character  report  the  case,  and  the  child  is 

1  Gulick  and  Ayres,  Medical  Inspection  of  Schools,  1913,  p.  145. 


142  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

sent  home  or  the  physician  comes  to  the  school  to  make  an 
examination.  Under  these  conditions  it  is  chiefly  through  the 
alertness  of  the  teacher  that  contagious  disease  is  checked. 
In  larger  cities  medical  inspection  is  often  confined  to  a  certain 
proportion  of  the  schools,  while  the  remainder  are  handled  in 
a  manner  similar  to  that  of  the  small  towns.  Again,  all  the 
schools  may  be  covered  for  medical  inspection ;  that  is,  for  the 
detection  of  a  small  number  of  contagious  diseases,  but  only  a 
part  of  the  schools  for  the  physical  examination  of  the  children. 
About  one-half  of  the  cities  having  medical  inspection  also 
include  a  program  of  physical  examination  for  part  or  all  of  the 
school  children.1  Regardless  of  the  department  which  under- 
takes the  work,  physicians  must  be  used  to  make  the  actual 
inspections. 

Each  inspector  should  have  assigned  to  him  a  number  of 
schools,  all  of  which  must  be  visited  in  the  routine  of  his  work. 
In  New  York  City  each  inspector  visits  about  seven  schools, 
which  have  a  registration  of  approximately  9000  pupils.  At 
stated  intervals  it  should  be  the  duty  of  the  inspector  to  examine 
every  child  in  each  school,  but  usually  the  number  of  inspectors 
has  not  been  sufficient  to  do  the  work  acceptably.  The  daily 
visit  to  a  school  should  be  for  the  purpose  of  understanding  the 
graver  ailments  of  the  child ;  a  clinic  or  examination  room  should 
be  provided,  and  only  such  children  should  be  sent  to  the 
inspector  as  require  examination.  The  principal  matters  of 
interest  should  be :  the  detection  of  contagious  diseases  and  the 
exclusion  from  school  of  the  affected  children ;  the  inspection 
of  children  who  have  returned  to  school  after  exclusion  on 
account  of  disease  or  other  cause ;  also  the  examination  of  those 
who  have  been  recently  treated  and  of  those  who  are  plainly 
in  need  of  treatment.  Suspicious  cases  should  always  be 
referred  to  the  inspector  by  the  teacher  or  by  the  trained  nurse, 
and  parents  should  be  notified  or  children  be  referred  to  appro- 
priate places  for  treatment. 

In  some  instances  it  will  be  necessary  for  the  physician  to 
follow  the  child  into  the  home,  but  this  task  should  usually 

1  Gulick  and  Ayres,  Medical  Inspection  of  Schools,  1913,  p.  36. 


CARE   OF   HEALTH  AND    PHYSIQUE  143 

belong  to  the  school  nurse.  Treatment  by  the  physician  in 
the  home  will  not  be  welcomed  by  the  medical  fraternity,  which 
depends  for  its  subsistence  upon  the  fees  received  from  private 
practice.  It  is  well  at  the  present  time  not  to  interfere  too 
seriously  with  the  work  of  the  practicing  physician,  although 
means  must  be  provided  for  those  who  are  unable  to  command 
the  private  services  of  a  physician.  On  the  other  hand,  health 
is  a  matter  of  public  concern,  and  the  public  physician  must 
sooner  or  later  perform  the  regular  task  of  giving  medical 
attention  to  all. 

b.  Physical  Examination. 

If  possible,  a  physical  examination  should  be  made  of  every 
child.  Such  examination  should  be  thorough  according  to  the 
method  of  several  German  cities.  It  should,  in  the  first  place, 
cover  all  minor  defects ;  then  the  general  physical  constitution, 
chest  measurement,  weight,  height,  condition  of  the  skin,  spine, 
eyelids,  sense  organs,  etc.,  should  be  carefully  noted  and  recorded. 
The  information  thus  obtained  would  be  useful  for  both  imme- 
diate and  comparative  purposes,  and  should  furnish  the  basis 
for  a  constructive  program  of  physical  development.  It  is 
probably  more  important  at  present  to  emphasize  the  so-called 
minor  defects,  such  as  defects  of  hearing,  of  vision,  and  of 
breathing,  defective  teeth,  enlarged  tonsils,  tuberculosis,  and 
malnutrition.  An  examination  for  general  physical  conditions, 
however,  must  eventually  be  correlated  with  a  plan  of  physical 
training. 

In  a  city  where  the  number  of  examinations  is  limited  because 
of  an  inadequate  force  of  physicians,  three  groups  of  children 
should  receive  special  attention ;  children  beginning  school, 
those  about  to  graduate  or  expecting  to  drop  out,  and  special 
cases  referred  by  the  teachers  or  nurses  because  of  apparent 
existence  of  injurious  physical  defects.  Then  if  time  allows, 
an  examination  of  the  remainder  may  be  made.  Every  school 
child  during  the  course  of  his  elementary  school  career  should 
undergo  a  number  of  physical  examinations.  Then  only  will 
he  properly  safeguard  his  body  and  physique. 

The  results  of  examinations  are  recorded,  and  if  serious  defects 


144  PROBLEMS  OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

are  disclosed,  the  parents  are  notified  and  requested  to  give  the 
child  proper  treatment.  If  this  recommendation  is  disregarded, 
a  system  of  follow-up  work  is  required  to  secure  results.  Many 
cities  endeavor  to  procure  the  cooperation  of  parents  so  that 
the  defects  of  the  children  may  be  corrected. 

c.  Examinations  by  Teachers. 

The  function  of  the  teachers  in  an  examination  of  school  chil- 
dren is  limited  by  some  thinkers  to  the  giving  of  information  as 
to  defects,  and  to  the  reporting  of  cases  needing  special  exami- 
nation. Massachusetts,  however,  in  1906  invested  the  teachers 
with  the  power  and  duty  of  testing  the  children  for  sight  and 
hearing.  The  law  has  proven  a  distinct  success,  and  other  states 
have  begun  to  copy  the  plan.  Teachers  should  be  required  to 
report  findings  of  serious  defects  to  the  boards  of  health  or  other 
competent  bodies,  so  as  to  prevent  possible  abuse.  The  train- 
ing of  teachers  in  methods  of  testing  sight  and  hearing  is  neces- 
sary to  make  the  plan  successful.  Then  it  can  be  instituted  in 
every  school  throughout  a  state  —  in  rural  districts  and  in 
cities  alike  —  except  where  a  system  of  medical  inspection  has 
been  adopted.  The  beginnings  of  a  state-wide  system  can 
well  be  made  by  requiring  such  examinations  by  the  teachers. 

4.  The  Removal  of  Defects. 

The  removal  of  the  minor  defects  of  children  depends  primarily 
upon  the  efficiency  of  the  school  nurse.  Briefly  stated,  her 
duties  should  consist  of  the  following  tasks : 

a.  The  treatment  of  the  minor  cases  which  the  medical  in- 
spector orders  sent  to  her.  These  include  numerous  skin 
diseases,  some  of  which  may  be  contagious ;  cuts ;  sprains ; 
certain  affections  of  the  eye,  etc. 

b.  Instruction  in  regard  to  pediculosis  and  the  nature  of  the 
home  treatment  required. 

c.  The  detection  of  minor  cases  of  disease  among  the  pupils 
and  the  summary  exclusion  of  cases  showing  symptoms  of  a 
serious  contagious  disease.  In  New  York  City  beginning 
January,  191 2,  the  control  of  contagious  diseases  was  placed 
in  the  nurses'  hands  so  as  to  give  physicians  time  to  make 
physical  examinations  of  the  children. 


CARE  OF  HEALTH   AND   PHYSIQUE  1 45 

d.  Visits  to  the  homes,  so  as  to  advise  parents  as  to  methods 
of  treatment,  and  when  necessary  to  impress  upon  them  the  need 
of  medical  attention.  In  some  cities  the  nurses  frequently 
attend  the  child  to  the  hospital  or  dispensary. 

e.  The  keeping  of  records  showing  the  physical  condition  of 
the  child.  Besides  these  general  duties,  subsidiary  ones  are 
common,  such  as  the  exclusion  of  children  on  account  of  unsatis- 
factory vaccination.  Underfed  and  dirty  children  also  receive 
the  nurses'  attention. 

School  nurses  frequently  handle  about  five  schools  each,  visit- 
ing each  school  every  day,  but  they  cannot  make  detailed 
examinations  on  every  visit.  The  treatment  of  cases  requires 
much  time,  and  an  enormous  amount  of  work  must  be  done. 
A  nurse  should  not  be  required  to  minister  to  the  needs  of  more 
than  2000  children,  although  at  present  most  large  cities  assign 
to  her  the  care  of  nearly  twice  this  number.  The  school  nurses 
have  been  most  efficient  in  reducing  the  number  of  children 
excluded  from  school.  By  treating  minor  diseases  they  have 
removed  the  dangers  of  contagion  and  have  prevented  an 
enormous  shrinkage  in  school  attendance. 

The  number  of  physical  defects  recorded  from  year  to  year 
is  an  indication  of  the  success  attained,  both  in  discovering 
and  in  dealing  with  these  defects.  In  considering  results  we 
must  keep  in  mind  the  fact  that  treatments  which  involve 
operations'are  difficult  to  handle.  As  a  general  rule,  such  oper- 
ations are  performed  at  some  clinic  or  dispensary  and  not  at 
the  school.  If  the  parents  fail  to  take  action  either  because  of 
poverty  or  unwillingness,  the  health  and  education  of  the  child 
may  suffer  severely.  Permission  must  be  secured  from  the 
parents  to  allow  the  operation,  and  if  they  object  practically 
nothing  can  be  done.  The  states  are,  however,  beginning  to 
consider  compulsory  measures.  England  has  already  done  so, 
and  it  is  probable  that  in  the  United  States  the  term  "  neglected 
child  "  can  be  so  expanded  in  meaning  as  to  cover  those  cases 
of  children  suffering  from  serious  physical  defects  whom  parents 
refuse  to  have  treated.  In  that  case  such  children  will  come 
under  the  supervision  of  the  courts  and  parents  will  be  compelled 


146 


PROBLEMS  OF  CHILD  WELFARE 


to  attend  to  their  needs  or  the  state  will  perform  the  service 
directly.  The  school  nurse,  however,  has  proven  a  valuable 
substitute  for  law.  The  postal  card  notifications  in  New  York 
City  resulted  in  obtaining  treatment  for  only  about  6  per  cent 
of  the  reported  children,  but  this  proportion  rose  to  83  per  cent 
(care  of  defective  teeth  excluded)  as  a  result  of  the  system  of 
home  visits  carried  out  by  the  school  nurses. 

The  following  table  gives  the  proportion  of  various  defects 
found  among  children  in  New  York  City  in  the  years  1909- 
191 2  inclusive.1 

Proportion  of  Defects  among  Children  in  New  York  City, 

1909-1912 


iqi2 


Number  examined       .     .     . 
Percentage  needing  treatment 
Defects,  percentage  having 

Defective  vision       .     .     . 

Defective  hearing    .     .     . 

Defective  teeth   .... 

Defective  nasal  breathing 

Enlarged  tonsils  .... 

Malnutrition       .... 


IQOQ 

1910 

1911 

231,081 

266,426 

230,243 

74.48 

73-9 

72.3 

I3-I 

11. 1 

10.6 

1.0 

.6 

.6 

57-o 

61.6 

58-7 

18.7 

154 

11.8 

22.0 

18.7 

15.0 

3-i 

3-3 

2-5. 

258,784 

71.2 

9.9 

1.0 

53-8 

10.8 

14.0 

3-7 


These  figures  indicate  that  the  proportion  of  children  suffer- 
ing from  specified  defects  has  declined  in  nearly  every  case  in 
spite  of  more  careful  examination  each  succeeding  year.  The 
proportion  needing  treatment  has  fallen  constantly  through- 
out the  four  years.  Malnutrition  alone  shows  a  considerable 
increase,  and  this  does  not  lend  itself  so  easily  to  medical  treat- 
ment. The  reductions  effected  have  been  accomplished  largely 
through  the  follow-up  system  that  has  been  in  operation. 

The  New  York  City  Committee  on  Physical  Welfare  in  1907 
found  that  31  per  cent  of  the  limited  number  of  children  it 
examined  had  defective  eyesight,  but  the  more  extended  exami- 
nations by  the  board  of  health  show  a  much  smaller  percentage. 

1  The  Division  of  Child  Hygiene,  Department  of  Health,  City  of  New  York, 
1912,  p.  78. 


CARE  OF  HEALTH  AND   PHYSIQUE  147 

This  is  being  reduced  by  obtaining  medical  treatment  and  by 
persuading  parents  to  provide  glasses  for  their  children  if  neces- 
sary. Cases  of  poverty  are  reported  to  relief  organizations, 
the  result  being  a  steady  decline  in  the  proportion  of  children 
with  defective  vision. 

In  many  cases  defective  hearing  has  been  remedied.  While 
the  figures  for  New  York  City  show  little  change,  Boston  reports 
a  reduction  from  8. 13  to  3.09  per  cent  during  the  years  1907-1912. 
A  somewhat  similar  decline  in  proportion  of  cases  occurred 
throughout  the  state  of  Massachusetts. 

Defects  of  the  teeth  are  more  numerous  than  all  the  other 
physical  defects  combined,  and  but  little  advance  has  been  made 
in  reducing  them.  Among  the  important  steps  taken  is  instruc- 
tion of  children  in  the  proper  care  of  teeth,  such  instruction  being 
given  in  the  schoolroom  to  the  children  having  defective  teeth 
and  in  the  homes  by  the  school  nurses  when  engaged  in  follow- 
up  work.  Other  methods  of  care  or  relief  include  extraction 
and  filling  of  teeth.  Provision  to  meet  this  need  is  a  recent 
development  and  has  come  about  through  a  better  understand- 
ing of  the  relation  of  bad  teeth  to  malnutrition,  health,  back- 
wardness, and  retardation.  For  example,  a  study  of  the  effects 
of  dental  service  in  Cleveland  in  1909  indicated  that  the  children 
treated  gained  37  per  cent  in  working  efficiency.  Systems  of 
dental  inspection  and  dental  clinics  are  necessary  to  remedy 
actual  defects  of  the  teeth.  Accordingly,  some  cities  have 
supplemented  the  medical  inspection  with  dental  inspection 
carried  on  by  dentists,  and  in  191 1,  89  cities  had  established  a 
limited  amount  of  this  work.1  In  most  of  the  remaining  cities 
making  physical  examinations  of  school  children,  the  teeth  are 
also  examined,  but  this  is  done  by  the  regular  medical  inspectors. 

Dental  clinics  have  developed  principally  in  connection  with 
dental  schools  and  dispensaries,  and  usually  treat  both  children 
and  adults.  In  some  of  these,  teeth  are  extracted  free  and  a 
small  charge  is  made  for  fillings,  but  others  are  entirely  free. 
In  certain  cases  dentists  do  under-price  work  for  children  when 
recommended  by  the  school  nurses.     Among  the  19  free  dental 

1  Gulick  and  Ayres,  Medical  Inspection  oj  Schools,  1913,  p.  122. 


148  PROBLEMS  OF  CHILD  WELFARE 

clinics  of  New  York  City  is  one  maintained  wholly  for  the  treat- 
ment of  school  children,  but  this  is  supported  by  private  philan- 
thropy. In  a  number  of  cities  dental  clinics  have  been  es- 
tablished in  the  schools  through  public  funds.  Many  schools 
are  now  furnished  with  such  clinics,  but  in  most  cases  the 
financial  support  is  derived  from  private  associations  —  usually 
the  local  dental  societies.  Since  dental  treatment  is  expensive, 
a  large  proportion  of  school  children  cannot  afford  it,  but  on 
the  other  hand,  the  effects  of  bad  teeth  are  so  damaging  that 
opportunity  for  dental  treatment  must  be  afforded  to  all.  There- 
fore a  system  of  school  clinics  seems  desirable.  Here  children 
can  have  all  service  performed  without  charge  and  the  cost 
of  the  material  can  be  borne  by  the  parents,  or  if  necessary  by 
private  or  public  philanthropy. 

Among  the  minor  diseases  requiring  considerable  attention 
is  pediculosis.  In  New  York  City  in  191 1,  152,045  cases 
occurred  among  a  total  of  248,771  cases  of  contagious  eye  and 
skin  diseases,  and  in  Boston  it  accounts  for  about  two-thirds 
of  the  cases  of  these  diseases.  The  more  serious  cases  are  ex- 
cluded from  school,  but  the  great  majority  are  treated  by  the 
school  nurse.  In  some  cities  notable  success  in  reducing  the 
amount  of  pediculosis  has  been  achieved,  as  in  Philadelphia, 
where  the  nurses  in  a  short  time  reduced  the  number  of  cases 
by  at  least  three-fourths.  By  teaching  children  to  take  intelli- 
gent care  of  themselves,  by  interesting  them  in  hygiene  and 
general  cleanliness,  and  by  teaching  parents  how  to  attend  to 
affected  children,  the  great  majority  of  cases  can  be  obviated. 

The  New  York  City  statistics  on  defective  nasal  breathing 
and  enlarged  tonsils  show  a  most  gratifying  reduction  in  the 
number  of  cases.  Adenoid  cases  are  referred  to  parents  for 
action,  and  the  nurses  press  the  necessity  of  treatment.  In 
about  40  per  cent  of  the  cases  in  191 1  operative  treatment  was 
reported,  and  an  almost  equal  number  received  other  medical 
care.  Four-fifths  of  the  cases  received  some  medical  attention, 
although  in  a  large  number  it  was  known  to  be  inadequate. 
The  percentage  treated  in  191 2  was  much  smaller.  About  two- 
thirds  of  the  children  having  enlarged  tonsils  were  treated. 


CARE  OF  HEALTH  AND   PHYSIQUE  149 

The  number  operated  on  has  steadily  declined,  and  while  the 
number  receiving  medical  treatment  in  1909  was  33,396,  in  191 1 
it  fell  to  12,839.  The  prevalence  of  adenoids  and  enlarged 
tonsils  can  be,  and  has  been,  greatly  reduced  by  medical  inspec- 
tion and  insistence  on  proper  treatment  of  the  children. 

The  remaining  defects  of  school  children  lend  themselves  in 
most  cases  to  remedial  care.  Unfortunately  the  proportion  of 
all  defects  needing  treatment  which  actually  receive  it  is  com- 
paratively small.  Gulick  and  Ayres  estimate  it  at  from  20  to 
40  per  cent  of  the  cases.  It  appears  therefore  that  the  system 
of  follow-up  work  must  be  made  more  effective,  so  that  practi- 
cally all  cases  will  be  reached.  The  school  needs  the  power  to 
force  parents  to  perform  their  proper  obligations.  It  should 
also  require  philanthropic  agencies  to  continue  the  task  of  im- 
proving and  reconstructing  social  conditions.  But  the  school, 
not  private  charity,  is  commissioned  to  develop  mental  and 
physical  capacity  in  children ;  consequently  the  time  will  come 
when  it  will  be  empowered  and  required  to  remove  the  obstacles 
which  hinder  children  from  attaining  their  fullest  develop- 
ment. 

5.  Progress  of  Medical  Inspection. 

Philadelphia  was  the  first  American  city  to  attempt  any  form 
of  medical  examination,  by  appointing  several  physicians  to 
test  children  for  vision.  Objections  arose,  especially  from  par- 
ents, so  the  attempt  was  abandoned.  Later  Boston  began  the 
work  of  medical  inspection  under  the  control  of  the  board  of 
health.  The  schools  were  divided  into  50  districts,  and  as  the 
work  has  expanded,  a  corps  of  nurses,  working  under  the  direc- 
tion of  the  school  authorities,  has  been  created.  Some  cities 
began  with  the  aid  of  private  philanthropies,  which  furnished 
nurses  and  physicians.  A  complete  system  of  inspection  in 
the  large  cities  requires  an  army  of  officials,  and  for  this  reason 
the  system  has  not  been  extended  so  as  to  cover  entire  cities, 
but  has  been  confined  to  the  poorer  sections,  where  the  need  is 
greatest. 

In  191 2,  443  cities  had  a  system  of  medical  inspection,  and 
over  200  cities  had  some  form  of  physical  examination,  the  most 


150  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

rapid  progress  having  been  made  in  the  last  few  years.1  The 
states  have  also  been  falling  into  line.  Connecticut  began  in 
1899  by  requiring  tests  for  vision;  other  states  followed,  and 
two  types  of  laws  have  developed.  The  one  is  mandatory, 
seven  states  now  having  such  laws,  although  they  may  apply  to 
the  cities  only.  In  ten  states  permissive  laws  have  been  enacted, 
but  here  the  community  remains  dormant  until  it  is  aroused  to 
the  need  of  action.  Medical  inspection  and  physical  examina- 
tions are  still  largely  confined  to  the  cities,  the  movement  in  the 
rural  districts  having  made  but  little  progress.  State  law  alone 
can  remedy  this  situation. 

1  Gulick  and  Ayres,  Medical  Inspection  of  Schools,  1913/p.  17. 


CHAPTER  III 
CARE   AND   TRAINING   OF  PHYSICAL  DEFECTIVES 

It  is  rapidly  being  conceded  that  the  school  authorities  must 
educate  the  exceptional  as  well  as  the  normal  children.  The 
blind  or  deaf  child  should  not  be  educated  by  philanthropy  but 
by  the  public  schools.  The  education  of  these  classes  must  not 
interfere  with  that  of  the  normal  children,  but  all  are  entitled 
to  the  advantage  of  an  education,  even  though  the  labor  ex- 
pended on  one  group  exceed  that  expended  on  another.  A 
thorough  medical  examination  must  precede  the  separation  of 
children  into  groups  or  classes  for  special  instruction.  Those 
physically  incapable  of  meeting  the  ordinary  requirements  of 
regular  class  work  need  to  be  segregated  for  special  instruction, 
some  to  be  educated  by  the  local  school  board,  some  by  the 
state.  The  better  known  groups  are  the  blind  and  the  deaf, 
but  additional  ones  are  the  crippled,  those  having  defective 
speech,  and  the  anaemic  and  tubercular  group.  The  last  is  the 
most  numerous  of  all. 

i.  The  Blind. 

Every  state  should  provide  an  institution  for  the  education  of 
its  blind,  and  provision  for  the  maintenance  of  the  children  in 
whole  or  in  part  must  also  be  made.  The  state  schools  should 
enroll  all  blind  children  in  the  country  districts  and  the  smaller 
communities  where  the  number  of  blind  is  not  sufficient  to  make 
the  establishment  of  classes  for  the  blind  possible.  Education 
should  be  compulsory  and  a  charge  levied  against  the  commu- 
nity so  as  not  to  discriminate  against  the  locality  that  educates 
its  blind  directly.  The  state  must  make  ample  provision  for 
the  indigent  blind  and  insist  on  educating  them,  and  if  necessary 
it  must  pay  all  expenses  directly.  It  is  far  better  to  spend  money 
on  the  education  of  blind  children  than  to  give  permanent  relief 

151 


J52 


PROBLEMS  OF   CHILD   WELFARE 


in  the  form  of  pensions.  The  cities  must  establish  independent 
facilities  for  educating  this  class.  Although  a  number  of  the 
schools  for  the  blind  in  the  United  States  were  established  by 
private  philanthropy,  the  duty  of  the  public  to  perform  this 
function  is  universally  recognized. 

There  are  53  state  schools  for  the  blind  in  the  United  States 
with  an  enrollment  of  nearly  5000  pupils,  a  large  proportion  of 
whom  are  over  14  years  of  age.  In  some  of  the  large  cities 
classes  for  the  blind  have  been  established  by  the  local  boards  of 
education.  Some  experiments  have  also  been  made  with  the 
blind  in  classes  with  the  seeing  pupils. 

In  each  of  the  four  elementary  schools  for  the  blind  in  Chi- 
cago, special  apparatus  is  provided  and  special  teachers  are 
placed  in  charge.  The  pupils  are  .taught  the  Braille  system  of 
print  and  are  assisted  in  the  preparation  of  their  work.  They 
divide  their  time  between  their  special  rooms  and  the  regular 
classrooms;  they  recite  with  the  regular  classes  in  reading 
when  they  reach  the  third  grade  and  thereafter ;  they  usually 
enter  the  classes  for  language  and  music  from  the  beginning  and 
wherever  possible  they  are  given  the  opportunity  to  recite  with 
seeing  pupils.  In  Cleveland  the  blind  children  recite  in  the  regu- 
lar classes  in  the  upper  grades  only.  Such  a  program  is  carried 
out  partly  to  reduce  the  cost  of  education  and  partly  to  bring 
the  child  in  touch  with  the  outside  world  and  to  make  the  seeing 
pupils  more  sympathetic.  Most  cities  adhere  to  the  old  custom 
of  educating  the  blind  separately. 

In  191 2  New  York  City  operated  12  classes  for  the  blind  and 
had  an  enrollment  of  125  pupils ;  Chicago  enrolled  53,  and  other 
cities  —  14  in  all  —  made  some  special  provision  for  the  blind 
children. 

The  preliminary  education  of  the  blind  both  in  state  and  city 
schools  is  similar  to  that  of  seeing  children.  It  is  naturally  some- 
what slower,  and  the  majority  of  children  are  in  the  lower  grades. 
Reading  is  comparatively  slow  work,  but  the  Braille  system  of 
print  makes  writing  by  the  blind  simpler  than  before,  and  relief 
maps  are  used,  for  the  sense  of  touch  must  be  substituted  largely 
for  that  of  sight.     On  the  whole,  the  education  of  the  blind  must 


CARE  AND   TRAINING  OF   PHYSICAL   DEFECTIVES      1 53 

proceed  along  physical  and  industrial  lines.  Compelled  to  grope 
about,  the  blind  lose  their  firm  and  erect  posture,  and  unless 
carefully  trained  they  suffer  much  physically;  consequently 
systematic  gymnastic  exercises,  athletic  sports,  and  various 
recreations  must  be  provided.  Heart  and  lung  action  is  im- 
proved thereby  and  a  better  posture  is  assured. 

Although  the  blind  can  acquire  a  considerable  formal  educa- 
tion because  of  their  hearing,  the  problem  of  self-support  is  a 
difficult  one  because  so  little  can  be  done  without  the  eyesight. 
While  the  blind  may  rise  to  high  intellectual  levels,  they  are  not 
easily  made  capable  of  self-support.  They  are  restricted  to  a 
very  small  number  of  occupations,  the  principal  ones  being 
teaching  music,  piano-tuning,  broom  making,  chair  caning, 
weaving,  and  basket  making.  Each  student  must  be  thoroughly 
trained,  or  competition  from  seeing  people  makes  self-support 
impossible.  If  the  school  cooperates  with  the  home  and  stim- 
ulates interest  in  the  blind  children,  parents  become  more  hope- 
ful and  better  results  can  be  achieved  for  the  children.  A  serious 
problem  in  many  schools  for  the  blind  is  the  proper  segregation 
of  boys  and  girls.  It  is  difficult  to  prevent  the  blind  from  marry- 
ing the  blind,  yet  nearly  every  instance  of  such  marriage  is  a 
tragedy.  The  spirit  of  independence  and  the  duty  of  self-sup- 
port must  be  religiously  taught  or  frequent  intermarriages  among 
the  blind  will  follow  and  the  community  be  compelled  to  support 
a  family  of  children,  as  very  few  of  the  blind  can  provide  for 
more  than  one  additional  person. 

2.  The  Deaf. 

Like  the  blind  the  deaf  have  been  given  a  measure  of  care 
and  training  in  state  institutions.  In  the  same  way  the  work 
must  continue  for  the  sake  of  the  children  scattered  over  the 
state  who  would  no  doubt  be  neglected  but  for  the  facilities  which 
a  state  can  provide.  Although  the  state  instutitions  are  fun- 
damentally educational  in  character  they  must  also  minister  to 
the  needs  of  the  indigent  group. 

In  the  cities  day  schools  for  the  deaf  can  easily  be  established 
because  the  deaf  can  reach  them  without  assistance.  The  chil- 
dren can  be  brought  to  some  convenient  location  and  trained  un- 


154  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

der  special  teachers  in  day  classes  in  a  special  building  or  even 
in  a  part  of  the  regular  school,  but  a  centrally  located  building 
offers  the  better  plan.  If  all  of  the  deaf  can  be  brought  together, 
a  system  of  grading  is  made  possible,  economies  in  equipment 
can  be  made,  and  adequate  courses  in  industrial  training  be 
provided. 

The  deaf  cannot  speak  because  they  cannot  hear  themselves 
articulate,  so  they  eventually  become  dumb.  Formerly  they 
were  taught  the  sign  language,  using  signs  and  gestures  to  ex- 
press themselves,  but  in  recent  years  an  oral  method  has  been 
developed,  and  children  now  learn  to  articulate  by  means  of  "  lip- 
reading."  Many  of  the  deaf  acquire  considerable,  power  of 
speech,  but  in  this  respect  the  congenital  cases  are  much  inferior 
to  the  others,  although  hearing  may  have  been  destroyed  within 
the  first  two  years  of  life.  The  majority  of  children  are  now 
taught  by  the  oral  method,  which  enables  them  to  converse  with 
the  hearing. 

The  deaf  exceed  the  blind  in  numbers,  therefore  both  in  the 
cities  and  throughout  the  states  the  student  body  is  larger  than 
that  of  the  blind.  In  191 1  the  57  state  schools  enrolled  10,740 
pupils.  There  were  also  55  public  day  schools,  of  which  21  were 
in  Wisconsin  and  14  in  Michigan,  while  the  private  schools  num- 
bered 20.  The  last  two  groups  enrolled  2300  children.  A  com- 
parison of  the  deaf  and  the  blind  in  state  schools  shows  that  while 
6.1  per  cent  of  the  former  were  high  school  students  and  gradu- 
ates, the  corresponding  proportion  among  the  blind  was  18.5 
per  cent.  The  blind  can  master  a  formal  education  more  rap- 
idly than  can  the  deaf,  and  their  scholastic  attainments  are  much 
superior,  but  that  eyesight  is  an  invaluable  asset  for  industrial 
efficiency  is  evidenced  by  the  fact  that  few  of  the  deaf  receive 
charitable  relief  while  many  of  the  blind  are  so  assisted. 

The  majority  of  the  deaf  are  physically  subnormal,  this  con- 
dition being  both  cause  and  effect.  An  important  effect  is  in- 
ferior lung  and  chest  development,  due  in  part  to  the  failure  to 
use  the  organs  of  speech.  The  oral  method  of  communication 
will  lessen  the  difficulty,  but  physical  training  is  necessary  to 
develop  properly  every  part  of  the  body  that  fails  to  receive  suffi- 


CARE   AND   TRAINING   OF   PHYSICAL   DEFECTIVES      1 55 

cient  exercise.  The  deaf  shuffle  their  feet,  walk  awkwardly,  and 
are  poorly  balanced.  Industrial  training  is  very  important,  and 
certain  occupations  are  so  adapted  to  the  deaf  that  self-support 
is  within  the  reach  of  all.  The  state  schools  especially,  but  some 
of  thecity  schools  as  well,  emphasize  vocational  training,  —  cook- 
ing, sewing,  and  household  economy  being  taught  the  girls,  while 
the  boys  do  shopwork  and  learn  sign-painting,  bookbinding, 
pottery,  and  printing.  In  a  limited  number  of  occupations  a 
sense  of  hearing  is  not  necessary  either  for  efficiency  or  for  pro- 
tection against  accident.  Such  occupations  naturally  become 
the  field  of  work  for  the  deaf. 

3.  Crippled  Children. 

While  institutional  care  must  be  provided  for  many  crippled 
children,  there  are  a  large  number  who  are  simply  in  need  of  edu- 
cational facilities.  Some  must  eventually  become  self-support- 
ing or  become  dependent  upon  the  public.  An  adaptable  edu- 
cation is  therefore  necessary.  Besides,  the  cripple  misses  the 
joy  which  comes  from  play,  and  exercise  with  an  abundance  of 
good  cheer  must  be  provided  to  keep  him  happy. 

In  London  excellent  provision  is  made  for  crippled  children, 
sixteen  day  schools  having  been  established,  with  accommoda- 
tions for  1 100  children  who  are  provided  with  meals,  the  public 
authorities  furnishing  nurses  and  paying  half  of  the  expense  of 
the  cooks,  besides  the  building  equipment.  Parents  are  required 
to  pay  a  small  sum  to  help  defray  expenses  and  charitable  funds 
supply  the  remainder.  In  the  United  States  in  191 2  four  cities 
—  New  York  City,  Chicago,  Cleveland,  and  Detroit  —  made 
some  provision  for  crippled  children.  New  York  City  had  34 
classes,  with  two  additional  ones  contemplated  and  an  enroll- 
ment of  560.  These  classes  are  made  convenient  to  pupils,  being 
usually  on  the  first  floor  and  close  to  play  facilities,  and  the  board 
of  education  operates  a  number  of  stages  that  convey  the  chil- 
dren to  the  schools,  but  private  philanthropy  assists  in  this  work. 
In  Chicago  nearly  all  of  the  180  crippled  children  in  the  schools 
were  conveyed  by  the  transportation  facilities  provided  by  the 
school  authorities.  This  is  as  it  should  be,  and  is  the  most  con- 
venient arrangement.     Noon  lunches  are  also  provided  gratis 


156  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

by  the  Chicago  school  board.  Many  crippled  children  need  to 
be  placed  under  orthopedic  care,  as  their  physical  weakness  fre- 
quently prevents  heavy  work  in  the  schools.  Consequently 
slow  progress  must  be  tolerated. 

Crippled  children  have  usually  been  overlooked  by  the  educa- 
tional authorities  if  they  were  found  by  the  truant  officers  to  be 
incapable  of  attending  school  unassisted.  This  discovery  has 
been  sufficient  to  permit  continued  non-attendance.  The  vari- 
ous social  agencies  that  come  in  contact  with  the  untaught 
crippled  child  in  his  home  have  given  impetus  to  the  movement 
among  the  schools  to  establish  special  educational  facilities  for 
children  too  crippled  to  compete  with  the  normal  child.  Since 
many  of  these  children  need  orthopedic  care,  they  have  been  con- 
sidered outside  the  proper  jurisdiction  of  the  school  board.  The 
new  view,  however,  demands  that  education  be  provided,  that 
appropriate  equipment  be  obtained  by  the  schools,  that  some 
system  of  transportation  be  provided,  and  that  a  plan  of  coopera- 
tion between  the  department  of  school  hygiene  and  the  private 
or  public  philanthropies  providing  orthopedic  care  be  carefully 
followed.  Where  private  institutional  care  is  provided,  ade- 
quate educational  facilities  are  also  necessary. 

A  beginning  has  been  made  in  the  development  of  state  schools 
for  the  crippled.  In  1897  Minnesota  appropriated  a  sum  of 
money  for  the  state  care  of  crippled  children,  and  in  1909  it  gave 
additional  funds  for  the  establishment  of  permanent  buildings. 
Two  other  states  —  New  York  and  Massachusetts  —  have  each 
established  a  state  school  or  institution.  This  makes  it  possible 
to  gather  and  educate  the  isolated  cripples  of  school  age  through- 
out the  states. 

4.  Tubercular  and  Anaemic  Children. 

The  schools  must  undertake  to  give  every  child  a  proper  phys- 
ical training,  and  must  attend  to  the  body  as  well  as  to  the  mind. 
Medical  inspection  and  physical  examination  of  children  are  only 
the  first  steps  toward  an  elaborate  system  of  training  which  will 
develop  each  child  and  strengthen  his  subnormal  organs  as  far 
as  possible.  To  this  end  the  anaemic  and  tubercular  should  be 
separated  from  the  normal  groups  of  children  and  should  receive 


CARE  AND  TRAINING  OF  PHYSICAL  DEFECTIVES       157 

special  care ;  but,  in  addition,  efforts  should  be  made  to  keep 
children  from  becoming  weak.  Consequently  the  school  must 
carefully  guard  the  physique  of  its  children,  yet  so  far  it  has  done 
but  little  in  this  line.  It  is  still  too  absorbed  in  its  literary 
curriculum. 

Germany  opened  the  way  for  the  development  of  schools  for 
the  tubercular  and  pre-tubercular  children.  In  1904  an  open 
air  school  was  established  in  a  pine  forest  near  Charlottenburg  — 
a  suburb  of  Berlin.  Shelters  were  erected  to  protect  the  children 
from  inclement  weather,  but  the  major  portion  of  the  time  was 
spent  out  in  the  open  air  invigorated  by  the  odor  of  the  pines. 
Weak  and  anaemic  children  and  those  touched  as  yet  but  lightly 
by  disease  were  selected  for  the  experiment,  but  acute  tubercu- 
losis cases  were  not  received,  and  in  all,  107  children  were  ad- 
mitted. The  school  lasted  for  three  months  during  the  summer 
season.  The  routine  consisted  of  breakfast,  class  instruction, 
light  luncheon,  physical  exercises,  rest,  dinner,  sleep,  food,  in- 
struction, and  play,  special  emphasis  being  placed  on  good 
food.  The  periods  of  school  work  were  made  comparatively 
short,  and  adequate  sleep  and  rest  were  provided.  Remarkable 
results  were  soon  noticeable  :  many  children  were  cured ;  most 
of  them  gained  in  weight ;  they  improved  in  general  attention 
and  temperament,  and  were  remarkably  successful  in  their  school 
work.  The  school  was  enlarged  until  it  included  250  pupils,  and 
was  operated  for  an  eight  months'  term.  Other  schools  were  sub- 
sequently established,  and  in  191 1,  15  of  these  were  in  operation. 

London  opened  its  first  open  air  school  in  1907,  and  at  once 
achieved  remarkable  results  similar  to  the  effects  observed  in  the 
German  school.  A  number  of  such  schools  have  been  established 
in  other  parts  of  England,  and  several  schools  for  active  tuber- 
culosis cases  are  also  being  maintained  by  the  educational  au- 
thorities. The  latter  are  closely  allied  to  the  hospital  or  sani- 
tarium schools  in  the  United  States.  The  London  Charity  Or- 
ganization Society  has  favored  sending  three  classes  of  children 
to  these  schools  :  those  returning  from  sanitaria ;  those  suffer- 
ing from  tuberculosis ;  and  the  children  from  tubercular  homes. 
The  distinction  made  between  active  cases  and  those  predisposed 


158  PROBLEMS  OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

is  apparently  very  loose.  Both  types  of  schools  are  making 
progress. 

The  first  American  experiment  with  an  open  air  school  was 
made  in  Providence  in  1908,  but  Boston  and  New  York  soon 
followed.  In  1911,35  cities  had  established  schools  and  47  differ- 
ent schools  were  in  operation.1  Since  then  other  cities  have  be- 
gun the  work,  and  in  the  old  centers  the  work  has  grown.  New 
York  City  in  191 2  had  seven  open  air  classes,  and  six  classes  for 
tubercular  children. 

This  movement  has  had  a  very  interesting  history.  Private 
societies  have  to  a  very  considerable  extent  taken  the  initiative 
in  the  establishment  of  the  schools ;  then  the  assistance  of  the 
educational  authorities  has  been  secured.  When  once  established, 
the  school  boards  have  gladly  developed  the  system.  Why  in 
some  cases  the  medical  examiners  dismissed  children  from  school 
because  they  were  a  source  of  danger  and  the  school  authorities 
neglected  such  children  entirely  it  is  difficult  to  say.  Anti- 
tuberculosis and  charitable  societies  then  coming  in  touch  with 
such  cases  have  agitated  for  the  proper  treatment  and  education 
of  the  children. 

The  cities  disagree  as  to  an  ideal  site  for  the  establishment  of 
open  air  schools.  Some  use  the  regular  school  building  by  simply 
transforming  part  of  it  into  an  open  air  room,  which  can  be  done 
quite  easily,  thereby  reducing  the  cost  of  equipment.  Roofs 
have  been  used  to  some  extent.  It  is  an  advantage  to  rise  be- 
yond the  murky  air  of  the  street,  and  good  results  have  been  se- 
cured in  this  way.  In  many  cities  special  buildings  are  favored, 
and  these  may  be  of  various  kinds,  some  substantial,  others  a 
mere  shelter.  Undoubtedly  much  would  be  gained  if  the  open 
air  schools  and  classes  could  be  located  in  healthful  districts, 
where  smoke  and  bad  city  odors  cannot  reach  them,  where  the 
air  is  fresh,  and  where  opportunity  is  given  for  the  enjoyment 
of  both  sun  and  shade.  Practical  considerations  often  prevent 
this,  and  fairly  good  results  can  be  obtained  by  out-door  treat- 
ment under  ordinary  conditions. 

1  Ayres,  L.  P.,  Address  on  "Open  Air  Schools"  before  Seventh  Annual  Meeting 
for  the  Study  and  Prevention  of  Tuberculosis. 


CARE  AND  TRAINING  OF  PHYSICAL  DEFECTIVES       159 

From  the  beginning  difficulties  over  the  distribution  of  the 
cost  of  maintenance  have  arisen  between  the'cooperating  parties. 
In  about  three-fourths  of  the  cases  some  private  philanthropy 
is  assisting  in  financing  the  enterprise.  The  school  board  usu- 
ally pays  for  the  building  and  its  equipment  and  also  for  the 
teacher.  Private  associations  pay  for  the  cots,  quilts,  special 
clothing,  nurses,  cooks,  and  food.  The  question  naturally  rises 
where  can  a  line  be  drawn  between  the  obligations  of  the  educa- 
tional authorities,  on  the  one  hand,  and  those  of  philanthropy, 
on  the  other.  The  tendency  is  unquestionably  in  the  direction 
of  greater  latitude  among  school  boards  and  away  from  the 
obligations  of  private  philanthropy.  While  some  school  boards 
defray  the  entire  cost  directly,  others  cooperate  with  the  depart- 
ment of  public  charities.  The  restrictions  placed  on  the  use  of 
educational  funds  have  prevented  many  school  boards  from  ven- 
turing as  far  as  they  otherwise  would.  On  the  other  hand, 
many  men  consider  these  limitations  just.  The  schools,  how- 
ever, have  gone  far  in  the  direction  of  maintaining  certain  groups 
temporarily,  such  as  delinquent  children  in  parental  schools. 
Is  not  the  maintenance  of  an  open  air  school  quite  as  justifiable  ? 
However,  there  has  been  less  opposition  to  the  division  of  the 
expenditure  between  the  school  board  and  the  department  of 
public  charities.  The  physical  and  mental  improvement  of 
this  class  of  children  is  of  intense  social  importance,  and  the  work 
must  be  done  largely  by  the  public,  for  enough  work  still  re- 
mains for  private  philanthropy. 

The  advent  of  the  open  air  school  is  responsible  for  other  de- 
velopments of  a  similar  nature.  Theoretically,  the  school  is  used 
for  the  pre-tubercular,  but  it  constantly  violates  this  principle, 
and  training  is  now  demanded  for  children  actually  infected  with 
tuberculosis.  The  seven  New  York  City  classes  for  this  group 
evidence  this  tendency.  Unless  such  training  is  harmful  to  the 
child  because  of  the  advanced  stage  of  the  disease,  it  is  quite 
justified.  Again  the  movement  in  favor  of  fresh  air  classes  for  a 
larger  group  of  children  and  finally  for  all  has  been  stimulated. 
The  open  windows  and  low  temperature  rooms  in  Chicago  and 
Boston  are  an  answer  to  this  demand.     The  ventilation  of  school 


160  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

rooms  must  be  improved  if  not  revolutionized,  as  it  is  not  enough 
to  relieve  the  children  from  many  hours  of  confinement  with 
short  periods  of  recess.  Wholesome  air  must  be  supplied  at  all 
times. 

Artificial  methods  of  ventilation  have  not  been  entirely  suc- 
cessful ;  only  too  often  windows  have  remained  closed,  while 
fresh  air  has  not  been  obtained.  Children  should  be  allowed 
from  1800  to  2100  cubic  feet  of  fresh  air  per  hour,  but  in  actual 
practice,  lack  of  ventilation  or  failure  of  ventilating  systems  fre- 
quently reduces  this  volume  to  very  unhealthy  proportions. 

Results  in  the  United  States  have  been  similar  to  the  ones 
mentioned  in  connection  with  the  experience  of  Charlottenburg. 
In  general,  our  fresh  air  schools  have  limited  their  membership 
to  not  more  than  30  pupils  each.  Otherwise  more  than  one  nurse 
would  be  required  in  each  school,  and  the  teacher  likewise  would 
be  overworked.  After  several  months  of  training  and  expe- 
rience in  an  open  air  school  children  are  usually  ready  to  resume 
their  places  in  the  regular  classes  in  the  schools.  They  generally 
make  more  than  normal  progress  in  their  studies,  besides  gaining 
in  weight  and  in  stature.  The  St.  Louis  Open  Air  School  re- 
ported one  gain  of  23  pounds  in  five  months ;  also  the  comple- 
tion of  two  and  three-fourths  years  of  school  work  in  1 2  months. 
Though  originally  subnormal,  the  majority  gain  more  rapidly 
than  do  ordinary  children ;  they  acquire  a  better  disposition  and 
become  more  hopeful  toward  life ;  they  also  learn  of  the  curative 
value  of  fresh  air  and  of  sunshine,  and  become  centers  for  the 
radiation  of  a  fresh  air  doctrine.  But  frequently  such  children 
have  no  escape  from  their  old  environment,  and  when  they  re- 
turn to  their  homes  may  lose  what  they  have  gained.  It  has 
been  amply  shown  from  experience  in  several  cities  that  children 
remaining  away  for  several  days  from  the  open  air  school  and 
living  under  old  conditions  have  frequently  lost  in  weight  and  in 
healthfulness.  How  serious  then  is  the  problem  of  the  child 
dismissed  from  the  open  air  school  and  compelled  to  go  back  for 
a  considerable  time  to  the  disease-producing  conditions  that  had 
previously  depleted  his  physique.  In  such  places  it  is  often 
impossible  to  observe  the  precautions  necessary  for  the  main- 


CARE   AND   TRAINING   OF   PHYSICAL  DEFECTIVES       l6l 

tenance  of  health.  When  the  schools  have  done  their  part,  the 
great  incubus  of  poverty,  of  slum  conditions,  of  insanitary  hous- 
ing, still  remains.  Until  this  is  removed,  the  schools  can  only 
labor  feebly  wi  th  the  results  of  conditions  that  will  always  pro- 
duce the  same  effects.  Nevertheless,  the  experience  with  the 
pupil  of  the  open  air  school  points  unerringly  to  the  causes  of 
anaemia  and  tuberculosis,  and  will  hasten  the  movement  for  the 
permanent  improvement  of  social  conditions. 

5.  Underfed  School  Children. 

A  considerable  number  of  school  children  are  underfed,  and 
many  come  to  school  without  having  had  their  breakfast.  There 
is  also  a  vast  amount  of  misfeeding ;  for  example,  inveterate 
coffee  drinking  among  children  has  retarded  their  growth  in 
weight  and  in  stature  and  handicapped  them  in  the  develop- 
ment of  strength.  Malnutrition  is  frequently  associated  with 
other  physical  defects,  and  is  often  a  consequence.  Defective 
teeth,  for  example,  often  overburden  the  digestive  system  and 
cause  the  child  to  suffer.  The  problem  therefore  presents  two 
phases:  first,  misfeeding  due  to  physical  defects,  ill-prepared 
food,  ignorance,  or  lack  of  self-control ;  second,  underfeeding 
resulting  from  poverty  or  penuriousness.  Malnutrition,  so- 
called,  may  be  of  a  primary  or  secondary  character.  If  it  is 
primary,  the  child  needs  more  food  or  better  food ;  if  secondary, 
the  physical  or  mental  causes  of  the  malnutrition  must  be  re- 
moved. In  either  case  improper  physical  development  results, 
and  this  causes  dullness  and  interferes  with  educational  ad- 
vancement. 

The  New  York  City  Department  of  Health  classifies  as  mal- 
nutrition only  those  cases  in  which  malnutrition  is  the  primary 
condition.  In  1911-1912  out  of  258,784  school  children  examined 
by  the  department,  9734  cases,  or  3.7  per  cent,  were  reported  as 
malnutrition  cases.  Since  only  about  one-third  of  all  the  chil- 
dren were  examined,  the  total  number  of  cases  throughout  the 
city  is  much  greater,  although  the  children  examined  were  largely 
from  the  schools  in  the  poorer  districts  where  malnutrition  is 
frequent.  The  cases  recorded,  however,  did  not  cover  all  cases 
of  defective  physique,  as  only  the  more  patent  ones  were  counted. 

M 


162  PROBLEMS  OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

The  number  of  underfed  and  misfed  children  is  therefore 
much  larger  than  3.7  per  cent,  especially  in  the  congested 
localities. 

In  1908  a  committee  of  the  board  of  education  of  Chicago, 
after  an  investigation  of  malnutrition  among  the  school  children, 
came  to  the  conclusion  that  5000  children  in  that  city  were  suf- 
fering from  underfeeding  and  that  at  least  15,000  came  to  school 
hungry.  An  examination  of  15,184  school  children  in  Kansas 
City  in  191 1  disclosed  the  fact  that  7.7  per  cent  were  suffering 
from  malnutrition.  In  every  large  city  there  are  a  considerable 
number  of  such  cases  among  the  school  children,  and  it  is  for  this 
reason  that  the  feeding  of  school  children  has  become  a  live 
question  in  many  cities. 

In  approaching  this  question,  several  propositions  must  be 
clearly  understood :  first,  school  lunches  obtained  at  cost  in- 
volve a  different  principle  than  does  the  free  feeding  of  children ; 
second,  hungry  children  imply  hungry  parents.  The  underfed 
child  is  therefore  a  mere  symptom  of  a  family  problem.  Third, 
the  primary  function  of  the  school  relates  to  the  education  of 
children,  and  physical  care  provided  by  schools  is  largely  a  means 
to  that  end ;  fourth,  education  includes  a  program  of  physi- 
cal development. 

A  number  of  European  countries  have  tried  to  solve  the 
problem  by  providing  free  meals  for  the  school  children.  For 
example,  England  in  1906  empowered  the  educational  authorities 
of  the  cities  to  supply  food  to  children  at  the  expense  of  the  school 
fund,  and  during  the  first  year  after  the  enactment  of  this  law, 
fifty  cities  took  advantage  of  its  provisions.  Many  children  had 
been  given  relief  by  the  "  destitution  authorities,"  but  the  work 
seemed  unsatisfactory,  and  in  1909  more  than  100,000  children 
were  provided  with  free  meals  by  the  boards  of  education.  The 
public  assumption  of  this  work  followed  a  previous  plan  of  co- 
operation with  private  philanthropy.  Free  feeding  of  children 
was  common  before  the  enactment  of  the  law  of  1906,  but  the 
food  was  provided  from  voluntary  donations.  Most  of  the  paid 
service,  however,  and  the  equipment,  even  some  of  the  fuel,  was 
paid  for  from  the  school  funds.     Then  came  the  final  step  — 


CARE  AND   TRAINING  OF  PHYSICAL  DEFECTIVES      163 

to  provide  the  food.     Continental  countries  have  preceded  Eng- 
land in  radical  legislation  of  this  sort. 

In  the  United  States  the  free  feeding  of  children  has  found 
but  little  favor,  but  the  large  number  of  the  underfed  has  forced 
the  problem  on  the  public.  Interesting  experiments  have  been 
carried  on  in  several  cities,  notably  in  Philadelphia  and  in  New 
York.  In  19 10  in  the  former  city  a  private  committee  was  or- 
ganized among  the  citizens,  five  schools  were  secured,  and  one- 
cent  and  three-cent  lunches  were  provided  which  were  sold  at 
the  morning  recess  and  at  noon.  Lunches  were  bought  by  21 
to  58  per  cent  of  the  children,  dinners  by  12  to  19  per  cent; 
the  penny  lunch  allowed  the  purchase  of  a  single  article  only, 
but  the  three-cent  lunch  permitted  a  rather  agreeable  combina- 
tion. The  committee  made  a  study  of  the  effects,  and  40  children 
who  regularly  bought  dinners  for  a  period  of  three  months  were 
compared  with  40  who  did  not  patronize  the  lunches.  The 
children  were  tested  for  weight,  stature,  grip,  and  lung  capacity, 
and  it  was  found  that  the  children  fed  at  school  averaged  better 
in  every  respect  than  those  not  fed.  The  former  had  gained  1.78 
pounds  each,  the  latter  only  .80,  a  difference  of  nearly  one  pound. 
The  former  also  excelled  in  mental  ability  and  in  behavior. 

A  group  of  philanthropic  women  began  the  work  in  New  York 
City  in  1909.  There  they  have  operated  in  seven  schools,  and 
all  patrons  of  the  lunch  rooms  are  required  to  buy  soup,  which  is 
served  for  one  cent.  The  children  may  then  select  additional 
foods,  each  of  which  also  costs  a  cent.  A  small  number  of  chil- 
dren usually  assist  in  serving  the  meal  and  receive  free  meal 
tickets  in  payment  for  service.  In  addition  a  few  free  tickets 
have  been  provided  for  children  too  poor  to  afford  a  meal  or  who 
suffered  severely  from  malnutrition.  The  average  price  per  meal 
has  been  approximately  three  cents,  but  the  total  cost,  including 
administrative  expenses,  is  nearly  five.  In  three  years  174,199 
luncheons  were  served  at  a  cost  of  $8640. 1  The  regular  cus- 
tomers of  the  lunch  rooms  have  not  been  confined  to  the  very 
poor,  but  the  patronage  has  been  rather  general.     Among  the 

1  Fourteenth  Annual  Report  of  the  Superintendent  of.  Schools  to  the  Board  of 
Education  of  the  City  of  New  York,  pp.  180  2. 


1 64  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

advantages  claimed  for  the  school  lunch  room  are:  improve- 
ment in  physical  condition,  more  alertness,  greater  energy,  and 
better  work ;  besides  the  children  have  received  instruction  in 
cleanliness,  cost  value  of  foods,  table  manners,  and  taste  in  the 
arrangement  and  serving  of  foods.  The  school  meals  have  not 
only  improved  physique  and  stimulated  study,  but  have  also 
served  as  object  lessons  in  household  economy. 

In  Chicago  the  board  of  education  instituted  the  plan  of  pro- 
viding penny  lunches  and  at  first  bore  the  entire  expense.  Later 
it  relinquished  part  of  the  burden  to  private  philanthropy,  but 
continued  to  furnish  rooms,  full  equipment,  janitor  service, 
and  the  wages  of  one  attendant.  Meals  costing  one  cent  each 
are  now  being  served  in  a  number  of  schools  located  in  the 
Italian  and  the  Jewish  districts.  Again,  effects  physical  and 
educational  in  character  are  observed.  In  other  cities  experi- 
ments are  being  made,  but  occasionally,  as  in  St.  Louis,  the  pat- 
ronage of  the  lunches  in  particular  schools  does  not  seem  to  jus- 
tify the  continuation  of  the  work.  On  the  whole,  however,  the 
school  lunch  room  is  gaining  in  favor,  and  without  doubt  it  will 
extend  itself  into  the  schools  of  the  poorer  districts  of  nearly 
every  city  in  the  near  future  and  will  doubtless  invade  the 
better  sections.  Whenever  attempted  in  the  United  States,  the 
feeding  of  school  children  has  been  conducted  on  a  cost  basis, 
but  usually  the  price  of  the  meals  has  been  somewhat  less  than 
the  actual  cost  of  food  and  service. 

While  the  existence  of  a  large  amount  of  malnutrition  is  evi- 
dent, and  the  educational  authorities  are  gradually  introducing 
plans  for  the  feeding  of  school  children,  it  does  not  follow  that 
in  the  United  States  as  in  European  countries  the  schools  will 
assume  the  role  of  philanthropic  agencies.  They  cannot  under- 
take the  difficult  task  of  rehabilitating  the  families  that  are  in 
poverty;  they  can  inform  parents  and  philanthropic  agencies 
that  certain  children  are  suffering  from  malnutrition  and  must 
be  cared  for;  that  is,  they  can  cooperate  in  the  solution  of 
the  problem.  With  the  machinery  of  public  and  private  relief 
organizations  in  actual  operation,  the  schools  cannot  afford 
to   become   supplementary    relief   agencies.     Accordingly    the 


CARE  AND   TRAINING  OF  PHYSICAL  DEFECTIVES      165 

free  feeding  of  school  children  in  American  schools  would  be  a 
mistake,  since  the  idea  is  contrary  to  sound  principles  of  relief. 

The  policy  of  providing  poor  school  children  with  wholesome 
meals  at  cost  is  thoroughly  sound  and  should  be  encouraged. 
Society  cannot  afford  to  neglect  the  child  even  though  it  cannot 
reconstruct  and  improve  the  parents;  therefore,  the  school 
must  do  its  part.  This  involves  the  improvement  of  physique 
and  the  promotion  of  mental  and  moral  efficiency.  Instead  of 
jeopardizing  the  self-respect  of  parents  and  of  handicapping 
relief  agencies  in  their  work  by  the  giving  of  free  meals,  the 
schools  can  indirectly  educate  parents  by  providing  their  chil- 
dren with  meals  at  cost  and  can  prepare  the  children  more 
adequately  for  the  tasks  of  the  schoolroom. 

The  work  should  be  connected  with  the  domestic  service  de- 
partments of  schools,  and  be  sufficiently  systematized  so  that 
knowledge  of  the  values  of  various  foods,  of  the  economy  of  buy- 
ing, and  of  the  amenities  of  the  dining-room  may  be  acquired. 
Such  knowledge  possesses  much  educational  value,  and  should 
become  a  part  of  the  mental  equipment  of  every  child.  Among 
the  ignorant  and  poor  such  knowledge  is  not  acquired  except 
through  the  schools  and  the  philanthropic  agencies,  and  this 
burden  should  be  borne  by  the  schools. 


CHAPTER  IV 
PLAY  AND  RECREATION 

Play  and  recreation  have  assumed  a  tremendous  importance 
in  the  life  of  the  nation.  Play  is  common  to  man  and  the  ani- 
mals of  the  higher  orders,  and  the  speculation  concerning  its 
origin  and  uses  has  resulted  in  the  development  of  several 
theories,  chief  among  which  are  the  practice,  surplus  energy, 
and  recreation  theories.  According  to  the  first,  play  is  a  form  of 
practice  along  the  lines  of  future  methods  of  conduct ;  for 
example,  the  cat  plays  with  the  mouse  but  enhances  her  effi- 
ciency for  maintaining  a  livelihood  at  the  same  time.  The 
surplus  energy  theory  assumes  that  play  is  necessary  to  wear 
off  the  exuberance  of  the  young,  whether  man  or  beast ;  while 
the  recreation  theory  claims  that  play  is  for  purposes  of  relaxa- 
tion and  recovery  from  the  tiring  effect  of  the  monotony  of  life. 
That  play  is  of  inestimable  value  to  animal  life  has  long  since 
been  conceded ;  but  its  usefulness  to  the  human  race  has  not 
been  appreciated  until  within  a  few  years.  Play  implies  bodily 
movement  and  exercise  in  cooperation  with  others,  and  is  a 
form  of  recreation  popular  with  the  children. 

Recreation  consists  of  several  forms  that  differ  widely  in 
effect.     It  has  been  classified  by  De  Groot  as  follows : x 

Active  —  the  use  of  muscular  and  nervous  energy,  such  as 
baseball,  swimming,  etc. 

Passive  —  watching  others  in  an  exhibition  or  entertainment. 

Social  —  exchange  of  ideas  and  expressions  of  a  joyous  nature. 

Active  recreation  he  further  divides  into  manual,  rhythmic, 
dramatic,  and  athletic  play.  It  must  be  evident  at  once  that 
active  recreation  produces  different  results  than  passive  or  social 
recreation,  yet  each  has  an  important  function. 

1  Report  of  the  South  Park  Commissioners  of  Chicago,  1912,  p.  30. 

166 


PLAY  AND   RECREATION  167 

1.  Values  of  Recreation. 

a.  Physical  Values. 

Play,  exercise,  and  recreation  affect  both  body  and  mind,  and 
the  physical  effects  are  very  important.  The  total  disuse  of  an 
organ  tends  to  render  it  useless;  for  instance,  a  limb  tightly 
bound  for  six  months  would  lose  its  functions  entirely  or  recover 
them  with  great  difficulty.  Consequently  a  reasonable  exer- 
cise of  the  various  organs  of  the  body  is  necessary.  The  spon- 
taneous play  of  children  develops  part,  perhaps  most,  of  the 
body,  but  no  single  game  is  adequate  for  the  task.  Fortunately 
the  use  of  the  same  game  becomes  monotonous,  and  children  vary 
their  games  because  of  the  added  pleasures  which  change 
affords.  The  effects  are  far-reaching,  for  the  children  bring  a 
large  variety  of  muscles  into  use,  but  a  symmetrical  develop- 
ment of  the  body  hardly  results  from  dependence  on  the  spon- 
taneous play  of  children.  Rightly  planned,  organized  play  is 
necessary  to  accomplish  this  result,  for  many  organs  and  parts 
of  the  body  do  not  develop  sufficiently  except  through  exercises 
that  are  specially  adapted  to  them. 

One  of  the  diseases  which  can  be  lessened  by  the  organization 
of  play  is  tuberculosis.  A  disease  of  filth,  it  will  long  remain 
with  us,  and  a  development  of  resisting  power  in  the  individual 
is  absolutely  necessary.  The  play  of  growing  children  under 
good  surroundings  will,  more  than  any  other  agency,  prepare 
the  child  for  the  struggle  with  this  disease.  Although  the 
greatest  prevalence  of  tuberculosis  is  during  the  adult  period 
of  life,  —  notably  between  the  thirtieth  and  fortieth  years  of 
life,  —  the  time  for  preparation  against  the  disease  is  during 
childhood.  Proper  development  of  the  appropriate  organs 
forms  a  splendid  asset  for  the  individual  when  he  is  later  ex- 
posed to  the  tubercular  germ.  Play  as  a  precautionary  meas- 
ure cannot  be  too  strongly  urged,  especially  for  weakly  and 
subnormal  children. 

b.  Social  Values. 

The  social  and  moral  influences  of  play  produce  indelible 
effects  upon  the  child  mind.  Play  is  didactic,  and  leaves  its 
trace  for  good  or  bad  as  the  case  may  be.     Unorganized  and 


1 68  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

spontaneous  play  often  develops  the  bully  and  the  coward; 
systematic  play  impresses  the  ideals  taught  by  organization 
and  cooperation.  One  of  its  initial  values  is  the  recognition 
of  mutual  rights,  which  are  but  little  understood  by  the  un- 
thinking child  and,  when  brute  force  permits,  are  often  entirely 
overthrown  or  perverted  into  a  mere  toleration  of  privileges. 
Few  children  are  spontaneously  generous ;  the  majority  are 
selfish  and  require  companionship  to  soften  their  egoism.  On 
the  supervised  playground,  a  new  regime  is  put  into  operation. 
The  right  to  the  use  of  the  sand  pile  cannot  be  monopolized  by 
any  ambitious  player.  All  things  are  held  in  common,  and  every 
child  must  be  granted  an  equal  opportunity,  so  each  learns  that 
others  have  rights  that  must  be  respected.  Our  rapidly  in- 
creasing density  of  population  and  the  innumerable  contacts 
involved  demand  a  new  limitation  of  rights  and  a  recognition 
of  the  boundaries  of  the  rights  of  the  individual.  Play  there- 
fore becomes  a  most  important  school  of  citizenship,  and  the 
social  results  which  follow  are  expressed  in  such  ethical  values 
as  order,  obedience,  self-denial,  and  discipline.  The  self-repres- 
sion, not  self-effacement,  which  develops  from  the  influence  of 
play  makes  obedience  something  more  than  unwilling  subordi- 
nation. It  becomes  respect  for  authority  as  well  as  deference 
to  the  welfare  of  the  group. 

The  team  work  of  play  develops  a  characteristic  most  neces- 
sary for  the  success  of  our  experiment  in  democratic  govern- 
ment. This  characteristic  is  the  capacity  for  cooperation, 
which  is  the  ideal  of  the  democratic  movement.  Ability  to 
cooperate  means  ability  to  excel,  but  absence  of  this  power 
means  ultimate  disorganization  and  disorder.  Practice  in 
accomplishing  a  given  task  together  impresses  boys  and  girls 
with  the  immense  value  of  concerted  action.  Things  must  be 
done  in  unison,  and  every  one  takes  part ;  thus  the  individual 
learns  that  he  is  necessary  to  the  game  and  that  without  his 
sane  cooperation  neither  he  nor  his  associates  will  be  able  to 
enjoy  themselves  to  the  fullest  extent.  Thus,  through  practice 
and  sheer  necessity,  capacity  for  cooperation  develops.  The 
citizen  will  not  govern  wisely  until  he  learns  the  value  of  co- 


PLAY   AND    RECREATION  1 69 

operation  and  until  he  feels  himself  a  part  of  the  government. 
If  government  is  only  partially  successful,  he  must  feel  the 
humiliation ;  if  it  fails,  he  must  participate  in  the  disgrace ; 
if  it  succeeds,  he  may  rejoice  in  the  accomplishment  as  he  would 
if  it  were  entirely  his  own.  Good  government  depends  upon 
a  cooperation  so  intense  that  each  accomplishment  will  inevi- 
tably reflect  itself  in  the  attitude  of  the  individual.  The  suc- 
cessful adjustment  of  the  individual  characteristics  to  those  of 
a  group  so  as  to  make  interrelations  possible  is  a  prime  task  of 
the  playground  and  can  nowhere  else  receive  equal  encourage- 
ment and  development.  Play  will  improve  the  good  citizen- 
ship of  a  nation,  and  therefore  become  a  safe  and  sane  form  of 
social  insurance  and  a  guarantee  of  better  government. 

One  possible  influence  of  play  is  less  reassuring ;  unless  it  is 
carefully  carried  on,  an  unhealthful  development  of  the  gang 
spirit  may  result.  The  absence  of  complete  democracy  tends 
to  segregate  the  children  into  antagonistic  groups,  among  whom 
a  spirit  of  intolerance  may  arise.  Base  leaders  appear,  and 
these  dominate  the  actions  of  the  gang,  which  panders  to  the 
baser  instincts  present  on  the  playground.  Unless  hindered, 
the  differing  elements  will  form  numerous  gangs  in  which  the 
spirit  of  true  cooperation  will  fail  and  intrigue  as  well  as  enmity 
will  control  action.  The  principle  of  complete  self-govern- 
ment cannot  be  successfully  applied  to  immature  minds,  and 
play,  in  order  to  conserve  its  good  effects  and  to  eliminate  its 
evil  propensities,  must  be  properly  supervised. 

c.  Mental  Values. 

The  child  cannot  play  without  receiving  mental  influences  of 
various  kinds,  since  play  is  not  only  educational  but  stimulates 
the  capacity  for  mental  growth.  The  backward  child  through 
the  influence  of  wisely  planned  play  grows  in  intelligence  and 
becomes  capable  of  better  work.  The  normal  child  adds  new 
mental  qualities,  such  as  initiative,  alertness,  mental  ability, 
and  foresight.  The  need  of  alertness  stimulates  the  child  to 
activity,  and  the  task  of  solving  the  problems  which  every  game 
presents  requires  a  fresh  display  of  initiative  for  each  added 
instance.     The  quality  of  leadership  develops,  and  this  involves 


170  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

the  use  of  the  calculating  faculties,  and  requires  constant 
planning  and  the  use  of  judgment.  The  advantages  of  properly 
conducted  play  have  a  value  far  in  excess  of  the  energy  and  cost 
required  for  competent  supervision,  therefore  the  playground 
movement  is  alive  with  tremendous  social  possibilities. 

2.  Recent  Appreciation  of  Play. 

The  majority  of  parents,  and  of  teachers  as  well,  have  regarded 
the  play  of  the  child  as  a  natural  but  somewhat  useless  activity. 
Parents  often  prevent  their  children,  especially  the  older  ones, 
from  indulging  in  play  because  they  do  not  understand  its 
character-building  qualities  and  believe  it  a  mere  waste  of  time. 
As  a  needed  relief  from  the  confinement  and  concentration  of 
the  schoolroom,  its  usefulness  has,  however,  been  generally  ac- 
cepted. The  physical  effects  of  play  received  the  first  recog- 
nition, and  its  social  and  moral  effects  were  unobserved  until 
some  of  their  necessary  consequences  became  too  patent  to 
remain  hidden  from  the  view  of  the  sociologist  and  the  moralist. 
That  some  of  the  world's  great  teachers  had  long  since  recog- 
nized the  uses  of  play  is  true,  but  the  popular  mind  had  not  fol- 
lowed them,  and  the  discovery  had  to  be  made  anew. 

The  present  attitude  toward  play  is  a  mark  of  the  changing 
tendency  in  regard  to  our  many  social  problems.  The  social 
reformer  finds  that  play  and  the  playground  are  powerful  agen- 
cies, which,  if  carefully  used,  will  accomplish  much  good.  The 
potential  criminal  of  the  slums  must  be  transformed  into  a  law- 
abiding  citizen,  and  the  indifferent  must  become  zealous  in  the 
cause  of  reform.  The  depleted  physique  of  the  children  of  the 
poor  must  be  renewed,  and  their  intellectual  and  moral  im- 
provement required.  The  riotous  child  of  the  street  and  the 
gang  of  the  dismal  alley  must  be  reclaimed  and  their  energies 
directed  toward  nobler  standards  of  living.  To  accomplish 
these  results  is  the  aim  and  hope  of  the  advocates  of  the  play- 
ground movement.  The  effects  of  the  meager  efforts  that  have 
been  made  to  promote  play  have  been  most  hopeful.  The  social 
attitude  toward  play  is  now  a  healthful  and  helpful  one,  but  the 
problem  is  serious,  owing  to  the  difficulties  which  are  naturally 
involved  in  furthering  the  playground  movement. 


PLAY  AND    RECREATION  171 

3.  Facilities  for  Recreation. 

Ample  facilities  for  play  are  needed.  It  has  been  estimated 
that  every  child  should  have  approximately  30  square  feet  of 
play  space.  As  the  playground  must  be  located  where  the 
child  can  reach  it,  playground  facilities  must  be  properly  dis- 
tributed throughout  the  residential  sections.  The  cost  of  ade- 
quate playgrounds  and  equipment  is  enormous,  and  this  is  partly 
due  to  the  tardy  recognition  of  the  need  of  play  space.  In  some 
cities  even  the  school  buildings  are  not  all  provided  with  play- 
grounds, and  this  is  especially  true  in  the  slum  sections  where 
play  space  is  most  needed.  Children  therefore  pour  into  the 
streets  to  organize  their  games  and  play  them.  Often  the  only 
open  space  consists  of  a  few  feet  of  ground  immediately  in  front 
of  the  school  building,  but  this,  if  paved  with  brick,  becomes 
very  unattractive,  and  the  street  is  often  more  alluring. 

a.  Roof  and  Basement  Playgrounds. 

The  insistent  demand  for  play  space  has  resulted  in  the  use 
of  the  roof  or  the  basement  of  schools  for  play  purposes.  In 
New  York  City,  especially,  where  the  tall  tenement  buildings 
have  usurped  so  much  space,  much  has  been  accomplished  by 
transforming  the  roofs  of  school  buildings  into  playgrounds. 
These  roofs  are  covered  with  wire  netting  or  at  least  surrounded 
by  a  strong  fence  so  as  to  make  mishaps  impossible.  Roof 
gardens  frequently  accompany  the  playgrounds  and  are  used 
for  the  cultivation  of  flowers  and  vegetables. 

This  method  of  providing  play  space  has  some  advantages. 
In  the  crowded  portions  of  cities,  it  is  especially  desirable  that 
children  come  in  touch  with  pure  air  and  sunlight  wherever 
possible.  The  atmospheric  conditions  on  the  roofs  are  notice- 
ably better  than  those  in  the  narrow  streets.  The  use  of  roofs 
for  open  air  schools  and  the  success  that  has  attended  this 
movement  furnish  ample  proof  of  the  healthfulness  of  the  roof 
playground,  and  several  cities  have  resorted  to  its  use. 

However,  it  is  often  inconvenient  to  use  the  roof  for  play- 
ground purposes ;  and  basements  are  frequently  constructed 
to  meet  the  need.  Owing  to  the  size  of  the  buildings,  such 
basements  have  a  tremendous  area  and  offer  large  opportunities 


172  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

for  play,  but  the  air  is  not  always  good  and  sweet;  it  is  fre- 
quently dark,  and  sunlight  is  almost  entirely  absent.  Young 
children,  especially  the  ones  living  in  unfavorable  homes, 
should  not  be  required  to  remain  in  basement  playgrounds. 

c.  Streets  and  Vacant  Lots. 

In  the  foreign  sections  of  our  large  cities,  where  overcrowding 
is  common,  the  streets  are  used  to  a  large  extent  by  pedestrians 
and  also  by  children  at  play.  Asphalt  or  well-paved  streets 
are  very  well  adapted  for  this  purpose.  In  certain  sections 
children  are  tolerated  in  the  streets  and  the  authorities  do  not 
drive  the  boys  into  the  alleys.  Wagon  traffic  tends  to  avoid 
streets  used  in  this  way,  and  this  increases  the  safety  of  the 
children.  Some  progress  has  been  made  in  the  establishment 
of  play  zones,  where  at  certain  times  of  the  day  portions  of  the 
streets  are  roped  off  by  the  policemen  and  cannot  then  be  used 
for  traffic,  but  are  turned  into  playgrounds  for  the  children. 
This  gives  an  opportunity  for  play  and  is  far  better  than  the 
alley,  but  the  street  lacks  the  salubrity  of  the  park  and  is  but 
a  makeshift.  In  191 2,  10  cities  increased  their  regular  play 
space  in  this  way.  Many  streets  in  the  congested  districts 
are  so  poorly  paved  that  they  are  not  serviceable  for  this 
purpose,  so  other  methods  of  gaining  play  facilities  must  be 
found. 

The  numerous  vacant  lots  in  many  cities  are  temporarily 
turned  into  playgrounds  by  the  boys  of  the  neighborhood.  In 
some  cases  the  permission  of  the  authorities  is  necessary  before 
these  places  can  be  used  for  play  purposes,  but  this  is  quite 
readily  secured,  and  thus  the  playground  room  of  a  city  can  be 
enormously  extended  beyond  the  meager  facilities  directly  under 
municipal  and  philanthropic  control.  Play  under  these  condi- 
tions is  not  supervised  and  is  conducted  by  the  boys  according 
to  their  own  ideas,  yet  it  relieves  congestion  and  has  done  much 
good.  Occasionally  the  city  uses  the  lot  directly  and  erects 
playground  apparatus  which  remains  during  the  summer 
months.  Usually  the  equipment  is  intended  for  the  small 
children,  the  larger  ones  being  expected  to  attend  the  regular 
playgrounds. 


PLAY   AND   RECREATION  1 73 

d.  Public  Recreation  Centers. 

The  major  portion  of  a  municipality's  playground  space 
consists  of  that  secured  exclusively  for  playground  purposes 
and  transformed  into  parks  and  formal  playgrounds.  Although 
the  first  playground  space  was  furnished  by  the  schools,  the 
school  authorities  have  not  kept  pace  with  the  need  of  play 
space.  They  have  not  regarded  recreation  as  a  function  of  the 
school  except  as  it  is  necessary  to  rest  pupils  from  the  monotony 
of  their  study  and  to  make  them  more  alert  for  their  class  work ; 
consequently  the  municipality  has  been  forced  to  create  separate 
playground  areas.  Unlike  the  use  of  streets  and  lots,  the  estab- 
lishment of  playgrounds  involves  the  expenditure  of  consider- 
able sums  of  money,  and  the  needed  recreation  centers,  if 
established  at  all,  must  be  created  in  the  localities  where  children 
can  use  them.  In  the  crowded  quarters  of  the  city  the  cost  of 
real  estate  is  high,  and  very  little  vacant  space  can  be  found. 
How  to  secure  ample  funds  to  establish  a  system  of  playgrounds 
is  a  problem  for  nearly  every  city.  A  single  block  in  New  York 
City  cost  $1,811,127. 

4.  Types  of  Recreation  Centers. 

There  are  various  types  of  playgrounds,  and  some  of  them  are 
intended  for  children  of  almost  every  age.  The  type  of  play- 
ground and  the  method  of  its  control  vary  with  the  age  group 
which  is  to  be  accommodated. 

The  park  for  small  children  as  found  in  many  cities  is  a  dis- 
tinct type.  Some  parks  are  divided  into  two  parts ;  one  for 
boys  and  the  other  for  girls ;  often  an  entire  playground  is 
limited  to  the  use  of  one  sex.  Special  provision  is  sometimes 
made  for  the  little  children,  who  are  given  a  small  enclosed 
space  into  which  the  others  may  not  come.  Usually  these 
playgrounds  contain  sand  gardens,  swings,  teeterboards,  and 
some  additional  apparatus,  besides  space  for  games  of  various 
kinds.  In  the  middle  of  the  sand  garden  is  a  covered  enclosure 
containing  the  sand.  The  level  of  the  sand  pile  is  about  two 
feet  above  that  of  the  adjacent  ground,  and  the  sand  is  accessible 
from  all  sides.  Here  small  children  are  allowed  to  dig  and  are 
carefully  watched  by  an  attendant  so  that  no  accidents  may 


174  PROBLEMS  OF  CHILD  WELFARE 

occur  and  that  trouble  among  the  children  may  be  avoided. 
Some  opportunity  is  also  given  for  digging  in  the  garden  around 
the  enclosed  sand  pile,  and  here  the  older  children  may  enjoy 
themselves.  The  swings  and  teeterboards  may  be  out  in  the 
open  air  or  under  a  protecting  roof,  and  some  of  the  parks  are 
provided  with  equipment  of  both  kinds.  In  certain  parts  of 
the  park  seats  are  provided  for  the  child's  mother,  who  may  rest 
there  with  her  young  charges.  These  parks  usually  open  at 
nine  o'clock  in  the  morning  and  close  about  sunset,  and  are  in 
use  through  the  warmer  months  of  the  year  only.  Formerly 
many  of  them  were  mere  vacation  schools  operating  for  ten  or 
twelve  weeks  during  the  summer,  but  now  a  general  extension 
of  the  time  has  been  granted. 

A  second  type  of  playground  accommodates  children  of  all 
ages,  and  therefore  contains  a  greater  measure  of  provision  for 
the  older  boy,  who  does  not  dig  in  the  sand  nor  play  baby  games. 
In  addition  to  provision  for  the  small  child,  opportunities  for 
physical  exercise  are  given  to  both  boys  and  girls,  and  appro- 
priate machinery  for  this  purpose  is  furnished.  The  grounds 
contain  poles,  ladders,  horizontal  and  parallel  bars,  play-horses, 
small  merry-go-rounds,  and  other  apparatus.  However,  the 
boys  are  usually  better  provided  with  the  means  of  enjoyment 
than  are  the  girls.  This  type  of  playground  is  not  usually  en- 
closed, and  may  be  used  whenever  the  condition  of  the  weather 
allows.  Accordingly  on  a  bright  winter  day  and  frequently  in 
the  early  spring  these  grounds  may  be  seen  covered  with  boys 
eager  to  use  such  apparatus  as  may  be  allowed  to  remain  all 
winter,  and  in  the  summer  months  they  are  covered  far  into 
the  night  with  enthusiastic  children. 

The  most  notable  variety  of  recreation  center  in  the  United 
States  is  the  so-called  civic  center,  which  usually  comprises  a 
small  park  containing  a  finely  equipped  field  house.  The  idea 
took  form  in  Chicago  in  1903,  when  the  South  Park  Commission 
decided  to  establish  a  number  of  such  centers  on  the  south  side 
of  that  city,  and  within  four  years  ten  such  centers  were  created. 
A  typical  center  is  established  at  a  cost  of  about  $220,000,  and 
the  yearly  cost   of   maintenance  amounts  to  approximately 


PLAY  AND   RECREATION  175 

$30,000.  The  centers  comprise  an  area  in  some  cases  of  ten 
acres  each,  being  much  larger  than  the  ordinary  playground. 
Furthermore,  they  do  not  confine  their  activities  to  the  needs  of 
children,  and  many  adults  participate  in  the  advantages.  They 
are  located  in  regions  badly  in  need  of  play  facilities,  and  are 
therefore  usually  found  in  the  poorer  and  more  disagreeable 
parts  of  the  city. 

In  Chicago  the  grounds  were  secured  by  direct  purchase  of 
the  land ;  buildings  were  removed  and  the  parks  and  centers 
created.  The  grounds  are  enclosed,  and  contain  various  build- 
ings and  an  exceedingly  good  equipment.  A  typical  field  house 
consists  of  a  large  assembly  hall,  where  entertainments  of  various 
kinds  are  continually  held,  and  where  dancing  parties  frequently 
convene ;  a  boys'  gymnasium  equipped  for  games,  especially 
for  basketball  and  for  physical  exercises  ;  and  a  girls'  gymnasium 
in  another  part  of  the  building,  where  the  equipment  is  equally 
adequate.  The  building  shelters  one  of  the  branches  of  the 
public  library,  and  contains  many  clubrooms  used  by  adults  as 
well  as  by  boys  and  girls.  An  indoor  swimming  pool  is  one  of 
the  valuable  features  of  the  equipment  and  a  large  outdoor  pool 
is  provided  for  summer  use.  This  is  used  by  males  five  days  of 
the  week,  while  on  two  days  its  use  is  limited  to  females.  Ample 
shower  baths  are  also  provided. 

During  the  winter  months  there  are  facilities  for  indoor  play, 
but  when  good  weather  approaches  the  outdoor  equipment  is 
more  generally  utilized.  This  includes  provision  for  the  little 
children,  for  a  boys'  ground,  and  for  a  girls'  field.  The  portion 
allotted  to  the  small  child  contains  a  wading  pool  absolutely 
safe,  swings,  teeterboards,  and  similar  apparatus,  as  well  as  sand 
bins,  and  only  children  under  ten  years  of  age  are  allowed  to 
use  these  grounds.  Provision  is  also  made  for  the  caretakers, 
who  are  supplied  with  ample  shade  while  they  watch  the  little 
ones.  Mothers  may  come  with  their  children  and  remain  to 
see  them  play.  The  boys'  field  is  the  largest  area  of  the  three 
divisions,  but  the  patronage  is  also  the  largest ;  the  field  con- 
tains tennis  grounds,  a  baseball  diamond,  an  outdoor  hand-ball 
court,   outdoor  gymnasium  facilities,  and   apparatus   adapted 


176  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

to  the  larger  boy.  A  running  track  is  usually  included,  and  con- 
tests are  a  part  of  the  regular  program.  In  a  few  instances 
small  ball  grounds  have  been  set  apart  for  the  little  boys,  but 
the  general  rule  is  to  admit  all  classes  to  the  larger  field. 

The  girls'  field  has  the  usual  outdoor  equipment,  with  oppor- 
tunity for  play  and  exercise.  Even  athletic  contests  for  the 
girls  and  women  have  been  inaugurated,  and  among  the  events 
are  the  running  jump,  traveling  rings,  fifty  yard  dash,  etc.  Girls 
also  organize  into  league  teams,  and  compete  in  many  games,  such 
as  baseball,  quoits,  field  hockey,  relay  races,  and  others.  Hun- 
dreds of  girls  participate  in  these  games,  —  a  fact  which  attests 
their  popularity.  When  false  modesty  has  subsided,  their 
utility  will  also  be  generally  recognized. 

A  portion  of  the  grounds  is  used  in  common,  or  for  certain 
definite  purposes.  In  winter  a  part  of  the  field  is  flooded  and 
converted  into  a  skating  pond ;  and  a  little  dressing  room  is 
provided  in  a  corner  of  the  park.  A  number  of  tennis  courts 
are  located  on  this  common  field  where  the  sexes  may  mingle  in 
their  play.  A  variety  of  sports  are  allowed,  baseball  being  the 
most  popular.  The  outdoor  fields  are  open  from  May  to 
November,  but  the  indoor  gymnasia  are  open  throughout  the 
year. 

The  ordinary  city  park  is  of  limited  service  to  the  children 
of  the  poor,  since  they  can  draw  little  comfort  from  a  park  several 
miles  away.  For  example,  Fairmount  Park  in  Philadelphia, 
with  its  3000  acres  of  land,  is  hardly  used  by  the  poor  child. 
It  is  so  far  away  that  only  the  well-to-do  can  afford  the  neces- 
sary carfares.  The  thousands  of  little  children  seen  there  are 
not  the  children  of  the  poorer  sections  of  the  city;  hence  the 
park  has  a  limited  usefulness  only.  Even  Central  Park,  on  the 
narrow  island  of  Manhattan,  is  but  meager  relief  to  the  child 
of  the  East  Side,  and  it  can  attract  no  children  at  all  from  the 
more  distant  slum  sections.  The  larger  and  better  equipped 
park  is  seldom  visited  by  the  poor  except  on  those  rare  occasions 
which  form  distinct  events  in  their  lives.  Playgrounds  and 
parks  for  small  children  must  be  located  within  one-fourth 
mile,  and  for  large  children  within  one-half  mile,  of  the  chil- 


PLAY  AND   RECREATION  177 

dren's  homes.  In  spite  of  their  many  prohibitions,  parks  offer 
a  large  opportunity  for  play  and  sport.  Games  of  many  kinds 
can  be  played,  but  the  chief  advantage  is  for  the  larger  boy 
and  girl  rather  than  for  the  small  child. 

In  New  York  and  in  a  few  additional  cities  recreation  piers 
have  been  established,  but  these  again  cater  to  the  older  chil- 
dren and  are  not  serviceable  for  the  smaller  ones.  The  chief 
source  of  enjoyment  here  consists  of  music,  which  is  furnished 
free  of  charge  by  the  cities,  as  is  often  done  during  the  summer 
months  in  many  of  the  parks.  The  evening  recreation  centers 
and  the  evening  roof  playgrounds  of  New  York  City  are  addi- 
tional methods  of  providing  recreation  for  children. 

5.  Progress  of  the  Playground  Movement. 

The  playground  movement  in  the  United  States  is  a  recent 
development.  The  idea  seems  to  have  been  borrowed  from  the 
city  of  Berlin,  where  small  sand  piles  had  been  scattered  through- 
out the  public  parks  for  the  purpose  of  giving  the  children  an 
opportunity  to  play.  Some  citizens  of  Boston  heard  about 
this  innovation,  and  in  1886  two  religious  societies  of  that  city 
followed  the  Berlin  plan.  Various  charitable  and  philanthropic 
societies,  especially  social  settlements,  then  became  interested 
in  the  idea  and  many  playgrounds,  established  and  conducted 
by  private  organizations,  arose.  The  earlier  playgrounds  were 
mostly  under  private  auspices,  but  the  initiative  of  private 
enterprise  soon  awakened  the  cities  to  their  need,  and  public 
playgrounds  were  established,  but  comparatively  little  was 
accomplished  before  1900.  Probably  the  greatest  single 
impetus  given  to  the  movement  was  the  convention  of  the 
National  Playground  Association  in  the  summer  of  1907.  At  a 
second  convention  the  following  year,  twenty-nine  states  were 
represented,  and  the  playground  movement  spread  everywhere. 
To-day  a  nation-wide  work  of  educational  propaganda  is  carried 
on,  and  a  magazine  devoted  to  the  cause  is  being  published. 
Also  pamphlet  literature  is  widely  disseminated.  The  small 
cities  are  being  aroused  to  action  by  the  systematic  work  of  the 
playground  leaders. 

In  five  years  a  tremendous  amount  of  work  has  been  accom- 

N 


178  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

plished.  In  1907  only  66  cities  had  joined  the  playground 
movement ;  in  1908  the  number  had  increased  to  185  ;  in  1909, 
to  339 ;  in  1913  the  number  having  playgrounds  or  having  begun 
to  establish  them  had  risen  to  642. x  Of  this  number  342  cities, 
having  a  total  of  2402  playgrounds,  regularly  supervised  their 
recreation  centers.  In  many  cities,  however,  the  only  centers 
were  the  school  playgrounds,  which  received  some  supervision 
from  the  teachers.  In  70  cities  supervised  playgrounds  were 
opened  for  the  first  time  in  1913,  and  altogether  over  $8,000,000 
was  spent  or  authorized  for  expenditure  in  this  year  —  an  enor- 
mous amount  considering  the  recency  of  the  playground  move- 
ment. 

Among  the  large  cities  Chicago  leads  in  provision  for  recrea- 
tional facilities.  Its  14  large  field  houses  and  civic  centers  reg- 
istered an  attendance  in  191 2  of  more  than  5,000,000  persons, 
and  more  than  $11,000,000  has  been  spent  by  the  city  on  its 
playgrounds.  Seattle  has  also  established  a  number  of  civic 
centers  with  excellent  results.  In  addition  to  the  work  of  its 
board  of  education,  New  York  City  has  established  many  small 
playgrounds  through  its  park  department,  and  it  has  furnished 
music  at  its  recreation  piers  and  developed  evening  entertain- 
ments. Many  of  the  cities  are  contemplating  elaborate  plans 
of  work  and  have  purchased  considerable  ground  for  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  system  of  playgrounds. 

State  governments  are  being  interested  in  the  playground 
movement.  New  Jersey,  for  example,  has  authorized  a  play- 
ground commission  for  each  one  of  its  larger  cities,  which 
selects  sites,  purchases  land,  and  organizes  the  work.  Some 
states  have  authorized  park  boards  and  commissions  not  amena- 
ble to  municipal  control  to  facilitate  the  establishment  of  play- 
grounds, and  the  wider  use  of  school  property  for  recreational 
purposes  likewise  increases  the  facilities  for  play.  Measured 
by  the  standard  requirements  of  play  space  per  child,  the  play- 
ground movement,  however,  has  only  fairly  begun,  and  in  no 
city  have  adequate  facilities  been  provided.  The  least  advance 
has  occurred  in  the  country  districts,  although  here  certain 

1  The  Playground,,  Vol.  VII,  No.  10,  January,  1914. 


PLAY  AND   RECREATION  179 

forms  of  recreation  are  quite  as  necessary  as  in  the  cities,  and 
their  social  values  are  of  special  importance. 

6.  Supervision. 

The  importance  of  play,  not  as  mere  recreation,  but  as  a 
vigorous  formative  influence  on  character  and  ideals,  has  been 
recognized,  and  so  the  question,  how  shall  this  influence  be  made 
most  effective,  naturally  arises.  Shall  play  be  supervised  or 
not?  Wherever  the  park  ideal  of  playground  prevails  very 
little  supervision  is  possible.  In  the  large  park  there  is  none, 
but  in  the  small  parks  a  system  of  limited  supervision  may  exist. 
The  results  of  the  operation  of  the  unsupervised  playground 
have  not  been  sufficiently  encouraging  to  gain  much  support 
for  this  method.  In  fact,  the  experience  of  the  school  play- 
ground contains  a  note  of  warning  against  this  system ;  conse- 
quently the  recent  tendency  has  been  toward  the  supervised 
playground.  In  the  latter  the  bully  and  the  gang  cannot  rule 
and  destroy  the  ethical  values  of  play,  nor  can  the  larger  boys 
monopolize  opportunity  to  the  detriment  of  the  smaller  child. 
Unquestionably  the  supervised  playground  is  superior  in  its 
capacity  to  develop  the  character  and  the  social  ideals  of  the 
child.  The  quality  of  the  supervision  is  likewise  a  matter  of 
utmost  importance,  especially  to  the  boys.  Children  under 
10  should  have  women  instructors,  but  boys  over  10  should  be 
in  charge  of  men. 

The  success  of  supervision  depends  upon  the  tact  and  general 
efficiency  of  the  play  leaders,  therefore  the  need  of  professional 
playground  workers  is  being  rapidly  recognized.  The  285 
cities  with  supervised  playgrounds  in  191 2  reported  5320  such 
workers  —  nearly  20  per  city,  and  63  employed  an  average  of 
10  each  throughout  the  year.  In  many  cities  classes  for  the 
training  and  instruction  of  the  play  leaders  have  been  organized, 
as  training  is  the  chief  essential  to  success.  This  can  be  given 
in  the  physical  education  departments  of  normal  schools,  in 
the  various  schools  of  social  work,  or  in  classes  organized  espe- 
cially for  instruction  in  the  subject.  Leaders  should  understand 
the  meaning  of  the  playground  movement  in  its  larger  and 
theoretical  aspects,  and  in  its  relation  to  commercial  recreation. 


180  PROBLEMS  OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

They  should  be  especially  conversant  with  the  practical  phases 
of  the  problem;  be  thoroughly  acquainted  with  playground 
and  recreation  equipment ;  have  a  large  repertoire  of  appropriate 
games;  understand  such  special  activities  as  those  of  the  boy 
scout  or  camp  fire  girl ;  and  have  some  capacity  for  story-tell- 
ing, for  the  manual  arts,  for  athletics,  and  for  similar  accom- 
plishments. They  should  be  imbued  with  the  spirit  of  com- 
munity service  and  should  endeavor  to  make  their  work  count 
as  genuine  social  service. 

The  public  school  teacher  who  presides  on  the  playground  is 
in  special  need  of  training  in  the  social  aspects  of  play  and 
recreation.  Too  often  she  approaches  the  task  from  the  stand- 
point of  the  pedagogue  instead  of  that  of  the  social  worker. 
She  thinks  of  order  and  discipline  rather  than  of  constructive 
character  building. 

Play  facilities  should  be  accessible  throughout  the  year. 
The  rigor  of  northern  climates,  however,  makes  the  use  of  out- 
door playgrounds  impossible  during  the  harsh  winter  months, 
unless  it  be  for  skating.  Nevertheless,  playgrounds  should  be 
open  as  long  as  weather  conditions  allow,  and  provision  for 
adaptation  to  winter  sports  should  be  made.  Instead  of  a 
season  of  about  seven  months,  as  in  many  American  cities,  play- 
grounds can  be  put  to  better  service.  During  the  summer  they 
should  be  open  all  day ;  and,  after  school  has  begun,  they  should 
be  accessible  before  and  after  school  hours.  Field  houses,  such 
as  those  in  Chicago,  with  their  magnificent  indoor  equipment, 
make  ample  provision  for  all  classes  during  the  winter  months 
with  the  exception  of  the  small  children.  We  have  not  fully 
recognized  as  yet  the  need  of  outdoor  exercise  in  the  brisk  winter 
days,  but  this  is  especially  important  for  the  children  of  the 
slums,  confined  to  small,  stuffy,  and  unsanitary  rooms.  In 
1913  more  than  half  of  the  recreation  centers  were  open  during 
July  and  August  only.  In  a  few  cities  a  season  of  nine  or  ten 
months  prevailed,  while  there  is  a  tendency  in  favor  of  longer 
seasons  and  of  the  all-year  playground  where  that  is  climatically 
possible.  In  68  cities  337  centers  were  open  throughout  the 
year. 


PLAY  AND   RECREATION  181 

7.  Administration. 

The  control  of  public  recreation  is  a  matter  of  great  impor- 
tance. The  public  acts  through  the  school  authorities  and  the 
park  and  recreation  departments  of  cities,  or  boards  established 
by  the  states.  The  control  of  these  activities  must  gradually 
be  centralized,  and  with  the  increasing  magnitude  of  the  problem, 
the  task  will  become  more  serious.  Opinion  seems  to  be  crys- 
tallizing in  favor  of  placing  the  various  recreation  centers, 
swimming  pools,  public  baths,  municipal  dance  halls,  and  the 
recreational  activities  carried  on  in  parks,  in  the  hands  of  some 
special  bureau  or  department  of  the  municipality.  It  is  im- 
possible to  separate  the  work  for  children  from  that  for  adults, 
therefore  objection  is  made  to  placing  the  supervision  of  all 
recreational  agencies  in  the  hands  of  the  school  authorities. 
The  functions  of  recreation  centers  are  so  varied  that  it  is  un- 
certain how  far  they  fall  within  the  scope  of  the  work  of  a  board 
of  education.  Some  separate  municipal  department  would  be 
free  to  carry  on  every  enterprise  according  to  social  needs  and 
requirements,  and  would  not  be  handicapped  by  educational 
straitjackets. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  argument  made  for  the  educational 
authorities  cannot  easily  be  brushed  aside,  since  it  is  conceded 
that  play  is  essentially  educational  in  character.  Schools  are 
deferring  to  individuals  of  every  age  who  want  training  and 
education,  and  recreation  is  extended  to  many  not  enrolled  in 
regular  classes.  There  is  an  identity  of  interest  between  ed- 
ucation and  recreation  which  should  be  safeguarded,  and  this 
can  best  be  done  by  the  extension  of  the  administrative  functions 
of  the  school  board  to  cover  recreational  facilities.  At  all 
events,  the  educational  authorities  will  retain  control  of  the  school 
playgrounds,  but  if  they  are  limited  to  this  a  complete  system 
of  centralization  is  not  possible.  By  an  extension  of  authority, 
the  recreational  activities  can  be  correlated  and  made  effec- 
tive. Furthermore,  a  propaganda  supported  and  pushed  by 
the  department  of  education  carries  more  weight  and  is  more 
likely  to  succeed  than  if  advanced  by  the  branches  of  the  mu- 
nicipal government.     The  confidence  of  the  people  in  their  edu- 


182  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

cational  system  is  largely  responsible  for  this.  As  the  appre- 
ciation of  the  social  aspects  of  education  increases,  the  functions 
of  the  board  of  education  must  materially  expand. 

In  actual  practice,  the  various  cities  differ  widely  as  to  the 
method  of  work.  The  splendid  recreation  centers  of  Chicago 
are  supervised  by  a  park  commission,  but  in  Gary,  Indiana,  the 
schoolhouses  are  the  social  centers.  In  Boston  the  school 
board  has  charge  of  the  playgrounds  both  in  the  parks  and  in 
the  school  yards,  and  in  New  York  City  the  school  board  has 
greatly  enlarged  its  functions,  but  the  principal  recreation  centers 
are  controlled  by  another  municipal  department.  In  St.  Louis 
recreation  centers  are  controlled  by  a  bureau  of  the  park  depart- 
ment, while  in  Kansas  City  part  of  the  control  lies  with  the 
board  of  public  welfare.  In  many  cities  several  bodies  cooper- 
ate to  manage  the  playgrounds.  In  smaller  cities  private  play- 
ground associations  are  required  to  do  much  of  the  work,  and 
here  also  the  school  boards  frequently  take  charge  of  the  play- 
grounds. In  the  large  cities  the  park  boards  and  recreation 
commissions  are  the  principal  controlling  authorities.  The 
school  boards,  however,  retain  control  of  the  school  playgrounds, 
often  operating  them  during  the  summer  months  or  arranging 
for  their  use  under  the  immediate  supervision  of  the  department 
in  charge  of  the  recreation  centers.  It  is  not  likely  that  the 
school  boards  will  extend  their  operations  to  cover  the  entire 
field,  but  it  is  very  probable  that  the  work  will  be  largely  concen- 
trated in  some  other  municipal  department.  The  future  super- 
vision of  moving  picture  shows,  dance  halls,  pool  rooms,  and  other 
commercial  amusements  will  make  this  development  necessary. 
Educational  authorities  do  not  wish  to  be  burdened  with  this 
task,  but  it  will  easily  harmonize  with  the  work  of  a  recreation 
commission. 

8.  Special  Outdoor  Activities. 

A  number  of  specialized  forms  of  outdoor  recreation  have  grad- 
ually developed.  Among  these  are  the  summer  camps  and  excur- 
sions of  boys  and  girls  under  the  direction  of  our  Young  Men's 
and  Young  Women's  Associations.  The  Boy  Scouts  and  Camp 
Fire  Girls  represent  a  recent  development  of  allied  activities. 


PLAY  AND   RECREATION  183 

The  Boy  Scout  movement  is  of  English  origin,  and  at  first 
exhibited  many  military  aspects,  but  after  its  importation  to 
the  United  States  it  was  largely  modified  and  lost  its  former 
tendency  to  stimulate  a  desire  for  war.  The  boys  are  still 
organized  in  troops,  wear  uniforms,  and  receive  a  certain 
amount  of  military  drill,  but  emphasis  is  placed  on  their  aims 
and  duties.  Their  chief  tasks  and  pleasures  are  summed  up 
in  the  term  "Scoutcraft."  This  includes  "instruction  in  first- 
aid,  life  saving,  tracking,  signaling,  cycling,  nature  study, 
seamanship,  campcraft,  woodcraft,  chivalry,  patriotism,  and 
other  subjects."  l 

Boy  scouts  may  be  in  one  of  three  classes,  and  each  boy  must 
pass  certain  tests  before  he  can  be  promoted  to  the  next  higher 
class.  The  scout  law  is  a  set  of  principles  which  should  regulate 
the  conduct  of  the  boys.  It  consists  of  12  resolutions,  each  of 
which  represents  some  important  virtue.  Merit  badges  are 
given  to  "first  class"  scouts  who  pass  certain  tests  in  such  sub- 
jects as  athletics,  bee  farming,  camping,  firemanship,  handcraft, 
pioneering,  signaling,  path  finding,  marksmanship,  and  others. 

The  boy  scout  is  benefited  in  several  ways :  usually  his 
pleasures  take  him  into  the  country  where  the  air  is  fresh  and 
wholesome.  He  is  physically  improved  by  these  excursions  and 
becomes  more  capable  of  withstanding  the  bad  effects  of  city  life. 
Contact  with  nature,  with  flowers,  trees,  birds,  and  animals, 
profoundly  affects  his  character,  and  also  has  great  educational 
value.  Again  organization  and  discipline,  in  addition  to  the 
observance  of  scout  law,  develop  important  mental  and  moral 
characteristics.  Boys  become  more  active  and  alert ;  they  gain 
self-control ;  they  become  more  mannerly  and  chivalrous ; 
they  acquire  much  practical  knowledge,  such  as  the  art  of 
swimming,  life-saving,  etc. ;  and  they  are  stimulated  to  the 
task  of  self-improvement. 

The  Young  Men's  Christian  Associations  were  formerly  the 
chief  agents  of  the  boy  scout  movement,  but'  other  agencies 
have  interested  themselves,  and  at  present  patrols  and  troops 
are  formed  in  connection  with  the  associations  of  the  different 

1  Boy  Scouts  of  America,  The  official  Handbook  for  Boys,  p.  3. 


1 84  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

religious  denominations,  the  Sunday  Schools,  settlements,  and 
other  organizations.  In  many  cities  the  boy  scouts  make  use 
of  the  recreation  centers  for  their  work.  The  total  number  of 
boys  enrolled  in  the  organization  in  19 12  is  estimated  at  500,000. 

The  Camp  Fire  Girls  are  organized  according  to  plans  similar 
to  those  governing  the  Boy  Scouts.  They  also  aim  to  accomplish 
similar  results,  but  have  adapted  their  program  sufficiently 
to  include  the  acquisition  of  much  needed  knowledge  relating 
to  affairs  of  house  and  home.  The  recreational  activities  are 
prominent  features,  and  outdoor  life  is  exalted.  The  physical 
and  moral  effects  derived  from  the  movement  should  be  very 
similar  to  the  gains  achieved  by  the  Boy  Scout  movement. 
Comparatively  few  girls  have  as  yet  been  organized  into  camps, 
the  total  enrollment  in  the  United  States  in  191 2  probably  not 
exceeding  40,000. 

The  summer  camp  is  accessible  to  a  rather  small  proportion 
of  the  children  in  need  of  outings,  but  fresh  air  camps  often 
specialize  on  weak  and  sickly  children,  giving  them  an  outing 
lasting  from  one  to  four  weeks.  Remarkable  results  have  been 
obtained,  and  frequently  tubercular  children  have  regained  en- 
tirely their  former  strength  and  energy.  The  class  of  children 
which  is  forced  back  into  unsanitary  parts  of  the  city  make  little 
permanent  gain,  however,  and  they  must  have  regular  access 
to  healthful  playgrounds  in  order  to  conserve  their  health. 
The  effect  on  the  mind  of  a  short  summer  outing  is  being  for- 
cibly demonstrated  by  the  short  vacation  schools,  conducted 
in  the  summer  camps  by  the  Young  Men's  Christian  Associa- 
tions. The  boys  often  gain  from  three  to  six  months'  work  in 
regular  schools  because  of  the  stimulus  received  in  these  camps. 

9.  Commercial  Recreations. 

A  large  proportion  of  recreational  facilities  are  provided  by 
commercial  agencies,  and  many  cheap  modern  amusements  are 
being  furnished.  Naturally  they  draw  a  heavy  patronage  and 
are  fraught  with  good  or  ill  according  to  their  character.  Among 
these  recreations  are  motion  pictures,  cheap  theaters,  dance 
halls,  pool  rooms,  skating  rinks,  and  penny  arcades. 

The  motion  picture  has  for  the  first  time  brought  a  valuable 


PLAY  AND  RECREATION  185 

recreation  and  amusement  within  the  reach  of  the  masses  of  the 
people.  Although  the  great  majority  of  the  patrons  are  adults, 
it  has  been  estimated  that  400,000  children  in  the  United  States 
visit  the  picture  shows  and  cheap  theaters  daily.  From  one- 
fifth  to  one-fourth  of  the  average  audience  is  composed  of 
children.  Few  children  in  any  city  are  not  within  reach  of  some 
picture  show,  but  on  account  of  the  uncertain  nature  of  the 
business,  in  some  cities  the  number  of  establishments  fluctuates 
greatly  from  time  to  time.  In  the  cities  a  large  proportion 
of  the  shows  cost  five  cents  a  performance  ;  in  the  smaller  towns 
the  usual  charge  is  ten  cents .  Picture  films  now  embrace  nearly 
every  variety  of  subject,  —  historical,  geographical,  industrial, 
scientific,  sociological,  fanciful,  and  mythical,  and  afford  not 
only  entertainment  but  instruction  as  well.  It  is  therefore 
very  important  that  the  character  of  the  films  shall  have  an 
uplifting  effect  on  the  spectators. 

The  committee  organized  in  New  York  City  for  the  purpose 
of  censoring  moving  picture  shows  passes  on  from  80  to  90  per 
cent  of  the  film  subjects  used  in  the  United  States.  The  stand- 
ards of  nickelodeons  have  therefore  been  greatly  raised,  and  in 
many  cities  few  distinctly  objectionable  films  are  presented. 
On  the  other  hand,  uncensored  films  are  often  widely  exploited. 
Usually  the  demoralizing  film  is  the  only  one  of  its  kind  in  a 
single  exhibition,  the  remainder  being  entirely  innocent,  but 
this  one  destroys  the  social  value  of  the  performance.  Other 
films  of  doubtful  quality  are  frequently  produced,  and  many 
of  the  scenes,  especially  the  more  dramatic  exhibitions,  such  as 
robberies,  burglaries,  and  thrilling  episodes,  although  they  do 
not  directly  teach  vice  and  crime,  inflame  the  imagination  of 
the  child,  cause  him  to  reenact  the  story  or  tragedy,  and  often 
lead  to  the  direct  commission  of  crime. 

The  great  majority  of  juvenile  delinquents  frequent  the  five- 
cent  show  and  the  cheap  theater.  Although  causal  connections 
can  be  established  only  in  a  limited  number  of  cases,  there  can 
be  no  doubt  that  many  children  are  demoralized  in  this  way. 
Standards  should  be  raised,  and  all  vicious  subjects  be  forced 
out,  either  through  public  opinion  or  a  higher  grade  of  film  cen- 


1 86  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

sorship.  Among  the  particularly  objectionable  features  of  many 
motion  picture  shows  are  the  cheap  and  disgusting  vaudeville 
presentations. 

The  moving  picture  show  can  be  made  a  wholesome  amuse- 
ment for  children.  Philanthropic  and  municipal  activity  should 
provide  high  class  amusements  consisting  of  moving  pictures 
and  lantern  slide  exhibitions,  which  can  be  given  in  the  school- 
houses,  churches,  and  other  public  buildings.  The  recreational 
need  of  the  child  can  thus  be  partially  met  and  elevating  forces 
be  granted  an  opportunity  to  exert  an  unconscious  influence 
over  the  boy  and  girl.  The  increased  use  by  our  public  schools 
of  appropriate  pictures  and  scenes  in  the  study  of  history,  geog- 
raphy, literature,  and  other  subjects  will  also  serve  as  a  whole- 
some substitute  for  inferior  commercial  recreations.  The  public 
censorship  of  motion  pictures  is  desirable,  and  the  cities  should 
each  provide  for  a  proper  system  of  inspection. 

The  cheap  theaters  add  the  vaudeville  and  the  burlesque  to  the 
motion  pictures,  and  are  therefore  more  objectionable.  The 
cost  of  admission  being  higher,  the  proportion  of  children  attend- 
ing is  much  smaller.  Every  large  city,  and  many  smaller  ones, 
have  a  number  of  cheap  theaters  where  melodrama  flourishes, 
demoralizing  shows  are  presented,  suggestive  dances  are  given, 
and  vulgar  vaudeville  features  are  common.  From  the  moral 
standpoint  these  shows  are  in  special  need  of  censorship,  but  the 
difficulty  of  eliminating  everything  objectionable  is  so  great 
that  every  means  should  be  encouraged  to  substitute  a  higher 
grade  of  amusement  in  their  place. 

The  dance  hall  offers  a  specially  serious  problem  for  the  young 
girl.  Few  boys  under  sixteen  attend  the  public  dance  hall, 
but  many  girls  but  slightly  above  the  age  of  fourteen  may  be 
found  there,  and  a  large  proportion  of  both  boys  and  girls  learn 
to  dance  at  the  public  dancing  academy.  A  study  of  a  limited 
number  of  children  in  New  York  City  disclosed  the  fact  that  56 
per  cent  of  the  boys  and  31  per  cent  of  the  girls  acquired  the  art 
at  these  institutions,  and  nearly  three-fourths  of  the  boys  and 
one-half  of  the  girls  frequented  them.1    The  parents  of  these 

1  Davis,  M.  M.,  The  Exploitation  of  Pleasure,  pp.  12  and  13. 


PLAY  AND    RECREATION  1 87 

children  were  largely  people  belonging  to  the  laboring  and 
clerical  sections  of  the  community. 

Dance  halls  are  numerous  in  the  cities.  Chicago  has  more 
than  250,  St.  Louis  approximately  150,  and  Cleveland  about 
100.  Many  of  the  halls  operate  in  connection  with  the  saloons, 
some  become  a  recruiting  ground  for  the  white  slaver,  and 
many  are  regularly  visited  by  prostitutes.  Much  vile  and  de- 
grading language  is  common,  and  frequently  suggestive  and 
indecent  dances  are  allowed.  Strangers  often  dance  with  each 
other  either  without  introduction  or  after  having  met  through 
the  mediation  of  an  official  introducer,  and  dances  frequently 
continue  until  the  early  morning  hours. 

The  first  step  in  providing  proper  dancing  facilities  for  young 
people  consists  in  the  strict  regulation  and  control  of  dance 
halls.  All  halls  should  be  properly  licensed  and  be  divorced 
from  saloons  and  places  where  intoxicants  are  sold,  a  suitable 
closing  hour  should  be  provided,  disorderly  dances  should  be 
forbidden,  and  the  police  or  inspectors  authorized  to  close  such 
dances  summarily.  No  persons  under  18  should  be  admitted, 
unless  properly  chaperoned  by  parent  or  guardian,  adequate 
closet  and  cloak  room  facilities  should  be  provided,  and  finally 
a  well-qualified  force  of  inspectors  to  supervise  the  dance  halls 
should  be  established. 

Well-meaning  men  have  instituted  model  dance  halls  and 
have  hoped  to  preserve  so  high  a  plane  of  conduct  that  all 
objectionable  features  would  be  eliminated.  It  is  doubtful, 
however,  whether  the  commercial  dance  hall,  no  matter  how 
well  managed  or  supervised,  can  afford  entirely  wholesome 
amusement  and  recreation  for  young  people.  Recreation  is 
so  vital  that  it  must  be  socialized,  as  education  has  been.  It 
cannot  remain  a  commercialized  activity;  therefore  our  phil- 
anthropic and  public  agencies  must  provide  the  means.  The 
schools  should  be  opened  as  recreation  centers  where  amuse- 
ments of  various  kinds,  including  a  limited  amount  of  dancing, 
are  provided,  and  if  necessary  additional  facilities  can  be  pro- 
vided by  the  city,  as  in  the  case  of  the  field  houses  of  Chicago. 
Dances  at  such  centers  would  in  all  cases  be  carefully  super- 


188  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

vised ;  there  would  be  neighborhood  activities ;  the  demoralizing 
elements  could  be  eliminated;  and  other  forms  of  amusement 
could  be  introduced  so  as  to  vary  the  recreations  afforded.  An 
adequate  program  of  socialized  recreation  will  rob  the  commer- 
cial dance  halls  of  the  best  of  their  patrons  and  will  drive  many 
such  halls  out  of  existence.  Dancing  cannot  and  should  not  be 
eliminated,  but  its  evil  results  must  be  removed. 

Pool  rooms,  skating  rinks,  and  penny  arcades  are  minor 
forms  of  amusement  so  far  as  children  are  concerned.  Boys 
under  certain  ages  should  not  be  permitted  in  pool  rooms  because 
of  the  demoralizing  elements  encountered  there.  The  skating 
rink  often  offers  opportunities  for  leading  girls  astray,  and  needs 
public  supervision  to  lessen  the  danger.  The  penny  arcade  is 
gradually  dying  out.  In  spite  of  the  fact  that  the  subject 
titles  are  usually  worse  than  the  scenes  presented  —  a  scheme 
to  attract  the  curious  —  the  arcade  is  giving  way  to  the  motion 
picture  show,  which  is  so  much  cheaper  and  more  satisfactory, 
so  that  the  dangers  involved  are  not  so  serious. 


CHAPTER  V 
WIDER  USES   OF  THE   SCHOOLS 

According  to  the  old-fashioned  notion  school  property  was 
consecrated  to  use  by  children  for  what  were  called  educational 
purposes.  A  school  yard  was  a  concession  to  youth,  but  an 
infraction  of  the  principle.  Debating  societies  and  literary 
clubs  were  presumptuous  in  asking  for  shelter  in  schoolhouses, 
but  often  could  not  be  refused.  The  growing  recognition  that 
schoolhouses  are  public  property  dedicated  to  public  use  for 
various  purposes  has  resulted  in  the  expanded  use  of  the  school. 
The  term  educational  is  likewise  receiving  a  broader  inter- 
pretation. 

i.  School  Playgrounds. 

An  extension  of  the  use  of  school  property  consists  in  the 
admission  of  children  to  the  school  playgrounds  outside  of 
school  hours.  New  York  City  furnishes  an  excellent  example 
of  work  done,  since  during  the  summer  of  191 2  its  board  of  edu- 
cation operated  112  indoor  playgrounds,  78  grounds  for  mothers 
and  babies,  13  open  air  grounds,  7  kindergarten  centers,  and  12 
evening  roof  playgrounds,  —  a  total  of  222  playgrounds.  The 
board  makes  a  special  feature  of  vacation  playgrounds,  thus 
adding  materially  to  the  playground  space  of  the  city.  The 
equipment  is  meager,  but  the  management  is  good  and  the  at- 
tendance is  large. 

In  Boston  the  schools  are  granted  the  use  of  public  play- 
grounds, and  children  are  organized  into  class  and  school  teams, 
and  at  the  appropriate  times  of  the  year  track  events,  baseball, 
football,  hockey,  etc.,  are  enjoyed.  A  large  corps  of  instructors 
is  employed  by  the  school  board  to  supervise  this  athletic  work. 
In  Newark,  New  Jersey,  the  summer  playgrounds  have  good 
apparatus  for  the  boys,  games  for  the  enjoyment  of  all  are 

189 


190  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

carried  on,  folk   dancing   is    taught,    and   hand- work   is  pro- 
vided. 

The  movement  in  favor  of  the  wider  use  of  the  school  play-  < 
ground  is  rapidly  spreading,  and  the  above  illustrations  merely 
indicate  the  type  of  work  done.  Playgrounds  should  be  open 
before  and  after  school  hours,  on  Saturdays,  and  during  the 
summer  vacation  months.  Such  a  policy  would  add  largely  to 
the  available  playground  space  in  every  city,  and  if  it  could  be 
relied  on,  the  city  would  not  establish  playgrounds  in  the  vicinity 
of  schoolhouses.  In  too  many  cities  we  find  the  curious  anomaly 
of  a  school  yard  and  playground  side  by  side,  indicating  that  the 
agencies  have  not  correlated  their  work  in  the  slightest  degree. 

In  many  cities  the  playgrounds  are  managed  by  the  school  • 
boards.  This  is  frequently  the  condition  in  the  smaller  towns, 
where  the  school  playgrounds  are  used  for  general  purposes. 
Some  apparatus  is  placed  on  the  grounds,  and  the  control  and 
management  of  the  activities  naturally  remain  with  the  school 
authorities. 

2.  Evening  Centers. 

Many  public  school  buildings  are  open  in  the  evenings.  The 
term  "social  center"  is  usually  applied  to  such  a  school  if  the 
activities  are  varied  and  largely  confined  to  adults,  but  if  the 
activities  are  open  especially  to  children,  then  the  term  "recrea- 
tion center"  is  used.  How  far  public  school  buildings  should 
be  used  for  other  than  educational  purposes  has  been  a  mooted 
question,  but  the  right  to  use  the  building  is  being  rapidly 
conceded.  There  is  no  consensus  of  opinion,  however,  as  to 
who  shall  bear  the  cost  of  operation.  The  Boston  school 
committee,  for  example,  holds  that  the  buildings  should  be  used, 
but  claims  that  the  cost  should  not  be  assessed  against  the 
school  funds.  On  the  other  hand,  New  York  City,  Chicago, 
and  Los  Angeles  are  examples  of  cities  spending  money  directly 
through  their  educational  departments  for  this  work. 

Among  the  activities  prevailing  at  evening  recreation  centers 
are  the  following :  literary,  debating,  dramatic,  athletic,  choral, 
violin,  and  civic  clubs ;  folk  and  social  dancing,  gymnastics, 
games,  baths,  swimming,  parents'  associations,  Boy  Scouts, 


WIDER   USES   OF  THE   SCHOOLS  191 

moving  pictures,  monologues,  lectures,  concerts,  library  facili- 
ties, formal  study,  and  class  work. 

The  evening  recreation  work  of  New  York  City  is  so  well 
developed  that  the  entire  subject  can  best  be  illustrated  by  a 
short  account  of  its  principal  features.  In  1912,  48  centers 
were  in  existence,  presided  over  by  299  teachers,  and  the  aggre- 
gate attendance  was  2,657,880  or  20,020  per  night.  The 
centers  are  open  from  two  to  six  nights  per  week,  most  of  them 
every  week-day  evening,  and  they  operate  for  eight  months  of 
the  year.  The  total  number  of  clubs  and  classes  formed  in 
these  centers  was  778,  of  which  number  462  belonged  to  the 
"junior"  division ;  that  is,  consisted  of  persons  under  16  years 
of  age.  Many  interesting  forms  of  work  were  carried  on ;  for 
example,  study  rooms  were  set  aside  for  the  children  who  do 
not  have  good  facilities  at  home  for  the  preparation  of  their 
lessons.  These  rooms  were  nearly  always  filled,  and  the  children 
in  attendance  profited  greatly  because  of  these  opportunities. 
Although  this  class  of  children  does  not  represent  the  highest 
type  of  mentality,  less  than  4  per  cent  of  those  attending  failed 
of  promotion.  Baths  were  operated  in  12  recreation  centers, 
and  swimming  classes  were  conducted  in  one  of  them.  The 
game  rooms  have  been  very  popular,  and  here  chess,  checkers, 
parchesi,  authors,  and  similar  games  were  allowed  and  enjoyed. 
Classes  in  gymnastics  and  athletic  drills  formed  a  feature  of 
the  work,  and  considerable  ability  is  being  developed  among 
many  of  the  class  members. 

Folk  dancing  is  a  common  form  of  recreation  as  well  as  a 
beautiful  diversion.  Mixed  or  social  dancing  has  also  been 
introduced,  although  many  consider  this  objectionable.  One 
evening  a  week  was  allowed  for  such  dancing  in  fifteen  recreation 
centers  conducted  for  the  girls  and  women,  and  the  young  men 
who  attended  were  carefully  selected,  being  usually  members 
of  clubs  in  neighboring  centers.  The  teachers  insisted  on 
repressing  the  degrading  features  of  certain  dances,  and  in  this 
way  have  developed  better  manners  and  more  self-respect  among 
the  boys  and  young  men.  Insistence  on  order  and  decorum  has 
also  resulted  in  better  behavior. 


192  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD    WELFARE 

The  work  in  dramatics  has  aroused  a  large  amount  of  interest, 
and  the  classes  in  singing  have  enjoyed  much  popularity, 
especially  the  classes  for  girls.  Beginnings  were  also  made  in 
instrumental  music,  a  number  of  bands  and  orchestras  having 
been  organized.  In  these  centers  moving  pictures  were  at- 
tempted, and  they  proved  very  successful.  Large  crowds  were 
attracted,  as  the  exhibitions  were  free,  but  the  success  of  the 
enterprise  developed  sentiment  in  favor  of  paid  admissions  so 
as  to  provide  means  for  securing  a  high  grade  of  films.  The 
subjects  presented  were  historical,  literary,  dramatic,  and  geo- 
graphical, and  lacked  the  sensational  features  so  common  in 
the  commercial  moving  pictures.  Among  other  groups  were 
the  Boy  Scouts,  and  social  and  civic  clubs. 

Chicago  and  Cincinnati  follow  New  York  in  the  number  of 
schools  used  as  evening  recreation  centers,  but  in  no  city  are 
many  of  the  schools  used  for  such  purposes.  In  1912,  114 
cities  had  taken  steps  in  this  direction  and  were  using  357  school- 
houses  in  this  way  —  an  average  of  only  three  schoolhouses 
per  city.  The  amount  of  money  expended  is  still  comparatively 
small,  and  in  many  of  these  cities  private  philanthropies  of 
various  kinds  have  borne  the  cost  of  heat,  light,  and  janitor 
service,  but  in  about  70  per  cent  of  the  cities  this  cost  is  now 
paid  by  the  school  board.  The  number  of  workers  is  usually 
too  small,  the  majority  of  them  are  volunteers  and  lack  training 
for  systematic  service.  Still,  paid  workers  were  reported  in 
44  cities  in  191 2,  but  in  only  19  of  these  was  the  cost  borne 
wholly  or  in  part  by  the  boards  of  education. 

Evening  recreation  centers  must  become  a  permanent  feature 
of  our  social  activities ;  the  cost  must  eventually  be  borne  by 
the  school  board  and  the  work  be  carried  on  by  paid  officials 
selected  because  of  their  capacity  to  do  the  work.  Such  workers 
must  be  trained  social  workers  if  the  highest  degree  of  efficiency 
is  to  be  attained. 

3.  Social  Centers. 

Allied  to  the  evening  recreation  center  is  the  so-called  social 
center,  which  performs  the  functions  of  a  recreation  center, 
but  in  addition  ministers  to  the  various  needs  of  a  neighbor- 


WIDER  USES   OF  THE   SCHOOLS  193 

hood.  It  includes  both  children  and  adults,  and  operates 
outside  of  school  hours  during  the  day  and  at  night. 

The  social  center  movement  received  its  first  impetus  from 
the  publicity  which  it  gained  through  the  origin  and  develop- 
ment of  the  social  centers  in  Rochester,  New  York,  where  it 
began  in  1907.  In  that  year  one  school  was  specially  equipped 
for  the  various  activities  of  the  social  center  and  the  work  en- 
joyed a  distinct  success.  Provisions  were  made  for  gymnasium 
facilities  and  baths,  also  for  various  innocent  table  games ; 
library  and  reading  room  privileges  were  provided,  and  arrange- 
ments were  made  for  lectures  and  entertainments.  The  build- 
ing was  also  thrown  open  for  the  discussion  of  public  questions. 

The  activities  were  carried  on  largely  through  the  various 
clubs  that  were  organized.  Boys'  and  girls'  clubs  were  formed 
for  debating,  exercises,  and  entertainment,  and  one  men's  and 
two  women's  clubs  were  formed  the  first  year.  These  devoted 
their  time  largely  to  the  discussion  of  political  questions,  with 
occasional  social  evenings,  but  the  gymnastic  work  for  men  and 
boys  excited  the  greatest  interest.  Three  evenings  each  week 
the  gymnasium  was  open  to  them;  two  evenings  it  was  used 
by  the  girls  and  women.  It  was  interesting  to  note  that  many 
elderly  women  participated  in  the  exercise.  The  traveling 
library  located  at  the  building  was  used  to  great  advantage,  and 
the  weekly  entertainment  was  patronized  by  a  large  number 
of  people.     Occasional  dances  and  dinners  were  also  provided. 

The  initial  success  of  the  Rochester  experiment  resulted  in 
a  rapid  expansion  of  the  work,  and  many  cities  began  to  imitate 
and  develop  similar  activities.  Political  and  other  difficulties, 
however,  have  beset  the  movement  in  Rochester,  and  progress 
in  the  work  there  has  been  greatly  impeded.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  impetus  which  this  city  gave  to  the  movement  has 
continued,  so  that  a  large  number  of  cities  using  the  schools  as 
recreation  centers  are  also  carrying  on  the  wider  community  or 
social  center  work.  In  many  of  these  cities  paid  workers  have 
charge  of  the  activities  —  a  fact  which  indicates  the  reasonable 
permanency  of  the  work. 

Among  the  cities  in  which  the  schools  are  used  for  general 
o 


194 


PROBLEMS  OF  CHILD  WELFARE 


purposes  is  Gary,  Indiana.  In  the  following  table  the  work  of 
a  school  in  Gary  is  contrasted  with  that  of  n  small  parks  in 
Chicago.1 


Population  served 
Maintenance  (annual) 
Annual  attendance 

Indoor  gymnasium 

Shower  bath       .     . 

Outdoor  gymnasium 

Swimming  pool  .     . 

Assembly  hall    .     . 

Club  rooms        .     . 

Reading  rooms  .     . 

Lunch  rooms      .     . 


Chicago  Parks 

Gary  School 

800,000 

20,000 

$440,000 

$100,000 

310,000 

1,000,000 

1,325,000 

500,000 

2,000,000 

2,000,000 

725,000 

300,000 

270,000 

1 ,000,000 

70,000 

50,000 

600,000 

1,000,000 

520,000 

20,000 

This  table  indicates  that  the  Gary  school  is  used  almost 
continuously.  Facilities  of  many  kinds  are  provided,  and  the 
children  are  taught  to  use  them  without  hesitation  or  distrust. 
The  plan  is  to  utilize  the  entire  building  all  of  the  time,  and  the 
result  is  not  only  more  recreation  but  also  more  manual  and 
industrial  training.  Furthermore,  the  school  becomes  a  neigh- 
borhood center. 

The  most  rapid  development  of  social  center  work  is  taking 
place  in  Wisconsin.  Here  the  state  university  has  undertaken 
to  stimulate  interest  in  the  wider  use  of  school  buildings  as  well 
as  to  organize  the  work  directly.  Allied  to  this  work  is  the  plan 
of  conducting  lyceum  courses  in  the  small  towns  and  cities.  As 
a  result,  about  50  cities  have  begun  the  use  of  the  public  school 
as  a  social  center,  and  a  very  large  number  of  towns  have  accepted 
the  lyceum  courses  planned  by  the  university.  The  inevitable 
consequence  will  be  the  opening  of  schools  in  these  cities  for 
community  purposes. 

In  social  centers  the  gymnasium  becomes  the  most  attractive 
feature.  Boys,  girls,  men,  and  women — all  take  advantage  of  the 


'Wirt,  William,  National  Conference  of  Charities   and  Correction,    1912,  p.  61. 
Figures  given  in  round  numbers  but  approximately  accurate. 


WIDER  USES  OF  THE   SCHOOLS  1 95 

opportunities  which  it  affords;  therefore  gymnasium  facilities 
must  receive  special  attention.  Many  schools  are  now  being 
provided  with  them  for  the  training  of  the  school  children. 
These  schools  if  conveniently  located  are  accordingly  best 
adapted  for  neighborhood  uses. 

An  important  development  is  the  school  bath.  Shower  baths 
are  being  introduced  in  many  cities  in  the  schools  used  especially 
for  recreation  centers,  although  other  schools  are  also  favored. 
In  the  congested  sections  every  school  should  be  equipped  with 
bathing  facilities.  While  the  use  of  a  bathing  equipment  can- 
not be  made  compulsory,  it  can  be  so  encouraged  by  teachers 
that  its  use  will  become  practically  universal.  The  cleanliness 
of  children  will  be  greatly  promoted  thereby.  During  the  sum- 
mer months  the  school  baths  should  be  open  to  the  public,  in 
order  to  supplement  the  municipal  baths  which  are  usually  un- 
able to  meet  the  demands.  The  public  school  swimming  pool, 
formerly  limited  almost  exclusively  to  the  high  school,  is  gradu- 
ally being  added  to  the  equipment  of  the  elementary  school 
building.  It  will  increase  the  popularity  of  bathing  and  make 
measures  of  compulsion  less  necessary. 

The  school  serves  admirably  as  a  deposit  station  for  books 
circulating  from  the  public  library.  Many  books  should  be 
sent  to  the  schools  for  reference  use,  so  the  children  may  then 
read  the  books  either  in  school  or  at  home.  Usually  these  class 
room  libraries  are  small,  consisting  of  not  more  than  50  or  75 
books  each,  but  these  are  repeatedly  changed  so  as  to  make  the 
outside  work  correspond  with  the  class  work.  Schools  used  as 
deposit  stations  receive  a  larger  collection  of  books.  For  these  a 
library  attendant  may  be  furnished  to  take  charge  of  the  work, 
but  the  school  must  provide  the  housing  accommodations.  In 
this  way  library  facilities  can  be  extended  to  remote  parts  of  the 
city  with  little  additional  cost.  In  a  number  of  cities,  especially 
New  York,  St.  Louis,  and  Cleveland,  good  beginnings  have  been 
made  in  using  the  schools  to  promote  the  circulation  of  good  books. 

In  some  cities  and  states  the  laws  practically  forbid  the  use 
of  school  buildings  and  school  funds  for  other  than  purely  edu- 
cational purposes.     It  therefore  requires  an  elastic  interpreta- 


196  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

tion  of  the  laws  or  new  legislation  to  make  our  extensive  public 
school  equipment  available  for  the  education,  upliftment,  and 
general  social  betterment  of  the  entire  community.  In  some 
cases  the  proportion  of  the  taxes  devoted  to  the  school  fund  is 
definitely  limited,  and  expenditures  other  than  those  now  author- 
ized involve  hardships  and  retard  the  progress  of  work  already 
carried  on.  These  difficulties  are  being  met  in  two  ways :  first, 
by  laws  empowering  the  proper  authorities  to  establish  social 
centers ;  second,  by  the  appropriation  of  money  for  social  center 
work. 

Under  the  stimulus  of  the  workers  in  Wisconsin,  that  state  in 
191 1  enacted  a  law  which  granted  comprehensive  powers  to  the 
school  authorities  in  cities  of  the  first,  second,  and  third  classes. 
The  school  directors  are  authorized  to  establish  evening  schools, 
vacation  schools,  reading  rooms,  library  stations,  debating  clubs, 
gymnasiums,  public  playgrounds,  and  public  baths.  These  facil- 
ities are  to  accommodate  both  children  and  adults,  and  are 
to  be  provided  free  of  charge.  With  the  cooperation  of  the 
boards  managing  other  forms  of  public  property,  such  as  libraries, 
parks,  etc.,  the  school  directors  may  provide  the  instruction  and 
supervision  necessary  to  carry  on  educational  or .  recreational 
activities  in  such  buildings  or  parks.  If  necessary,  the  initiative 
may  be  invoked  by  10  per  cent  of  the  voters,  and  if  the  proposi- 
tion carries,  the  school  board  must  establish  social  centers  as 
demanded  by  the  people.1 

A  number  of  states  have  empowered  their  school  boards  to 
make  a  limited  use  of  the  school  buildings  for  social  center  pur- 
poses. Massachusetts  has  appropriated  money  directly  for  use 
by  the  Boston  schools  for  the  development  of  evening  recreation 
centers.  In  Indiana  a  recent  state  law  authorizes  small  cities 
to  construct  and  equip  swimming  pools,  playgrounds,  and  social 
centers.  In  this  way,  either  through  the  school  boards  or  through 
the  direct  action  of  the  city,  the  states  are  authorizing  the  es- 
tablishment of  social  centers.  In  some  states  the  removal  of  the 
age  limits  within  which  free  education  is  allowed,  will  give  addi- 
tional impetus  to  the  wider  use  of  the  schools. 

J  Perry,  Clarence  A.,  A  Survey  of  School  Social  Centres,  p.  15. 


WIDER   USES  OF  THE  SCHOOLS  197 

4.  Physical  Training. 

It  is  a  comparatively  new  idea  for  the  schools  to  give  atten- 
tion to  physique.  The  physical  training  of  children  has  been  a 
function  of  private  agencies,  or  the  work  has  remained  entirely 
undone.  Physical  training  aims  not  only  to  remove  defects,  but 
to  guard  against  them  as  well,  and  to  develop  general  physique. 
Although  it  has  been  a  prominent  feature  of  the  German  school 
curriculum  for  many  years,  its  use  in  the  United  States  is  still 
very  limited. 

The  physical  training  afforded  in  the  Francis  W.  Parker  School 
of  Chicago  —  a  private  school  —  is  one  of  the  most  noteworthy 
examples  of  the  nature  of  the  work.  At  the  beginning  of  the 
year  each  child  is  measured  and  thoroughly  examined.  If  de- 
fects are  discovered  which  demand  special  corrective  exercises, 
the  children  affected  take  the  exercises  under  the  direction  of  an 
instructor.  The  children  are  examined  again  at  the  end  of  the 
year  in  order  to  learn  of  their  physical  development  and  their 
relation  to  the  normal  measurements  of  a  child  of  the  same  age. 
Careful  adjustments  of  chairs  and  desks  are  made  as  well  as 
careful  seating  in  regard  to  light  and  ventilation.  Correct 
standing  and  sitting  postures  are  required. 

A  complete  course  in  physical  training  is  given  to  the  children. 
This  course  is  graded  so  as  to  meet  the  requirements  of  each  grade 
of  children,  and  from  the  fifth  grade  on,  and  in  the  high  school 
grades,  the  work  of  the  boys  and  girls  is  differentiated.  Each 
sex  has  its  own  classes  and  is  given  appropriate  work.  The  girls 
acquire  strength,  elasticity,  poise,  and  grace,  while  the  boys 
develop  strength,  endurance,  skill,  and  courage,  and  both  are 
taught  exercises  that  have  hygienic  value.  The  school  has  ac- 
complished remarkable  results  with  its  boys  and  girls. 

Recently  some  of  the  public  school  systems  have  introduced 
courses  in  physical  training.  In  Boston  in  1907  a  department 
of  school  hygiene  was  formed  to  promote  the  physical  develop- 
ment of  the  pupils.  Courses  were  introduced  which  included 
games,  plays,  and  folk  dancing,  and  each  grade  was  given  lessons 
in  healthful  exercises.  The  kindergarten  and  first  three  grades 
were  limited  principally  to  games  and  plays,  but  in  the  higher 


198  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

grades  formal  gymnastics  and  organized  graded  exercises  were 
given.  In  New  York  City  a  department  of  physical  training 
was  begun  in  1903.  At  first  the  program  of  work  was  re- 
garded as  artificial,  but  its  real  importance  has  gradually  been 
recognized  by  both  teacher  and  pupils.  One  feature  of  the  work 
consists  of  the  organization  of  the  recess  periods  for  physical 
training,  and  tests  such  as  the  following  are  applied : 

Do  the  children  play  more  than  half  the  time  ? 

Are  they  happy  ? 

Can  the  teacher  secure  prompt  attention  ? 

The  plan  followed  in  recess  work  depends  upon  the  answers  to 
these  tests.  Special  attention  is  given  to  the  problem  of  acquir- 
ing good  posture,  because  of  the  frequency  of  spinal  curvature 
and  similar  ailments  which  are  frequently  induced  by  the  lax 
habits  of  children  in  the  schoolroom.  Two-minute  exercises  are 
required  of  all  children  three  times  a  day,  and  gymnastic  drills 
are  made  to  include  as  many  pupils  as  possible  instead  of  drilling 
a  few  to  perfection. 

The  use  of  apparatus  has  developed  the  need  of  a  gymnasium 
in  nearly  every  school  building  in  our  cities.  This  equipment  is 
being  added  but  slowly,  although  Chicago  is  progressing  very 
rapidly  along  this  line.  The  work  of  male  instructors  is  largely 
limited  to  the  supervision  of  the  boys  in  the  gymnasium,  while 
the  women  conduct  exercises  for  the  girls.  In  191 2  there  was 
only  one  instructor  for  every  10,000  pupils  —  a  condition  typi- 
cal of  other  cities  as  well.  In  Chicago  separate  attention  is 
given  to  training  the  crippled  and  the  blind,  but  in  no  city  has  a 
complete  system  of  physical  training  for  all  been  adopted.  Usu- 
ally the  work  is  limited  to  certain  schools  or  to  certain  groups  of 
children,  since  supervision  is  regularly  inadequate,  teachers  are 
too  few,  and  many  of  these  are  untrained. 

In  many  cities  the  schools  have  introduced  athletic  sports, 
such  as  baseball,  basket  ball,  soccer  football,  track  and  field 
work ;  while  in  the  high  schools  football  is  also  allowed.  The 
movement  is  distinctly  in  the  direction  of  extensive  athletics  as 
contrasted  with  intensive  work,  which  benefits  a  few  people  only. 
Such  exercises  as  jumping  and  running  can  be  enjoyed  by  the 


WIDER  USES  OF  THE  SCHOOLS  199 

great  majority  of  boys.  The  individual  school  meets  draw  in  a 
large  proportion  of  the  older  boys,  while  the  inter-school  contests 
develop  intensive  training.  In  some  schools  all  boys  physically 
capable  of  doing  so  engage  in  athletic  training,  and  instead  of 
allowing  them  to  specialize  on  one  form  of  exercise,  the  instruc- 
tors require  the  boys  to  compete  in  a  variety  of  exercises  so  as 
to  enable  them  to  develop  different  groups  of  muscles.  The  es- 
tablishment of  minimum  and  maximum  standards  prevents 
both  indifference  and  overexercise.  The  participation  of  boys 
in  athletics  according  to  such  rules  tends  to  produce  a  symmetri- 
cal muscular  development ;  and  it  is  this  which  athletic  exer- 
cises should  encourage.  Organized  efforts  to  give  athletics  a 
definite  place  in  public  school  life  have  resulted  in  the  establish- 
ment of  public  school  athletic  leagues  in  more  than  a  hundred 
cities  in  the  United  States.  Such  efforts  tend  to  promote  an  ideal 
of  physical  training  and  education. 

In  a  search  for  suitable  exercises  for  girls  the  New  York  City 
schools  selected  folk  dancing,  but  added  a  number  of  games 
and  exercises  that  permitted  a  more  vigorous  use  of  the  body. 
The  teachers  have  been  trained  in  special  classes  to  enable  them 
to  organize  the  girls  in  the  schools  and  to  conduct  the  exercises. 
In  view  of  the  general  failure  to  develop  the  physique  of  girls, 
and  of  the  former  tendency  of  civilization  to  encourage  delicate- 
ness  and  physical  incapability,  the  movement  in  favor  of  the 
proper  athletic  training  of  girls  needs  special  encouragement. 
If  the  schools  succeed  in  a  rational  program  of  physical  de- 
velopment for  girls,  then  their  efforts  to  promote  physical  edu- 
cation will  obtain  ample  justification. 

In  recognition  of  the  demands  that  will  inevitably  be  made  on 
our  public  school  buildings,  it  will  be  necessary  to  recognize  the 
need  of  anew  type  of  building — one  equipped  to  serve  as  a  recrea- 
tion center.  It  must  have  a  complete  gymnasium,  with  facilities 
for  bathing,  so  that  every  variety  of  athletic  exercise  can  be 
carried  on.  It  must  be  provided  with  kitchen  and  cooking 
utensils,  with  suitable  assembly  rooms,  and  moving  picture  ap- 
paratus ;  certain  rooms  must  be  adapted  for  club  purposes, 
mothers'  meetings,  and  similar  gatherings ;  the  outdoor  equip- 


200  PROBLEMS  OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

ment  must  be  equally  complete  and  include  the  necessary  gym- 
nastic apparatus,  while  playground  space  must  be  ample  and 
the  grounds  be  made  suitable  for  play  purposes.  In  addition 
school  buildings  must  have  cold  air  rooms,  and  be  so  constructed 
as  to  make  atmospheric  conditions  within  their  walls  as  nearly 
like  the  wholesome  out-of-doors  as  possible. 

5.  Vacation  Schools. 

During  the  summer  months  many  school  buildings  can  be  used 
for  the  work  of  the  vacation  schools.  The  schools  are  established 
to  keep  children  out  of  mischief,  to  give  retarded  children  an 
opportunity  to  study,  to  develop  manual  skill,  and  to  carry  on 
continuation  work.  New  York  City  leads  in  this  work,  and  in 
1912  operated  33  vacation  schools  with  an  enrollment  of  over 
28,000  children.  The  term  lasted  six  weeks,  and  the  work  was 
limited  to  forenoon  hours.  Among  the  classes  of  children  en- 
rolling were  pupils  who  had  not  been  promoted,  pupils  who  ex- 
pected to  skip  a  grade,  children  who  wished  to  insure  their  proper 
promotion  the  following  year,  and  children  compelled  to  attend 
school  because  they  could  not  otherwise  secure  working  cer- 
tificates. 

Class  work  consisted  almost  exclusively  of  various  forms  of 
handicraft.  Basketry  was  the  most  popular  subject,  but  chair 
caning  was  also  an  important  branch.  The  industrial  work  for 
boys  included  elementary  and  advanced  bench  work  and  Vene- 
tian iron  work,  forms  of  training  that  appeal  especially  to  the 
boys  of  the  lower  grades.  The  girls  received  lessons  in  cooking 
and  housekeeping,  also  in  such  domestic  arts  as  sewing,  dress- 
making, millinery,  embroidery,  knitting,  and  crocheting.  Most 
girls  make  a  number  of  useful  articles  for  personal  use  and 
thereby  gain  the  incentive  to  perform  a  creditable  piece  of  work. 
Lessons  in  nursing  adapted  to  both  boys  and  girls  were  given, 
personal  cleanliness  being  especially  emphasized.  Kinder- 
garten classes  were  maintained  for  the  little  children. 

Although  attendance  is  not  compulsory,  the  average  attend- 
ance in  191 2  was  91  per  cent  of  the  enrollment  —  a  fact  which 
indicates  that  the  pupils  were  drawn  to  the  schools  by  the  inter- 
esting character  of  the  curriculum. 


WIDER   USES   OF  THE   SCHOOLS  201 

The  work  in  the  vacation  schools  of  New  York  City  is  typical 
of  these  schools  in  other  cities,  although  many  minor  deviations 
occur  elsewhere.  In  Chicago  special  vacation  classes  have  been 
provided  for  crippled  children,  the  deaf,  and  the  tubercular. 
Here  also  considerable  time  is  spent  in  nature  study,  and  the 
parks  are  used  for  outdoor  work.  Since  191 1  an  opportunity 
has  been  given  to  pupils  who  failed  of  promotion  to  review  the 
studies  in  which  they  failed.  On  the  whole,  the  vacation  school 
emphasizes  the  recreative  features  and  limits  itself  to  those  forms 
of  work  that  supply  the  play  spirit  with  an  opportunity  to 
express  itself.  Many  of  its  activities  closely  resemble  those 
carried  out  on  the  playground,  and  to  some  extent  it  is  substi- 
tuted for  additional  playgrounds.  It  lacks  several  important 
characteristics  of  the  playground,  however,  and  is  no  real  sub- 
stitute. The  vacation  school  has  gained  a  wide  foothold  and  is 
constantly  receiving  greater  appreciation. 

6.  School  Gardens. 

In  some  cities  experiments  have  been  made  in  conducting 
school  gardens.  The  typical  plan  of  work  is  as  follows :  Each 
garden  is  divided  into  small  individual  plots  or  class  plots ;  these 
plots  are  used  for  the  growing  of  plants  and  vegetables,  each 
child  or  class  attending  to  its  particular  plot.  A  specified  time 
is  set  aside  for  the  children  to  cultivate  and  care  for  their  little 
gardens,  the  work  being  under  the  guidance  of  a  teacher  who  is 
advised  by  a  gardener  in  respect  to  certain  of  the  details. 
Neglectful  children  lose  the  right  to  their  plot.  The  produce 
raised  belongs  to  the  children  and  may  be  used  by  them.  They 
are  required  to  be  diligent  in  their  work,  keep  their  plots  in  good 
condition,  and  attend  regularly  to  the  instruction  given  them. 
The  work  begins  in  the  spring  months,  lasts  during  the  summer, 
and  closes  in  the  early  fall. 

The  experience  with  school  gardens  has  been  varied,  but  under 
skillful  guidance  children  become  interested  in  nature,  in  plant 
life ;  they  develop  powers  of  observation,  and  capacity  for  sus- 
tained effort.  On  the  other  hand,  if  the  children  are  not  carefully 
controlled,  the  system  degenerates  into  a  wasteful  expenditure 
of  time.     The  Germans  have  been  conspicuously  successful  in 


202  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

school  gardening,  but  American  cities  have  enjoyed  a  rather 
limited  success.  Further  experimentation  is,  however,  desir- 
able. In  the  country  districts  and  the  small  towns  practical 
farming  can  be  taught  by  the  laboratory  method  and  should 
become  successful  as  soon  as  competent  teachers  can  be  secured. 
The  experiment  stations  which  have  been  established  by  many 
country  schools  are,  however,  something  more  than  school 
gardens.  There  is  no  doubt  about  the  advisability  of  extending 
and  developing  them. 


PART  III 
TRAINING  AND  EDUCATION 


CHAPTER  I 
THE   MENTAL   CLASSIFICATION   OF   CHILDREN 

i.  Mental  Types. 

The  mental  classification  of  children  is  becoming  increasingly 
important  from  the  educational  and  psychological  point  of  view. 
The  need  of  such  classification  has  resulted  in  intensive  studies 
of  the  mentality  of  various  groups  of  children  with  very  valuable 
results.  In  consequence  we  are  revising  estimates  as  to  the 
number  of  feeble-minded  and  backward  children  in  the  United 
States. 

The  word  "feeble-minded"  is  a  generic  term  and  is  generally 
used  to  include  those  individuals  who  are  too  feeble  mentally 
to  be  capable  of  self-support.  A  wide  range  of  mental  types  is 
covered  —  from  the  high  grade  imbecile  to  the  hopeless  idiot. 
The  following  grades  and  classes  are  recognized  by  Dr. 
Barr : l 

i.  The  imbecile  trainable  in  three  grades;  low,  middle,  and 
high. 

2.  The  moral  imbecile  found  in  all  of  these  grades;  trainable 
only  under  rigid  custodial  care. 

3.  The  idio-imbecile ;  improvable  as  regards  cleanly  living, 
and  trainable  in  a  very  limited  degree. 

4.  The  idiot ;  except  in  rare  cases  and  by  expensive  methods, 
absolutely  unimprovable. 

The  high  grade  imbecile  in  this  classification  is  made  practi- 
cally synonymous  with  the  term  "backward  children"  as  now 
defined.  The  moral  imbecile  is  found  principally  among  the 
higher  types  of  the  feeble-minded  and  is  practically  a  born  crim- 
inal, but  the  number  in  this  group  is  comparatively  small.  The 
idiot  often  cannot  stand  or  sit  alone,  usually  he  cannot  speak,  but 

1  Barr,  Menial  Defectives,  p.  go. 
205 


206  PROBLEMS  OF   CHILD  WELFARE 

merely  mutters  some  inhuman  and  unintelligible  sounds.  A 
rough  classification  of  the  mentally  feeble  into  idiots,  imbeciles, 
morons,  and  backward  children  is  ample  for  sociological  pur- 
poses. At  a  recent  meeting  of  experts  in  the  problem  of  feeble- 
mindedness these  groups  were  graded  in  the  following  manner : 
the  term  "idiot"  was  made  applicable  to  persons  with  a  mind 
no  more  developed  than  that  of  a  normal  two-year-old  child; 
the  word  "imbecile"  was  defined  as  a  person  with  a  mind  re- 
sembling that  of  a  normal  child  between  two  and  seven  years  of 
age ;  the  "moron"  was  made  to  include  persons  whose  mentality 
was  equal  to  that  of  children  from  seven  to  twelve  years  of  age. 
The  moron  denotes  the  highest  grade  of  feeble-mindedness  — 
a  type  that  under  proper  training  can  become  self-supporting. 
Above  this  group  is  another,  known  as  "  atypical "  or  "  backward  " 
but  which  is  not  usually  included  under  the  term  "feeble- 
minded." It  includes  all  children  who  are  four  or  more  years 
below  their  normal  grade  in  school  but  whose  mental  capacity 
is  not  limited  to  that  of  the  moron.  Some  authorities  set  the 
limit  at  three  or  more  years  below  normal  grade. 

A  census  of  the  feeble-minded  is  very  desirable,  as  the  present 
number  in  the  United  States  is  unknown.  The  enumeration  of 
1890  gave  95,000 — undoubtedly  considerably  less  than  the  actual 
number.  In  1904  the  Bureau  of  the  Census  estimated  that  there 
were  150,000  feeble-minded  in  the  United  States.  The  recent 
application  of  definite  tests  so  as  to  make  possible  a  more  rigid 
classification  of  the  various  grades  of  mentality  indicates  a  larger 
percentage  of  feeble-mindedness  than  was  formerly  conceded. 
It  appears  that  the  natural  mentality  of  individuals  is  distributed 
according  to  an  almost  regular  frequency  curve,  the  great  major- 
ity of  individuals  being  concentrated  at  a  point  which,  in  virtue 
of  this  fact,  is  called  normal.  Some  are  above  the  normal,  but 
very  few  are  found  at  that  point  which  marks  the  genius.  Below 
the  normal  we  find  first  a  considerable  number  of  retarded,  then 
the  backward,  finally  the  feeble-minded,  the  least  numerous  of 
which  are  the  idiots.  Since  the  causes  of  retardation  and  back- 
wardness are  more  active  than  the  causes  of  mental  superiority, 
more  persons  are  below  than  above  the  normal.     Goddard  esti- 


THE   MENTAL   CLASSIFICATION   OF   CHILDREN       207 

mates  that  there  are  300,000  feeble-minded  in  the  United  States.1 
A  recent  census  of  the  feeble-minded  in  New  Jersey  showed  6063 
cases  —  but  the  census  was  probably  not  entirely  complete. 
But  at  the  same  rate  there  would  be  approximately  225,000  in 
the  United  States.  Perhaps  the  proportion  of  feeble-minded 
in  the  relatively  new  communities  is  somewhat  less  than  that  in 
the  remainder  of  the  United  States,  yet  there  can  be  no  doubt 
but  that  the  total  number  is  considerably  above  200,000.  Even 
if  this  conservative  figure  is  not  exceeded,  an  enormous  burden 
is  being  placed  on  the  American  people. 

Backward  children  form  a  very  numerous  group.  Some  of 
the  older  studies  of  subnormal  children  yielded  rather  alarming 
figures.  Professor  Monroe  of  Stanford  University  gathered 
particulars  of  10,000  school  children  in  California  and  claims 
to  have  found  about  3  per  cent  feeble-minded  and  10  per  cent 
dull  or  backward.  Dr.  Francis  Warner,  investigating  for  the 
English  Government,  concluded  that  7  per  cent  of  the  100,000 
school  children  studied  were  dull,  and  that  1.6  per  cent  were 
feeble-minded.  A  recent  test  by  Goddard  of  1 547  children  in  the 
first  six  grades  of  the  public  schools  of  a  small  city  disclosed  the 
fact  that  the  mental  advancement  of  the  children  was  repre- 
sented by  a  slightly  asymmetrical  curve :  the  shorter  upper 
wing  indicating  exceptional  types,  and  the  somewhat  larger 
lower  wing,  the  backward  and  feeble-minded.  The  test  showed 
that  15  per  cent  were  from  two  to  three  years  behind  grade  and 
that  ^.^  per  cent  were  four  or  more  years  behind.2  These 
results  were  secured  by  applying  the  Binet  test  and  are  more 
definite  as  well  as  more  conservative  than  those  of  the  two  other 
investigators.  A  less  scientific  investigation  made  in  Philadel- 
phia by  a  committee  on  backward  children  revealed  the  fact 
that  about  1  per  cent  of  the  school  children  were  backward. 
Figures  for  Cleveland  show  that  1.4  per  cent  of  the  school  chil- 
dren are  retarded  four  or  more  years. 

The  wide  variations  shown  above  indicate  the  need  of  addi- 
tional investigation  with  the  use  of  accurate  tests.     The  results 

1  The  Survey,  March  2,  1012. 

4  Report  of  the  National  Education  Association,  191 1,  p.  871. 


208  PROBLEMS  OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

obtained  by  Goddard  are  the  best  indication  of  the  probable 
number  of  backward  children.  A  rate  of  3  per  cent  applied  to 
the  school  population  of  the  United  States  indicates  that  there 
are  about  600,000  backward  children.  This  assumes  that  the 
number  who  dropped  out  of  school  because  they  could  not  enter 
the  two  highest  grades  maintain  a  proportion  similar  to  that  of 
the  backwardness  disclosed  in  the  first  six  grades.  Sociologically 
these  figures  imply  that  this  number  of  children  should  be  given 
special  instruction  in  separate  groups.  The  magnitude  of  the 
problem  is  at  once  evident. 

A  more  numerous  group  than  the  backward  children  are  the 
retarded.  These,  however,  do  not  represent  a  mental  type 
different  from  the  so-called  normal  children.  Their  retardation 
is  due  largely  to  social  causes.  Together  with  the  normal  group 
they  constitute  the  bulk  of  all  children.  They  are  not  taught 
in  special  schools  or  in  special  classes,  so  the  discussion  of  their 
problems  will  be  reserved  for  a  later  chapter. 

Another  special  group  consists  of  the  rapid  progress  type  or 
the  exceptionally  gifted  children.  They  have  received  less  at- 
tention than  the  subnormal  groups,  so  we  have  but  little  in- 
formation in  regard  to  their  number.  The  tests  by  Goddard  to 
which  we  have  already  referred  showed  that  4  per  cent  of  the 
children  were  two  or  more  years  ahead  of  normal  grade.1  Fig- 
ures by  the  United  States  Bureau  of  Education  also  show  that  in 
one-half  of  the  cities  studied,  4  per  cent  of  the  children  were 
under  age.  Furthermore,  our  methods  of  education  reduce  the 
number  of  children  who  would  otherwise  make  more  than  normal 
progress.  In  spite  of  this  fact,  however,  we  must  expect  to  find 
a  larger  proportion  of  children  below  normal  than  above  it.  '  The 
underaged  are  not  all  exceptionally  gifted,  and  the  proportion 
who  are  distinctly  defective  is  larger  than  the  distinctly  gifted 
class.  But  we  do  not  know  what  percentage  should  be  classed 
as  exceptional.  It  must  fall  within  the  number  who  are  above 
normal  grade.  Ward  estimated  the  number  of  talented  individ- 
uals in  society  as  one  out  of  500,  but  believed  that  a  proper 
system  of  education  for  women  would  increase  the  proportion  to 

1  United  States  Bureau  of  Education,  Bulletin,  191 1,  No.  5,  p.  103. 


THE   MENTAL   CLASSIFICATION  OF   CHILDREN       209 

one  out  of  every  300. x  If  opportunities  are  given  to  all,  the  num- 
ber of  gifted  will  apparently  increase.  Although  some  of  the 
great  leaders  of  the  nation  have  been  ordinary  boys  while  in  the 
public  school,  it  stands  to  reason  that  the  brightest  children, 
if  unhampered,  should  develop  into  the  able  men  and  women  of 
the  next  generation.  The  duty  of  giving  them  a  chance  to  do 
extra  work  is  quite  as  important  as  that  of  favoring  the  sub- 
normal. Probably  it  is  far  more  important.  More  harm  than 
good  is  accomplished  by  blasting  the  career  of  one  genius  and 
bringing  five  retarded  children  up  to  normal  grade.  The  genius 
is  worth  many  retarded  children,  but  neither  group  need  be  sac- 
rificed. We  need  a  higher  level  of  intellectual  ability  and  must 
encourage  the  children  of  promise. 

2.  Causes  of  Mental  Abnormality. 

Additional  study  is  necessary  to  determine  the  comparative 
importance  of  heredity  and  of  environment  as  causes  of  mental 
subnormality.  Roughly  speaking,  however,  the  relative  influ- 
ence of  heredity  and  environment  varies  inversely  as  the  child 
departs  from  the  normal ;  for  example,  the  boy  one  year  behind 
grade  may  be  entirely  the  victim  of  environment,  but  the  boy  six 
years  behind  is  kept  back  largely  by  hereditary  defect.  Conse- 
quently we  may  expect  heredity  to  be  a  much  more  important 
cause  of  feeble-mindedness  than  of  mere  retardation. 

a.  Feeble-mindedness ,  How  Caused. 

The  recent  studies  of  the  family  histories  of  feeble-minded 
individuals  have  disclosed  an  amazing  amount  of  abnormality 
in  their  families.  In  one  city  a  family  was  found  in  which  had 
appeared  insanity,  feeble-mindedness,  epilepsy,  alcoholism, 
criminality,  and  illegitimacy.  No  doubt  but  that  heredity  was  a 
chief  cause  of  these  conditions.  Older  studies,  such  as  that  made 
of  the  Jukes,  do  not  separate  the  environmental  from  the  heredi- 
tary factors,  and  are  no  strong  proof  of  the  influence  of  heredity. 
The  cumulative  evidence,  however,  of  a  large  number  of  cases 
of  feeble-mindedness  has  great  value  as  an  indication  of  the 
causes.  Dr.  Barr  has  tabulated  4050  such  cases,  and  finds  the 
causes  of  their  feeble-mindedness  to  be  as  follows : 

1  Applied  Sociology,  p.  232. 


2IO  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

Causes  acting  Before  Birth 65.45  per  cent 

Family  History  of  Idiocy  and  Imbecility  25.43  per  cent 

Family  History  of  Phthisis 7.60  per  cent 

Family  History  of  Insanity 6.91  per  cent 

Family  History  of  Intemperance   .     .     .  5.75  per  cent 

Other  Causes 19-76  per  cent 

Causes  acting  at  Birth 4.59  per  cent 

Causes  acting  after  Birth 29.96  per  cent 

With  the  exception  of  8.89  per  cent  of  the  causes,  which  were 
classed  as  abnormal  condition  of  mother  during  gestation,  the 
causes  acting  before  birth  are  hereditary  influences.  The  in- 
fluence of  heredity  is  especially  marked  in  the  cases  showing 
a  family  history  of  mental  defect  and  abnormality.  Undoubt- 
edly the  hereditary  factor  is  also  involved  in  a  small  proportion 
of  the  causes  acting  at  birth  and  after  birth.  These  statistics 
therefore  indicate  that  from  60  to  65  per  cent  of  feeble-minded- 
ness  is  chargeable  to  hereditary  weakness. 

An  investigation  by  the  Indiana  State  Board  of  Charities 
of  3048  persons  comprising  803  families  in  which  feeble-minded- 
ness  occurred  in  one  or  more  generations,  corroborates  this  con- 
clusion. Of  the  entire  group  52.3  per  cent  were  distinctly  feeble- 
minded, and  an  additional  9.4  per  cent  were  defective  either 
mentally  or  physically.  Only  38.3  per  cent  were  normal.  The 
hereditary  tendencies  are,  however,  more  marked  in  the  families 
in  which  feeble-mindedness  has  appeared  in  two  or  more  genera- 
tions. There  were  312  such  families  in  the  group.  Among  them 
inherited  defect  was  apparent  in  61.2  per  cent  of  the  cases.1 

Recent  English  figures  indicate  even  larger  proportions, 
about  70  per  cent  of  feeble-mindedness  being  charged  to  hered- 
itary causes.  The  study  of  the  Kallikak  family  by  Goddard 
furnishes  remarkable  evidence  of  a  similar  nature. 

The  causes  acting  at  birth  are  of  minor  importance.  Careless 
physicians,  physiological  maladjustments,  and  instrumental 
deliveries  are  partly  to  blame.     Feeble-mindedness  from  these 

1  Butler,  Amos,  The  Burden  of  Feeble-mindedness,  National  Conference  of  Charities 
and  Correction,  1907,  p.  8. 


THE  MENTAL   CLASSIFICATION  OF   CHILDREN       21 1 

sources  can  be  reduced.  The  causes  acting  after  birth  are  very 
important.  They  are  responsible  for  nearly  30  per  cent  of  the 
cases  of  feeble-mindedness.  Malnutrition,  falls,  injuries,  and 
disease  are  among  the  causes.  To  a  large  extent  they  are  en- 
vironmental. Attempts  must  be  made  to  remove  them  directly, 
since  a  program  of  negative  eugenics  will  not  affect  the  propor- 
tion of  feeble-mindedness  due  to  other  than  hereditary  causes. 

b.  Causes  of  Backwardness. 

Coming  to  the  backward  children  we  find  that  powerful  causes 
must  have  operated  to  retard  persons  four  or  more  years.  Brain 
defect  is  undoubtedly  an  important  cause,  but  this  is  aggravated 
by  the  conditions  under  which  children  live  and  by  the  physical 
defects  which  have  been  developed  by  them.  Important 
causes  of  mental  dullness  are  defective  eyesight,  defective  hear- 
ing, adenoids,  and  throat  disorders.  The  defects  that  increase 
with  the  age  of  the  child  also  aggravate  the  retardation.  Among 
these  are  poor  eyesight  and  hearing.  In  Germany,  Dr.  Cohn 
found  that  22  per  cent  of  the  children  in  the  lower  grades  had 
defective  eyesight  and  58  per  cent  in  the  upper  grades.  Ad- 
vance in  education  becomes  increasingly  difficult  under  such 
conditions.  In  Sweden,  Axel  Key  found  a  similar  problem.  At 
eleven  years  of  age,  6  per  cent  of  the  children  had  defective  eye- 
sight, but  at  20  the  proportion  rose  to  37.  Among  American 
school  children,  the  proportion  is  about  one-fourth.  Much 
backwardness  must  be  due  to  this  cause,  for  eye  strain  and  over- 
taxed attention  act  directly  on  the  nervous  system  and  make  it 
incapable  of  producing  normal  mental  activity. 

The  nose  and  throat  affections  are  powerful  causes  of  back- 
wardness. They  are  often  accompanied  by  other  defects,  so 
that  the  results  become  cumulative.  Adenoids  often  affect  the 
mind  and  produce  a  mental  sluggishness  that  leaves  the  child 
severely  retarded.  Their  removal  has  in  many  instances  relieved 
the  brain  and  accelerated  mental  activity.  The  operation, 
however,  must  be  performed  in  time  or  the  mind  becomes  in- 
capable of  recovering  from  its  depression. 

A  physical  examination  of  backward  children  throws  some  light 
on  the  causes  of  their  retardation.     The  compilation  of  the  de- 


212  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

fects  of  2230  children  examined  in  New  York  City  in  1911-1912 
shows  that  79.6  per  cent  had  defective  eyesight ;  the  hearing 
of  70.1  per  cent  was  affected ;  65.4  per  cent  had  defective  teeth ; 
48.2  per  cent  had  throat  trouble;  41.5  per  cent  suffered  from 
defective  speech ;  and  39  per  cent  had  adenoids.  In  all,  these 
2230  children  had  over  11,000  defects  —  nearly  5  per  child  —  as 
contrasted  with  an  average  of  about  1  per  child  among  normal 
school  children.  A  large  number  also  suffered  from  malnutri- 
tion. Of  the  atypical  children  examined  in  1908,  60  per  cent 
were  misfed.  The  large  number  of  physical  defects  from  which 
backward  children  suffer  are,  no  doubt,  responsible  for  a  con- 
siderable share  of  their  retardation.  Even  the  child  with  a 
normal  mind  and  brain  could  not  withstand  the  onslaught  of  so 
many  physical  defects.  And  the  clinic  has  demonstrated  the 
close  connection  between  dullness  and  defects.  Such  illustra- 
tions as  the  following  corroborate  this  fact :  a  boy  brought  to 
the  psychological  clinic  conducted  by  Dr.  Witmer  was  thought 
to  be  feeble-minded.  He  was  found  to  be  badly  in  need  of 
dental  care;  certain  teeth  were  extracted,  and  a  wonderful 
improvement  followed.  Another  boy  was  burdened  with 
deafness  and  adenoids.  He  was  relieved  and  improved  at 
once. 

Dullness  also  results  from  a  feeble  condition  of  the  nervous 
system,  and  many  causes  operate  to  affect  the  nerves.  Among 
them  are  malnutrition,  excitement,  overwork,  etc.  Dr.  Francis 
Warner  claims  that  9  per  cent  of  50,000  London  school  children 
whom  he  studied  showed  abnormal  nerve  conditions.  Such 
conditions  are,  however,  themselves  effects  and  we  must  search 
farther  to  ascertain  the  ultimate  causes  responsible  for  arrested 
mental  development.  Poor  physical  conditions  easily  affect 
the  mind,  therefore  causes  of  physical  deterioration  are  causes 
of  mental  retardation.  Poverty  is  no  doubt  an  important 
factor. 

A  cause  of  continued  defect  is  the  discouragement  that  comes 
when  slightly  deficient  children  try  to  keep  up  with  brighter 
schoolmates  and  fail.  Since  they  cannot  receive  special  atten- 
tion, they  lose  courage  and  fall  farther  behind.     Absence  from 


THE  MENTAL   CLASSIFICATION  OF   CHILDREN       213 

school  for  whatever  reason  is  probably  the  most  common  cause 
of  retardation,  and  while  this  is  not  strictly  backwardness,  it 
often  appears  so,  and  when  sufficiently  pronounced  amounts  to 
the  same  thing,  because  the  child  lacking  early  training  is  not  so 
apt  and  active  in  mind  as  is  the  normal  child. 

Hereditary  weakness  is  responsible  for  much  backwardness. 
Especially  is  this  true  of  the  more  serious  cases.  But  physical 
defects  and  the  unfavorable  conditions  under  which  many 
children  live  bear  so  heavily  upon  them  that  the  slightest  in- 
herited defect  has  cumulative  consequences. 

Passing  over  the  normal  groups  or  the  great  majority  of  chil- 
dren, we  come  to  that  small  proportion  possessing  exceptional 
mental  characteristics.  These  children  owe  their  advantages  to 
one  or  more  of  the  following  causes : 

(1)  Hereditary  Influences. 

(2)  Variations  from  Parental  Types. 

(3)  Training. 

Investigation  has  shown  that  exceptional  ability  frequently 
runs  in  families.  This  fact,  however,  does  not  make  heredity 
the  sole  factor  responsible  for  the  advantage.  The  social  en- 
vironment has  no  doubt  operated  to  produce  good  results.  The 
genius  has  not  yet  been  explained.  Frequently  his  offspring 
are  most  mediocre ;  seldom  do  they  rise  to  his  level  of  mentality. 
He  seems  rather  to  be  an  accidental  variation  —  a  departure  from 
the  expected  distribution  of  mentality  in  a  family.  If  so,  his 
progeny  tend  to  revert  to  the  ancestral  type.  From  the  eugenic 
standpoint,  therefore,  we  cannot  hope  for  a  more  rapid  mental 
improvement  of  the  race  through  the  children  of  the  genius  than 
through  the  remainder  of  the  group  possessing  exceptional 
natural  ability.  In  fact,  the  progressive  variation  from  a  type 
is  more  likely  to  reproduce  an  equally  capable  offspring  than  is 
the  radical  and  fickle  variation,  which  has  found  no  rational  ex- 
planation. The  latter  often  produces  a  genius  in  one  generation 
and  defectives  in  the  next.  The  environment  of  very  young 
children  often  develops  a  precocity  which  makes  their  mental 
age  exceed  their  physical  age,  but  this  exceptional  condition  is 
not  inherent  and  cannot  be  made  permanent  except  by  subject- 


214  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

ing  each  generation  to  similar  influences.  Racially  no  gain  has 
been  made,  but  if  a  continuously  favorable  environment  is  as- 
sured the  results  are  quite  as  secure.  Without  doubt  the  great 
majority  of  exceptional  school  children  have  been  affected  by 
both  hereditary  and  environmental  influences. 


CHAPTER  II 
EDUCATION   OF  EXCEPTIONAL   CHILDREN 

i.  Need  of  Classification  of  Children. 

The  first  step  in  a  program  of  education  for  the  mentally 
subnormal  groups  consists  in  testing  and  grading  the  mentality 
of  the  children.  In  this  way  the  mental  age  of  a  child  will  be 
discovered  and  the  plan  for  his  education  will  be  simplified. 
Such  tests  should  be  made  of  all  backward  and  defective  children 
coming  under  the  notice  of  the  school  authorities,  of  the  children 
sent  to  institutions  for  defectives,  and  of  all  delinquents  brought 
into  the  juvenile  courts.  A  special  test  should  be  made  of  those 
sent  to  reformatory  institutions.  A  wide-awake  attendance 
department  of  the  local  school  system  will  discover  every  child 
of  school  age  regardless  of  mentality,  and  each  doubtful  case  will 
then  be  referred  to  the  proper  school  officials  for  examination. 
If  the  Binet  test  or  some  similar  test  is  applied,  the  child  will  be 
properly  classified  as  to  mentality,  and  steps  can  then  be  taken 
to  assign  him  to  the  institution  or  type  of  school  to  which  he 
belongs,  if  suitable  facilities  for  such  disposition  are  available. 
The  work  of  the  educational  authorities  of  Cleveland  serves  as 
an  illustration : 

In  191 2,  1 28 1  children  of  doubtful  classification  were  examined 
by  a  psychological  expert.  Of  this  number  469  or  36.5  per  cent 
were  found  to  be  feeble-minded,  281  or  22  per  cent  were  back- 
ward, while  the  remainder  were  slightly  retarded  or  normal.  In 
Chicago  the  Department  of  Child  Study  and  Educational  Re- 
search, organized  in  1899,  carries  on  similar  work,  but  includes 
other  defective  groups.  Many  cities  have  made  a  beginning  in 
the  study  and  examination  of  their  backward  and  defective 
children.  Adequate  facilities  for  mental  tests  in  the  cities  will 
result  in  the  development  of  educational  provision  for  the  group 
that  can  be  successfully  handled  by  the  school  authorities. 

21s 


2i6  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

Bulletin,  191 1,  number  14  of  the  United  States  Bureau  of 
Education  classifies  exceptional  children  in  respect  to  adminis- 
trative oversight,  education,  and  care.1  Although  both  the 
physically  and  the  mentally  defective  are  classified  by  the 
Bureau,  only  the  latter  group  will  be  included  in  the  classifica- 
tion that  follows : 

Institutional  cases,  to  be  dismissed  from  care  and  oversight 
of  school  authorities ;  insane  and  demented  children,  feeble- 
minded, below  middle  grade  imbeciles,  high  grade  moral  im- 
beciles, and  epileptics. 

Cases  for  special  instruction  in  schools ;  backward  but  capable 
of  restoration  to  normal  grade,  dull,  retarded  through  physical 
defects,  and  the  gifted. 

Uncertain  classification ;  high  grade  imbeciles,  feeble-minded 
above  this  grade,  and  mild  cases  of  epilepsy. 

From  the  administrative  point  of  view  these  groups  contain 
three  definite  types  of  children :  first,  the  untrainable ;  second, 
those  trainable  to  some  degree,  but  needing  constant  super- 
vision and  oversight ;  third,  the  group  capable  of  considerable 
training  and  of  partial  or  even  complete  self-support,  and  not 
needing  institutional  care.  The  duty  of  the  public  school  and  of 
the  state  directly  to  these  groups  is  determined  largely  by  the 
conditions  which  underlie  this  classification ;  that  is,  the  grade  of 
mentality.  The  state  is  justified  in  supporting  individuals  if 
necessary,  and  also  providing  training ;  the  schools  give  institu- 
tional care  only  to  groups  that  can  be  restored  to  normal  condi- 
tions, such  as  truants  and  delinquents. 

2.  Care  of  the  Idiot. 

Beginning  with  the  lowest  groups  we  have  the  idiots  and  other 
untrainable  classes  which  need  institutional  care  and  protection. 
Accordingly  it  is  not  the  function  of  the  school  to  deal  with  this 
class  of  defectives,  but  it  is  the  duty  of  the  state  to  place  them 
under  custodial  care.  For  this  purpose  every  state  needs  one 
or  more  institutions.  According  to  the  best  estimates  only  a 
small  proportion  —  perhaps  one-third  —  of  the  feeble-minded 
are  in  institutions  at  the  present  time,  although  the  percentage 

1  Pp.  21-22. 


EDUCATION  OF  EXCEPTIONAL  CHILDREN  217 

of  idiots  given  custodial  care  may  be  larger  because  of  their 
helplessness  and  the  trouble  they  cause  in  private  homes.  Since 
they  are  incapable  of  self-support,  cannot  be  trained,  and  may 
become  a  public  menace,  they  should  be  permanently  committed 
to  a  state  institution  for  the  feeble-minded.  This  applies  es- 
pecially to  women,  who  otherwise  frequently  become  the  mothers 
of  illegitimate  and  feeble-minded  children. 

3.  Education  of  the  Feeble-minded. 

The  trainable  groups  should  be  educated  as  far  as  their 
capacity  allows.  If,  however,  they  cannot  become  self-sup- 
porting, they  will  also  need  institutional  care.  Furthermore, 
they  are  a  greater  racial  menace  than  the  idiots,  because  they  are 
more  likely  to  indulge  in  sex  irregularities.  They  are  very  pro- 
lific, and  the  women  are  the  constant  prey  of  the  immoral  men  of 
the  communities  in  which  they  live.  For  this  group,  again,  the 
state  must  make  provision.  Colonies  for  the  feeble-minded 
should  be  established,  and  training  provided  for  every  inmate 
capable  of  making  advance. 

The  first  attempts  to  educate  the  feeble-minded  were  made  in 
France  by  the  physician,  Itard,  and  the  physician  and  educator, 
Seguin.  The  latter  experimented  for  many  years,  and  finally 
in  1842  he  began  to  train  a  small  class  of  feeble-minded  children. 
His  method  was  given  to  the  world,  and  in  a  few  years  training 
schools  for  the  feeble-minded  were  established  in  various  coun- 
tries. These  schools  also  provided  institutional  care,  but  de- 
tention was  not  made  permanent.  Massachusetts  was  the  first 
American  state  to  establish  a  school,  which  dates  from  1849. 
The  larger  and  more  populous  states  have  established  similar 
institutions,  several  of  them  each  having  more  than  one,  but  in 
191 2,  24  of  the  49  states  were  still  without  public  institutions  of 
this  kind.  In  all  there  were  33  state  schools  and  20  private 
schools,  some  of  the  latter  being  in  states  making  no  public 
provision  for  the  feeble-minded.  In  all  of  these  institutions 
children  are  divided  into  two  groups :  the  trainable  and  the  un- 
trainable.  In  191 2  the  state  schools  reported  21,357  inmates, 
62  per  cent  of  which  were  neither  in  school  nor  in  kindergarten  ; 
that  is,  were  incapable  of  literary  instruction.     Many  of  these, 


218  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD    WELFARE 

however,  were  being  trained  in  the  industrial  departments  of  the 
school.  A  very  small  percentage  of  all  the  children  attained  the 
equivalent  of  a  fifth  grade  education.  The  private  institutions 
are  very  small,  and  in  191 2  contained  only  749  inmates,  and  they 
are  therefore  of  but  little  aid  in  the  training  of  the  feeble-minded, 
but  the  majority  of  their  inmates  belong  to  the  trainable  class. 
Nineteen  states  have  neither  public  nor  private  provision  for  the 
feeble-minded,  who,  if  given  any  care  at  all,  are  confined  in  alms- 
houses, asylums,  children's  institutions,  etc.,  where  they  re- 
ceive no  training  adapted  to  their  needs. 

In  attempting  to  educate  the  trainable  imbeciles  and  morons, 
several  principles  are  observed. 

Careful  attention  is  given  to  the  amount  and  quality  of  food 
consumed  by  the  inmates,  since  the  development  of  the  body 
reacts  profoundly  on  the  mind. 

Adequate  medical  care  is  provided  so  as  to  enable  every  organ 
of  the  body  to  function  to  the  best  advantage. 

Exercise  and  outdoor  recreation  are  used  as  a  physical  and 
mental  tonic.     Fresh  air  invigorates  and  stimulates. 

Manual  training  and  the  correlation  of  hand  and  brain,  or 
the  development  of  the  brain  through  the  hand,  furnish  the  best 
methods  of  education. 

Industrial  classes  are  considered  the  best  supplement  to 
manual  training. 

The  development  of  individual  aptitudes  and  of  capacity  along 
the  lines  of  least  resistance  is  the  most  promising  ideal  of  train- 
ing. 

Class  work  is  ungraded,  so  as  to  allow  every  inmate  to  progress 
as  rapidly  as  he  can. 

The  inability  of  the  state  to  provide  institutional  facilities 
for  all  of  its  feeble-minded  necessitates  an  extension  of  the  work 
of  the  public  schools  to  include  the  education  of  the  most  ad- 
vanced children  of  the  moron  type.  Such  children  can  be 
gathered  at  the  most  convenient  centers  for  individual  instruc- 
tion in  day  schools.  Many  can  come  to  the  schools  unattended 
and  can  go  about  without  danger  to  themselves.  The  only 
hope  of  educating  the  bulk  of  these  subnormal  children  under 


EDUCATION  OF  EXCEPTIONAL   CHILDREN  219 

present  conditions  lies  in  the  widening  functions  of  the  schools. 
In  many  cities  where  special  provision  has  been  made  for  back- 
ward children,  some  provision  is  also  made  for  children  of  this 
lower  type  of  mentality.  In  191 1,  out  of  898  cities  reporting 
to  the  United  States  Bureau  of  Education,  94  maintained  schools 
or  classes  for  defective  children,  most  of  these  cities  being  lo- 
cated in  the  North  Atlantic  and  North  Central  states.  Unless 
eugenic  considerations  forbid,  the  public  schools  can  well  supple- 
ment the  work  of  the  state. 

4.  Education  of  Backward  Children. 

The  education  of  the  backward  children  is  a  problem  of  special 
importance  because  of  the  large  number  of  children  involved. 
It  is  distinctly  a  question  to  be  solved  by  the  public  school, 
for  these  children  have  an  undoubted  right  to  an  education. 

a.  Methods  of  Providing  for  Education. 

Backward  children  can  be  handled  in  several  ways.  In  the 
first  place  they  may  receive  individual  help  from  teachers  em- 
ployed for  this  special  purpose.  The  ordinary  teacher  has  not 
time  to  devote  to  children  who  cannot  remain  abreast  of  their 
grade,  because  of  the  volume  of  work  that  devolves  upon  her. 
Consequently  many  children,  when  once  retarded,  fall  farther 
and  farther  behind.  This  difficulty  can  be  met,  in  part,  by  a 
plan  of  individual  instruction  and  help  such  as  the  so-called 
"Bataviaplan,"  which  consists  of  the  employment  of  additional 
teachers  to  assist  the  backward  pupils.  Under  certain  conditions 
this  plan  has  been  successful,  but  its  application  has  been  largely 
limited  to  assistance  for  the  retarded  rather  than  the  backward. 
The  latter  group  really  require  a  different  variety  of  instruction 
from  that  given  in  the  regular  classroom ;  special  aid  in  school 
work,  therefore,  does  not  solve  the  problem.  In  a  number  of 
cities,  however,  special  teachers  for  this  purpose  are  placed  in 
the  schools  where  individual  instruction  is  most  necessary. 

The  second  method  of  care  is  through  the  special  class  for 
backward  children.  Instruction  adapted  to  the  children  can  be 
provided,  and  teachers  specially  trained  for  such  work  can  be 
secured.  The  plan  does  not  involve  the  expenditure  of  money 
for  a  building  equipment  and  the  playgrounds  can  be  used  by  all. 


2  20  PROBLEMS  OF  CHILD  WELFARE 

Furthermore,  classes  can  be  established  whenever  needed,  and 
it  is  claimed  that  parents  are  less  reluctant  to  send  their  children 
to  special  classes  than  to  special  schools.  Besides,  the  children 
enjoy  the  advantages  which  come  from  association  with  normal 
children,  while  the  latter  probably  do  not  suffer  from  the  con- 
tacts. On  the  other  hand,  children  soon  learn  the  distinctions 
involved  in  the  establishment  of  special  classes.  Accordingly 
the  backward  will  suffer  from  the  taunts  and  gibes  to  which  they 
will  be  continually  subjected.  Such  treatment  tends  to  dis- 
courage and  to  demoralize  them  or  to  arouse  resentment.  New 
York  City  adheres  strongly  to  this  plan,  but  conditions  differ 
widely  from  those  obtaining  in  smaller  and  less  congested  cities. 

The  third  method  consists  of  the  establishment  of  special 
schools.  This  plan  is  the  most  expensive,  because  it  necessitates 
special  building  and  playground  equipment,  and  the  schools  are 
also  less  accessible  to  children.  This  frequently  involves  car- 
fare, the  cost  of  which  in  some  cases  is  borne  by  the  school 
authorities.  Furthermore,  many  parents  do  not  want  their 
children  to  attend  these  schools.  On  the  other  hand,  this  plan 
results  in  the  most  satisfactory  adaptation  of  the  work  to  the 
needs  of  the  pupils,  since  the  special  school  exists  for  one  purpose 
only  —  the  education  of  backward  children.  The  problem  is 
therefore  likely  to  receive  more  attention  than  if  some  other 
plan  is  followed.  The  associations  of  the  children  are  whole- 
some, and  they  compete  with  each  other  for  advancement; 
classes  are  purposely  kept  small,  and  individual  instruction  is 
given.  This  plan  of  education  for  backward  children  is  most  in 
favor  at  the  present  time. 

b.  History  and  Extent  of  the  Movement. 

On  account  of  the  large  number  of  backward  children,  the 
development  of  special  provisions  for  their  training  is  particularly 
important.  As  usual,  the  work  began  abroad,  special  classes  for 
mentally  deficient  children  being  established  in  Germany  in 
1867,  while  Norway  followed  in  1874,  and  England,  Switzerland, 
and  Austria  in  1892.  In  Prussia  since  1880  special  schools  or 
classes  for  defectives  have  been  required  in  all  cities  having  a 
population  of  20,000  or  more. 


EDUCATION  OF  EXCEPTIONAL  CHILDREN  221 

The  German  system  is  not  uniform,  some  cities  having  special 
schools,  others  contenting  themselves  with  special  classes  for 
these  children.  The  first  special  class  in  England  was  opened 
in  1892.  A  low  type  of  backward  children  were  allowed  to  enter, 
so  the  results  have  been  far  from  satisfactory.  Nevertheless, 
the  large  English  cities  have  established  special  schools  for  the 
care  of  this  class  of  children.  The  laws  of  1899  and  1902  required 
the  local  educational  authorities  to  provide  for  the  mentally 
defective  children.  Many  children  are  therefore  maintained  as 
well  as  educated.  In  1908  the  Royal  Commission  on  the  Feeble- 
minded recommended  that  the  school  authorities  give  up  the 
plan  of  providing  for  mentally  defective  children,  and  that  the 
responsibility  for  the  defective  of  all  grades  and  of  all  ages  be 
centralized  in  a  separate  body.  This  signifies  opposition  to  con- 
trol by  the  schools  over  the  lower  grades  of  defectives,  but  the 
best  grade  of  backward  children  are  not  affected,  and  for  them 
special  provision  by  the  schools  is  gaining  ground.  In  1908 
London  operated  27  centers  for  their  training. 

In  the  United  States,  Providence,  Rhode  Island,  first  took  up 
the  work  for  backward  children.  In  1893  three  schools  for 
special  discipline  and  instruction  were  organized  and  made 
a  part  of  the  public  school  system.  Backward  children  were 
tried  in  these  disciplinary  schools,  but  it  was  soon  discovered 
that  treatment  suited  to  mischievous  boys  was  not  suited  to  slow- 
minded  children.  Accordingly,  in  1896  a  special  class  for  the 
latter  was  opened.  Others  have  been  added  since,  and  marked 
success  has  been  achieved  in  the  training  of  the  children. 

The  first  special  class  in  Boston  was  organized  in  1899  and 
furnished  the  impetus  for  the  work  there.  Only  improvable 
children  are  accepted,  and  cases  recommended  by  school  prin- 
cipals are  examined  by  a  medical  expert  before  admission.  Each 
school  district  also  maintains  an  ungraded  class,  which,  however, 
is  practically  limited  to  retarded  or  immigrant  children.  The 
work  in  Philadelphia  was  prompted  by  the  activity  of  local  social 
agencies  through  whose  efforts  a  private  school  for  the  educa- 
tion of  backward  children  was  organized.  In  1901,  however, 
a  special  class  was  established  in  one  of  the  public  schools.     For 


222 


PROBLEMS  OF  CHILD  WELFARE 


some  years  the  backward  and  incorrigible  were  taught  in  the 
same  buildings,  although  they  were  placed  in  separate  classes. 
A  complete  differentiation  has  finally  taken  place. 

In  New  York  City  considerable  attention  has  been  given  to 
the  dull  and  backward  children,  and  special  classes,  but  not  spe- 
cial schools,  have  been  established  for  them.  Eack  year  the 
doubtful  cases  are  referred  by  the  school  principals  to  the  exam- 
ining physicians  who  ascertain  their  mental  condition,  and  also 
the  physical  defects  from  which  they  may  be  suffering.  Certain 
grades  and  types  are  then  assigned  to  the  special  or  ungraded 
class.  In  191 2  the  city  had  authorized  142  special  classes  with 
a  membership  of  2253  children.  Three-fifths  of  the  schools  have 
proposed  children  for  the  special  classes,  and  according  to  the 
present  policy  of  the  Board  of  Education  such  classes  will  even- 
tually be  provided  for  all  schools  needing  them.  The  schools 
proposing  children  have  averaged  11.8  persons  per  school  —  a 
class  of  convenient  size. 

St.  Louis  has  established  13  special  schools  for  the  backward. 
These  schools  are  ordinary  two-story  residences  rented  for  the 
purpose  and  located  at  the  points  of  greatest  convenience. 
Transportation  is  furnished  to  children  living  at  a  distance. 

These  examples  of  provision  for  backward  children  sufficiently 
illustrate  the  method  of  development.  In  the  following  table 
is  summarized  the  extent  of  such  provision  in  American  cities 
in  1911.1 


Area 

Cities 
Reporting 

Cities  having  Classes  for 
Backward  Children 

Number 

Per  Cent 

Western 

898 

37° 
60 
90 

322 
56 

220 
97 
IS 
18 
70 
20 

24-5 
26.2 
25.0 
20.0 
21.7 
35.7 

1  United  States  Bureau  of  Education,   Bulletin,   ign,  No.   14.     Provision  for 
Exceptional  Children  in  Public  Schools,  pp.  32,  34. 


EDUCATION  OF   EXCEPTIONAL   CHILDREN  223 

These  figures  show  that  the  various  geographical  sections 
do  not  vary  widely  from  each  other  in  regard  to  the  proportion 
of  cities  making  special  provision  for  backward  children,  with  the 
exception  of  the  Western  cities,  which  rank  highest.  Less  than 
one-fourth  of  all  the  cities  reporting  have  made  any  provision 
whatsoever.  Probably  in  no  large  city  have  adequate  facilities 
been  provided  as  yet  for  this  unfortunate  class  of  children. 

c.  Principles  of  Care  and  Training. 

The  first  generally  accepted  step  in  the  handling  of  backward 
children  is  their  separation  from  the  normal  group ;  otherwise 
the  education  of  the  normal  classes  is  greatly  handicapped. 
Teachers  are  usually  kept  busy  with  their  regular  work,  so  the 
subnormal  child  is  neglected.  He  is  soon  discouraged  and  drops 
out  of  school  with  no  preparation  for  life  and  with  little  or  no 
capacity  for  self-support.  The  removal  of  the  child  from  his 
grade  should  follow  one  or  two  failures,  provided,  of  course,  that 
there  has  not  been  some  valid  reason  for  his  defection.  Germany 
has  a  wise  system  of  admission  to  special  classes.  If  after  several 
trials  children  fail  to  advance  with  the  regular  grades,  they  are 
visited  in  their  homes  and  then  sent  to  the  special  classes  on  trial. 
After  a  few  weeks  a  committee,  consisting  of  inspector,  school 
doctor,  and  teacher  pass  upon  their  fitness  to  remain. 

If  after  a  fair  chance,  backward  children  fail  to  respond  to 
special  class  instruction,  they  should  be  placed  in  institutions  and 
their  places  given  to  others  who  might  profit  by  the  opportunity. 
Just  as  the  dull  child  must  be  taken  from  the  regular  grades,  so 
the  feeble-minded  child  must  be  taken  from  the  special  classes. 
He  is  the  same  menace  there  that  the  backward  child  is  in  the 
ordinary  schoolroom. 

In  the  second  place,  medical  attention  is  most  urgent.  Be- 
sides the  initial  medical  examination  to  detect  defects,  regular  in- 
spection must  be  made.  Physical  defects  are  so  often  the  primary 
or  contributory  causes  of  backwardness  that  their  removal 
would  at  once  stimulate  the  child  to  vigorous  mental  develop- 
ment. Wholesome  nutrition  should  also  be  required,  as  mis- 
feeding  is  an  important  factor,  and  nurses  should  be  assigned  to  ^. 
these  classes  or  schools  to  attend  to  the  hygienic  and  medical 


224  PROBLEMS  OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

needs  of  the  children.  Good  results  have  been  accomplished 
by  such  methods,  but,  on  the  other  hand,  the  value  of  medical 
care  is  often  exaggerated.  A  study  of  600  backward  children 
in  London  indicated  that  only  16  per  cent  were  retarded  because 
of  physical  defects  or  ill  health,  and  in  a  small  proportion  of 
additional  cases  the  defects  were  regarded  as  contributory 
causes.1 

Ungraded  work  and  individual  instruction  are  necessary  here, 
as  in  the  case  of  the  feeble-minded.  Classes  should  be  limited 
to  15,  and  no  school  should  contain  more  than  three  or  four 
classes.  Such  an  arrangement  brings  together  a  sufficient 
number  of  children  to  allow  an  economical  use  of  material  equip- 
ment and  to  reduce  to  reasonable  limits  the  per  capita  cost  of 
maintaining  the  building.  A  corps  of  trained  teachers  for  this 
work  is  specially  necessary,  the  training  gained  by  teaching  in 
schools  for  the  feeble-minded  being  exceptionally  valuable. 
Kind,  patient,  optimistic  women  probably  excel  in  this  service. 
The  German  plan  of  employing  men  is  not  regarded  as  so  satis- 
factory. 

The  class  work  is  based  on  the  theory  that  the  training  of  the 
hand  arouses  action  in  the  brain.  Accordingly,  emphasis  is 
placed  on  sloyd,  clay  modeling,  basket  weaving,  sewing,  and 
raffia  work,  and  in  addition,  for  the  girls,  various  branches  of 
domestic  science.  Games  are  emphasized,  and  children  are 
taught  to  play.  Nature  study  is  a  valuable  part  of  the  curricu- 
lum in  some  of  the  New  York  schools.  On  the  whole,  the  work 
of  these  classes  must  be  such  that  it  will  invigorate  the  body  and 
stimulate  the  mind  so  as  to  awaken  the  dormant  faculties. 

d.  Results. 

While  attempts  to  train  backward  children  have  resulted  in 
their  improvement  in  a  large  proportion  of  cases,  the  develop- 
ment of  capacity  for  self-support  is  more  doubtful.  German 
experience  has  shown  that  about  83  per  cent  of  these  children 
are  able  at  the  end  of  school  age  to  secure  employment  requiring 
little  skill,  and  can  in  time  become  partly  self-supporting.  Some 
will  be  able  to  maintain  themselves.     The  care  of  the  remaining 

1  Hogarth,  A.  H,  Medical  Inspection  of  Schools,  p.  51. 


EDUCATION  OF   EXCEPTIONAL   CHILDREN  225 

17  per  cent  is  more  of  a  problem,  and  without  doubt  the  majority- 
should  eventually  be  transferred  to  institutions.  In  Birming- 
ham, England,  where  an  after-care  committee  has  kept  careful 
record  of  pupils  of  special  classes,  about  one-third  of  the  cases 
followed  have  been  reported  as  wage-earners,  but  only  a  small 
percentage  of  them  were  self-supporting.  About  38  per  cent 
seemed  to  require  permanent  protection  and  at  least  partial  sup- 
port. Many  of  the  children  in  the  English  special  schools,  how- 
ever, belong  to  the  moron  type. 

No  American  statistics  relating  to  the  economic  effects  of 
special  training  are  available.  The  figures  for  a  number  of  cities 
show  that  a  small  proportion  can  be  returned  to  regular  classes ; 
for  example,  in  191 2  Chicago  returned  10  per  cent  of  the  children 
from  its  subnormal  divisions,  and  New  York  promoted  8.6  per 
cent  of  the  children  in  the  ungraded  classes.  Usually  when  the 
pupils  become  16  years  of  age  they  drop  out  of  school  and  are 
lost  to  the  school  authorities,  and  while  a  small  proportion  enter 
industry,  little  is  known  of  the  remainder.  "After-care  com- 
mittees" are  needed  to  assist  them  and  counsel  with  them  so 
as  to  increase  their  opportunities. 

e.  The  Montessori  Method. 

The  Montessori  method  of  educating  children  was  developed 
by  Madame  Montessori,  an  Italian  physician,  through  her  ob- 
servations and  experiences  in  educating  backward  children. 
She  adapted  many  of  the  principles  developed  by  Seguin  and  by 
Froebel.  She  believes  in  the  education  of  the  senses,  with  es- 
pecial attention  to  the  sense  of  touch,  which  she  believes  has  been 
neglected.  She  trains  children  to  do  the  hosts  of  ordinary  tasks 
of  daily  life  in  a  scientific  way.  This  leads  to  early  control  of 
the  muscles  and  to  symmetrical  physical  education.  She  would 
do  away  with  repression  and  irksome  discipline,  thinks  children 
should  not  be  restrained  except  when  their  activities  interfere 
with  the  rights  of  others,  and  believes  much  in  individual  initia- 
tive. She  lets  her  pupils  sit  or  lie  or  assume  any  comfortable 
position  to  do  their  self-selected  tasks.  Self-expression  and  in- 
dividuality are  encouraged,  and  the  rather  complete  sets  of  ap- 
paratus used  in  the  Montessori  schools  are  designed  to  teach, 
Q 


226  PROBLEMS  OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

through  practice  in  doing  well,  the  ordinary  duties  and  tasks. 
For  example,  through  working  with  their  sets  of  buttoning  and 
lacing  flaps,  children  learn  to  dress  and  undress  themselves  and 
younger  brothers  and  sisters.  In  order  to  teach  children  these 
very  elementary  things  they  enter  the  schools  at  a  very  tender 
age.  In  short,  the  Montessori  method  directs  the  play  impulse 
to  useful  activity ;  develops  the  sense  organs,  thereby  stimulat- 
ing the  brain  ;  adapts  the  principles  of  home  life  to  school  life ; 
permits  the  child  to  follow  his  own  inclinations ;  and  employs 
the  prosaic  duties  of  life  for  educational  purposes. 

5.  Facilities  for  the  Gifted. 

It  is  unfair  to  the  exceptionally  gifted  to  hold  them  back  by 
the  ironclad  classifications  of  the  ordinary  grade  schools.  The 
psychological  effects  on  children  of  lingering  in  grades  that  they 
have  outgrown  is  distinctly  bad,  and  opportunities  must  be  given 
them  to  make  special  progress.  In  an  effort  to  meet  this  need, 
54  cities  in  the  United  States  in  191 1  had  developed  some  plans 
for  the  advancement  of  this  group  of  children.  Most  of  these 
cities  were  located  in  the  North  Atlantic  and  North  Central 
states. 

This  work  is  new  and  unsettled  in  character,  but  follows  several 
general  lines,  of  which  the  following  are  representative :  first, 
flexible  grading,  reported  by  Baltimore,  Cleveland,  and  other 
cities,  by  means  of  which  pupils  of  like  ability  are  placed  together 
in  slow  and  fast  grades.  The  fast  classes  are  larger,  do  more 
extensive  work,  and  cover  a  wider  range  of  facts.  Second,  many 
schools  divide  the  year  into  three  or  four  parts,  and  the  especially 
gifted  are  able  to  skip  an  occasional  part  year.  A  third  plan  is 
that  of  organizing  special  classes  at  the  beginning  of  the  seventh 
or  eighth  grades  to  take  up  high  school  work.  Indianapolis 
has  a  scheme  of  this  sort  by  means  of  which  children  strong  in 
mathematics  and  language,  for  example,  may  exchange  their 
eighth  grade  work  in  these  branches  for  high  school  algebra  and 
Latin,  thereby  securing  a  half  year's  credit  in  advance  of  their 
grade.  Lincoln,  Nebraska ;  Rochester,  New  York ;  Worcester, 
Massachusetts,  etc.,  report  work  of  this  kind.  This  work  though 
quite  as  important  as  the  work  for  backward  children  does  not 


EDUCATION  OF  EXCEPTIONAL   CHILDREN  227 

constitute  so  grave  a  problem  because  gifted  pupils  are  easily 
taught  and  are  not  in  such  need  of  special  methods  and  unusually 
trained  teachers.  They  usually  need  merely  to  be  put  in  advanced 
classes  and  kept  busy.  It  is  most  important,  however,  that  this 
slight  and  inexpensive  provision  be  made  for  them. 


CHAPTER  III 
SOME   SOCIAL  ASPECTS   OF  EDUCATION 

i.  School  Attendance. 

The  need  of  an  education  is  now  regarded  as  fundamental ; 
accordingly,  most  children  of  proper  ages  attend  school.  In  the 
United  States  the  public  school  system  has  enjoyed  a  wide  de- 
velopment and  has  been  a  tremendous  factor  in  the  training  of 
the  youth  of  the  land.  It  has  no  equal  as  an  educational  insti- 
tution, although  it  has  shortcomings  and  must  be  improved. 
The  rapid  trend  toward  compulsory  attendance  laws  means  a 
larger  task  for  the  schools  as  well  as  improved  education. 

In  1910  there  were  in  the  United  States  27,750,599  persons 
between  the  ages  of  6  and  20  years,  inclusive,  and  of  this  number 
62.3  per  cent,  or  nearly  two-thirds,  attended  school.  In  all  of 
the  states,  except  10  Southern  states  and  Arizona,  the  percent- 
age exceeded  60.  School  attendance  is  much  heavier  among 
children  from  6  to  14  years  of  age  than  at  any  other  time.  The 
distribution  of  school  attendance  according  to  various  age  groups 
for  the  years  1909-1911  is  shown  in  the  following  table.1 

School  Attendance  in  the  United  States 


Percentage  of  Children  Attending  School 

Age  Period 

1909-1910 

1911 a 

All  Classes 

White 

Colored 

All  Classes 

Under  6  years  .... 

6-20  years      .... 

6-9  years  .... 
10-14  years  .... 
15-17  years  .... 
18-20  years      .... 

3-1 
62.3 

73-5 
88.2 
51.2 
15.2 

64-5 

77.2 
91. 1 
52-4 
15-7 

47-3 
49-3 
68.6 

4i-5 
11.7 

68.O 
80.I 
96.I 

55-8 
16.6 

1  Thirteenth  Census  of  the  United  States.     Abstract. 

2  Report  of  the  Commissioner  of  Education,  1912,  Vol.  II,  p.  xiv. 

228 


SOME   SOCIAL  ASPECTS   OF  EDUCATION  229 

These  figures  show  that  the  very  highest  percentage  of  school 
attendance  occurs  among  the  10-14  year  group,  and  they  also 
indicate  that  the  percentage  of  school  attendance  is  much  higher 
for  191 1  than  for  the  preceding  year  —  a  fact  no  doubt  due  to 
better  compulsory  attendance  laws.  More  than  90  per  cent  of 
the  children  of  the  age  10-14  years  are  in  school.  A  smaller  pro- 
portion of  the  younger  children  attend  school,  since  many  do  not 
begin  until  they  are  seven  or  eight  years  old  and  compulsory 
attendance  laws  usually  fix  the  lower  limit  at  the  seventh  or 
eighth  year.  In  most  states  or  cities  where  education  is  com- 
pulsory the  law  applies  to  the  children  until  they  reach  14. 
At  14  many  children  enter  industry,  and  only  slightly  more  than 
one-half  of  those  from  15  to  17  years  old  attend  school.  Of  those 
from  18  to  20  about  one  out  of  six  still  attends  school. 

The  situation  is  much  better  for  the  white  children  than  for 
the  colored,  this  being  due  partly  to  the  absence  of  compulsory 
attendance  in  many  parts  of  the  South  and  partly  to  the  meager 
attention  paid  the  negro  child.  In  19 10  of  all  children  aged  6 
to  14  years,  81.4  per  cent  attended  school,  but  the  proportions 
for  colored  were  only  59.7.  In  such  states  as  Massachusetts, 
New  York,  and  Illinois,  however,  negro  children  showed  a  per- 
centage almost  as  high  as  that  for  white  children,  but  in  the 
Southern  states  the  relative  proportion  was  much  lower.  And 
yet  the  percentage  of  attendance  has  been  gratifying,  and 
indicates  progress. 

In  regard  to  nativity  it  appears  that  the  maximum  attendance 
of  children  6  to  14  years  of  age  occurred  among  native  whites 
of  foreign  parentage,  followed  by  native  whites  of  native  parent- 
age, and  then  by  the  foreign  born.  The  order  is  not  uniform 
in  the  various  states,  however,  in  some  the  highest  proportion 
of  attendance  being  found  among  those  of  native  extraction. 
Again  for  each  of  these  groups  the  Southern  states  show  the  least 
promising  results.  Of  the  fifty  cities  having  100,000  population 
or  more,  23  had  a  higher  proportion  of  attendance  from  children 
of  native  than  of  foreign  extraction  ;  in  27  the  converse  was  the 
case ;  and  in  4  the  foreign  born  excelled  the  native  group. 

Rural  and  urban  districts  showed  little  difference  in  respect 


230  PROBLEMS  OF  CHILD   WELFARE 

to  the  proportion  attending  school,  when  the  entire  population 
from  6  to  20  years  is  considered.  The  subgroups,  however, 
are  very  unlike.  Considering  the  entire  group,  it  appears  that 
in  iqio  in  the  rural  districts  62.9  per  cent  attended  school;  in 
the  cities  61.6  per  cent.  For  children  6  to  9  years  of  age,  the  pro- 
portionate attendance  in  cities  was  13  per  cent  higher  than  in  the 
rural  districts  but  for  children  from  1 5  to  20  the  proportion  for 
the  rural  districts  was  10.5  per  cent  higher  than  for  the  cities. 
Cities  predominate  in  sending  small  children  to  school ;  the 
rural  districts,  in  sending  larger  ones.  These  figures,  however, 
do  not  relate  to  the  average  length  of  attendance,  but  only  to 
the  number  of  children  who  have  attended  school  at  some  time 
during  the  year. 

The  average  number  of  days  that  children  attend  school 
during  the  year  furnishes  an  indication  of  their  actual  educa- 
tional advantages.  In  191 1  the  average  length  of  the  school 
term  was  156.8  days  —  a  decrease  of  1.7  days  from  the  preceding 
year.  The  figures  for  the  different  states  vary  widely,  from  92.8 
days  in  South  Carolina  to  194  days  in  Rhode  Island.  If  180 
days  be  accepted  as  the  standard  length  of  a  school  term,  then 
only  six  states  and  the  District  of  Columbia  exceeded  the  stand- 
ard. The  Commissioner  of  Education  regards  1620  days  of 
school  attendance  by  the  child  during  the  years  from  6  to  16 
as  a  reasonable  requirement ;  that  is,  90  per  cent  of  the  possible 
attendance  for  ten  years  on  the  basis  of  the  standard  school 
term.1  Measured  by  the  actual  attendance  of  children  in  191 1, 
the  children  of  South  Carolina  received  only  34.1  per  cent  of  the 
needed  education.  In  12  states  they  receive  less  than  one-half, 
and  in  no  state  does  the  average  attain  the  standard,  but  in  17 
the  attendance  exceeds  1200  days.  These  facts  indicate  the  ex- 
istence of  two  very  serious  evils ;  an  unduly  short  school  year, 
and  a  large  proportion  of  non-attendance.  In  spite  therefore 
of  the  high  proportion  of  children  attending  school,  unless  the 
average  period  of  attendance  is  considerably  longer,  children  are 
not  being  adequately  prepared  for  the  problems  and  duties  of 
life.     Some  of  the  low  averages  do  not  even  reveal  the  worst 

1  Op.  cit.,  pp.  xix-xxi. 


SOME   SOCIAL   ASPECTS   OF   EDUCATION 


231 


conditions,  because  the  cities  raise  the  average  for  a  state,  the 
school  year  in  the  rural  districts  being  usually  shorter  than  in 
the  cities. 

2.  Illiteracy. 

The  test  of  our  educational  system  depends  primarily  upon  the 
degree  of  education  actually  imparted,  not  upon  the  proportion 
of  children  attending  school  nor  upon  the  average  number  of 
days  attended.  A  considerable  group  of  children  evade  our 
schools  entirely  and  remain  illiterate.  They  indicate  the  extent 
to  which  American  public  opinion  fails  to  support  the  minimum 
standard.  The  success  and  failure  in  meeting  this  low  ideal  are 
best  measured  by  the  actual  illiteracy  among  our  native  white 
population  over  10  years  of  age.  Many  adult  foreigners  are 
illiterate,  and  they  should  of  course  be  excluded  from  our  com- 
putation. So  with  the  negro.  In  the  following  table  are  pre- 
sented rates  of  illiteracy  for  persons  10  years  of  age  and  over, 
for  children  10  to  14,  and  for  urban  and  rural  districts.1 


Class  of  Population 

Persons  io  Years  of  Age 
and  over.     Percent- 
age Illiterate 

Children  10-14. 
Percentage 
Illiterate 

Percentage  of 

Persons  10 
Years  of  Age 
and  over  Illit- 
erate, 1910 

1910 

1900 

1890 

1910 

1900 

Urban 

Rural 

7-7 

10.7 

13-3 

4.1 

7-i 

5-i 

IO.I 

White 

5-o 

6.2 

7-7 

1.8 

3-5 

4.2 

5.* 

Native     white    of 

native  parents 

3-° 

5-7 

7-5 

2.2 

4.4 

0.9 

54 

Native    white    of 

foreign  parents 

1.1 

1.6 

2.2 

0.6 

0.9 

0.7 

1.9 

Foreign  born    .     . 

12.7 

12.9 

131 

3-5 

5-6 

12.6 

13.2 

3°-4 

44-5 

57-i 

18.9 

30.1 

17.6 

36.1 

Illiteracy  is  being  gradually  reduced,  every  class  of  the  popu- 
lation participating  in  this  gain;  yet  5,516,163  illiterates  were 
enumerated  in  1910  in  the  United  States.  More  than  3,000,000 
were  whites,  of  which  slightly  more  than  half  were  of  foreign 
birth.     Native  whites  of  foreign  or  mixed  parentage  yielded  the 

1  Abstract  of  the  Thirteenth  Census  of  the  United  States,  pp.  239  ff. 


232  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

lowest  percentage  of  illiteracy  in  both  age  groups  as  represented 
above,  and  in  urban  and  rural  districts  as  well.  This  superiority 
of  the  native  born  of  foreign  extraction  is  largely  apparent,  being 
due  to  their  location  in  cities  and  states  where  compulsory  edu- 
cation laws  are  in  force.  Many  persons  of  native  parentage 
live  in  localities  not  reached  by  such  laws.  In  the  cities  the 
difference  in  the  proportions  between  persons  of  native  extrac- 
tion and  those  of  native  birth  but  foreign  parentage  is  reduced 
to  two-tenths  of  one  per  cent.  In  the  rural  districts  the  dif- 
ferences are  greater,  due  in  part  to  the  absence  of  educational 
opportunities  in  the  South,  and  to  the  poverty  of  certain  parts 
of  the  section  where  the  population  is  almost  exclusively  of  na- 
tive extraction. 

A  comparison  of  the  proportion  of  illiterate  males  2 1  years  of 
age  and  over  in  the  50  cities  having  100,000  inhabitants  or  more 
in  1910  shows  that  in  28  the  native  whites  of  native  parents  had 
a  lower  percentage  of  illiteracy  than  did  those  of  foreign  parent- 
age ;  in  1 5  the  rate  is  lower  for  the  latter ;  and  in  7  the  propor- 
tions are  equal.  In  most  cases  the  differences  were  very  slight. 
The  figures  indicate  that  local  conditions  rather  than  race  or 
nationality  are  principally  responsible  for  these  differences. 

Five  per  cent  of  the  white  population  10  years  of  age  and  over 
are  illiterate.  The  rate  in  rural  districts  for  whites  is  slightly 
higher  than  in  cities,  but  the  census  enumeration  shows  that  the 
rate  for  native  whites  in  the  cities  is  only  one-sixth  as  high  as  it 
is  in  the  rural  districts.  The  high  percentage  of  illiteracy  among 
the  foreign  born  tends  to  equalize  the  rates  between  country  and 
town.  Among  the  negroes,  however,  rates  are  very  high  in  the 
country,  due  largely  to  the  absence  of  schools  and  of  compulsory 
attendance.  The  comparatively  high  rate  for  the  native  whites 
in  rural  districts  is  caused  principally  by  heavy  illiteracy  among 
the  mountain  people  of  the  Southern  states,  where  from  15  to 
19  per  cent  of  the  rural  population  are  illiterate.  In  the  Central 
West  the  rates  are  approximately  3  per  cent,  and  in  a  number  of 
states  the  illiteracy  of  native  whites  of  native  parentage  10  years 
of  age  and  over  is  less  than  one-half  of  1  per  cent,  but  in  Louisi- 
ana and  New  Mexico  it  rises  to  15  per  cent.     Taking  all  classes 


SOME   SOCIAL   ASPECTS   OF   EDUCATION  233 

of  the  population,  the  smallest  percentage  of  illiteracy  is  found 
in  the  following  states  :  Iowa,  Nebraska,  and  Oregon.  In  these 
states  it  is  less  than  2  per  cent. 

The  very  low  rates  of  illiteracy  among  children  10  to  14  years 
of  age  in  the  East  and  North  indicate  that  good  laws  can  almost 
eliminate  illiteracy.  The  rather  high  rates  for  the  United  States 
as  a  whole  depend  upon  three  groups  of  our  population :  first, 
the  foreign  born,  a  large  proportion  of  whom  are  illiterate  adults 
who  do  not  acquire  an  education  after  arriving  in  the  United 
States;  second,  the  native  whites  of  the  backward  and  moun- 
tainous regions  of  the  South,  where  educational  facilities  are  in- 
adequate and  the  people  are  poor ;  third,  the  negroes,  who  re- 
ceive less  attention  than  do  the  whites  and  who  have  little  oppor- 
tunity for  education  in  many  of  the  states. 

Most  of  the  North  European  countries  excel  the  United  States 
in  the  reduction  of  their  illiteracy.  This  is  especially  true  in 
Germany,  where  the  army  recruits  number  only  11  illiterates 
per  1000  soldiers,  but  in  South  and  East  Europe  an  enormous 
amount  of  illiteracy  prevails.  The  race  composition  of  the 
American  people  makes  comparison  with  foreign  countries  un- 
fair. 

3.  Distribution  of  Children  in  Grades. 

It  is  impossible  to  secure  data  in  regard  to  the  actual  grade 
attainment  of  American  school  children.  Therefore  we  do  not 
know  the  average  degree  of  education  acquired.  Even  though 
our  illiteracy  be  small,  unless  the  literate  can  make  practical  use 
of  their  education,  the  gain  is  not  great.  On  the  following  page 
is  presented  the  estimated  grade  distribution  of  school  children 
in  191 1,  for  the  United  States  and  for  a  number  of  selected  cities.1 

The  estimates  for  the  United  States  as  a  whole  show  a  remark- 
able shrinkage  in  the  proportion  of  children  in  the  higher  grades. 
This  is  due  to  the  larger  number  of  children  in  the  lower  age 
groups,  to  the  elimination  of  children  by  death,  to  retardation, 
and  to  the  gradual  dropping  out  of  school  by  the  older  children. 

1  Report  Commissioner  of  Education,  1012,  Vol.  I,  p.  xv,  also  United  States 
Bureau  of  Education,  Bulletin,  ign,  No.  5.  Age  and  Grade  Census  of  Schools  and 
Colleges.     Percentages  for  cities  computed  from  tables. 


234  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

Estimated  Grade  Distribution  of  School  Children  in  191  i 


Estimate 

Grade 

FOR 

United 

Minne- 
apolis 

St.  Louis 

Toledo 

Spokane 

States 

Per  cent 

Per  cent 

Per  cent 

Per  cent 

Per  cent 

First 

24.9 

17.8 

18.4 

17-5 

18.I 

Second  . 

14.9 

12.8 

16.2 

14.4 

14.0 

Third    . 

14.5 

1 2.4 

15-4 

13-9 

13.2 

Fourth  . 

14.0 

12.9 

15.0 

14-3 

*3-3 

Fifth      . 

11.9 

12.8 

12.3 

13.2 

12.8 

Sixth      . 

8.2 

11.6 

9.4 

11.0 

11.4 

Seventh 

6-3 

10.4 

7-4 

8.8 

9.6 

Eighth  . 

5-3 

8.6 

5-7 

6.7 

7.6 

, 

The  differences  in  the  grade  distribution  among  the  various 
cities  as  shown  above  indicate  that  these  influences  act  with 
varying  intensity  in  the  different  localities.  They  also  indicate 
that,  in  spite  of  the  natural  reduction  in  the  higher  grades 
through  death,  retardation,  and  dropping  out  of  school,  there  are 
other  important  causes  of  these  conditions.  Professor  Thorn- 
dyke  made  the  following  computation  in  regard  to  elimination. 
Out  of  100  children  entering  school, 

90  remain  to  grade  4. 
81  remain  to  grade  5. 
68  remain  to  grade  6. 
54  remain  to  grade  7. 
40  remain  to  grade  8. 
27  remain  to  first  year  high  school. 
17  remain  to  second  year  high  school. 
12  remain  to  third  year  high  school. 
8  remain  to  fourth  year  high  school. 

He  found  the  widest  differences  among  cities,  however. 
According  to  his  computation  47  per  cent  of  the  Boston  school 
children  entered  the  eighth  grade,  and  14.4  per  cent  did  so  in 
Baltimore.1    Ayres  in  his  study  of  58  cities  finds  a  smaller 

1  Thorndyke,  E.,  Elimination  of  Pupils  from  School  (United  States  Bureau  of 
Education,  Bulletin,  1907,  No.  4). 


SOME   SOCIAL  ASPECTS  OF   EDUCATION 


235 


amount  of  elimination,  but  his  percentages  are  computed  from 
a  base  consisting  of  the  average  yearly  memberships  for  children 
7  to  12  years  of  age. 

Strayer  claims  that  there  is  but  little  elimination  during  the 
first  four  grades,  but  a  considerable  amount  afterwards.  Omit- 
ting the  repeaters,  the  percentage  of  boys  in  cities  of  25,000  and 
over  who  enter  the  sixth  grade  is  represented  by  a  median  of 
73  per  cent ;  that  is,  in  one-half  of  the  cities  less  than  this  per- 
centage enter  the  sixth  grade,  while  in  the  remaining  half  the 
percentage  is  larger.  The  figures  for  those  entering  the  seventh 
grade  are  represented  by  a  median  of  55  per  cent,  and  for  the 
eighth  grade  by  42  per  cent.1  If  the  median  and  simple  average 
tend  to  coincide,  then  Thorndyke  and  Strayer  show  very  similar 
results. 

The  study  of  a  ten-year  period  in  Cleveland  indicates  that 
48.23  per  cent  of  the  children  enrolled  in  the  first  grade  reached 
the  sixth,  36.29  per  cent  reached  the  seventh,  and  25  per  cent 
the  eighth.2  The  results  show  a  higher  proportion  of  elimina- 
tion than  that  given  in  the  foregoing  figures. 

During  the  federal  investigation  of  woman  and  child  labor  in 
1 907-1908  a  study  was  made  of  the  retardation  and  elimination  of 
school  children  in  six  selected  cities.  In  the  following  table  is 
given  the  percentage  of  children  leaving  school  before  reaching 
the  fifth  grade  in  the  five  cities  for  which  these  specific  facts  were 
obtained,  also  the  percentage  of  the  total  enrollment  who  gradu- 
ated from  the  grammar  school.3 


Cities 

Per  Cent  enter- 
ing Fifth  Grade 

Percentage  of 

the  Enrollment 

Graduated 

Pawtucket,  R.I 

Columbus,  Ga 

Columbia,  S.C 

Plymouth,  Pennsylvania 

Hazleton,  Pennsylvania 

54-2 
74.1 
72.8 
7°-3 
57-S 

3-1 
5-3 
4-3 
1.6 

5-8 

'Strayer,  G.  D.,  Age  and  Grade  Census  of  Schools  and  Colleges  (United  States 
Bureau  of  Education,  Bulletin,  ign,  No.  5),  p.  136. 
2  Report  of  Cleveland  Board  of  Education,  igio,  p.  41. 
8  Woman  and  Child  Wage  Earners  in  the  United  States,  Vol.  VII,  pp.  300-302. 


236  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

In  these  cities  less  than  one-half  of  the  children  entered  the  fifth 
grade,  and  many  dropped  out  before  reaching  the  age  of  14. 
Serious  elimination  is  also  indicated  by  the  fact  that  so  small  a 
proportion  of  the  children  enrolled  were  graduated.  Better  en- 
forcement of  attendance  laws  has  no  doubt  reduced  the  elimina- 
tion of  pupils  since  this  investigation  occurred.  In  the  larger 
cities  likewise  the  conditions  are  probably  considerably  better ; 
still  an  enormous  number  of  children  drop  out  of  school  after  the 
fifth  grade.  In  many  cities  the  number  of  eighth-grade  pupils 
equals  about  one-twentieth  of  the  total  enrollment,  thus  indi- 
cating an  enormous  shrinkage  in  the  student  population. 

4.   Retarded  and  Underaged  Children. 

Children  who  are  not  more  than  three  years  behind  their  nor- 
mal grade  are  retarded,  but  are  not  usually  considered  backward. 
Children  who  are  in  advance  of  their  normal  grade,  on  the  other 
hand,  are  not  considered  gifted  unless  they  are  exceptionally 
bright.  In  every  city  we  find  a  considerable  percentage  of  the 
children  varying  from  the  normal  either  favorably  or  unfavor- 
ably. 

Strayer  summarizes  the  extensive  study  of  retardation  made 
by  the  Bureau  of  Education  with  the  table  on  the  following  page, 
which  covers  133  cities  of  25,000  population  and  over  and  186 
cities  of  less  than  25,000  population.1 

These  figures  indicate  that  more  than  one-third  of  the  children 
are  retarded  but  only  about  4  per  cent  are  above  normal  grade. 
More  than  half  of  the  retardation,  however,  is  found  in  the  group 
who  are  not  more  than  one  year  over  age.  Still  retardation  is 
many  times  as  heavy  as  rapid  promotion.  The  percentage  of 
retardation  varies  from  less  than  10  per  cent  in  certain  Massachu- 
setts cities  where  children  begin  school  at  five  or  six,  to  more  than 

1  Age  and  Grade  Census  of  Schools  and  Colleges  (United  States  Bureau  of  Educa- 
tion, Bulletin,  1011,  No.  5),  p.  103.  Normal  Grade  as  used  above  may  be  described 
as  follows :  a  child  of  six  or  seven  should  be  in  the  first  grade,  of  seven  to  eight  in  the 
second,  etc.,  Median  Percentage  signifies  that  in  one-half  of  the  cities  studied  the 
proportions  were  less  than  the  figures  given  and  that  in  the  remaining  half  they  were 
higher ;  for  example,  in  one-half  of  the  cities  of  the  first  group  there  were  less  than 
56  per  cent  of  the  boys  in  the  normal  age  group  and  in  the  remaining  half  there  were 
more  than  this  proportion. 


SOME   SOCIAL  ASPECTS  OF  EDUCATION 


237 


Median  Percentages  for  Normal  Aged,  Overaged,  and 
Underaged  Children 


Normal      .     .     . 

1  year  over  age 

2  years  over  age 

3  years  over  age 

4  years  over  age 
Total  over  age  . 
Total  under  age 


Cities  of  over 
25,000 


Boys 


56 
20 
10 

5 

2 

38 
4 


Girls 


60 

18 

9 

3 

1 

32 
4 


Cities  of  less  than 
25,000 


Boys 


54 
20 
11 

4 
2 

38 

4 


Girls 


58 

18 

8 

3 

1 

36 
5 


60  per  cent  in  some  of  the  Southern  cities.  The  proportion  of 
children  retarded  one  year  shows  wide  differences  which  range 
from  3  to  ^3  Per  cent  for  boys  among  the  smaller  cities ;  those 
retarded  two  years  rise  as  high  as  22  per  cent ;  for  three  years  to 
15  per  cent.  It  is  evident  that  a  great  disparity  of  conditions 
obtains  among  the  American  cities.  Influences  of  great  impor- 
tance are  operating  to  produce  these  results. 

The  amount  of  retardation  is  somewhat  affected  by  the  pro- 
portion of  the  various  race  elements  in  our  population.  An 
intensive  study  of  46,836  children  8  years  of  age  and  over  by  the 
Immigration  Commission  shows  that  36.6  per  cent  of  the  children 
were  retarded,  and  that  the  rates  of  retardation  among  certain 
racial  groups  were  as  follows : r  — 

Native  born 30.3  per  cent 

White        28.1  per  cent 

Negro        66.8  per  cent 

Indian 47-8  per  cent 

Foreign  born 40.4  per  cent 

English  speaking  races 27.3  per  cent 

Non-English  speaking  races      ....  43.4  per  cent 

Among  the  white  children  the  non-English  speaking  races 
show  the  highest  proportion  of  retardation,  the  Polish  Jews 
ranking  first  with  66.9  per  cent,  the  South  Italians  following  with 

1  Report  of  Immigration  Commission,  Vol.  II,  p.  36. 


238  PROBLEMS  OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

63.6  per  cent,  while  the  Swedes  show  the  lowest  percentage,  15.5. 
These  differences  indicate  the  importance  of  ascertaining  the 
causes  of  retardation. 

Another  condition  affecting  the  problem  is  the  percentage  of 
repeaters.1  In  its  effort  to  study  the  causes  of  retardation  the 
federal  government  learned  that  the  proportion  of  repeaters 
among  the  boys  ranged  from  9.8  to  14.5  per  cent ;  among  the 
girls,  from  8.4  to  10.9  per  cent  —  figures  which  correspond 
roughly  to  those  mentioned  by  Strayer.  His  estimate  was  that 
the  number  of  repeaters  in  the  sixth,  seventh,  and  eighth  grades 
would  be  12  per  cent  of  the  total  number  in  the  grade  for  the 
sixth  grade,  10  per  cent  for  the  seventh,  and  8  per  cent  for  the 
eighth.  It  also  appears  that  a  very  large  proportion  of  the  repe- 
titions occurs  among  children  in  the  7  to  8  and  in  the  12  and  13 
year  groups.  The  variation  among  the  grades  is  not  pronounced, 
although  the  fifth  grade  perhaps  contains  more  than  its  propor- 
tional share. 

5.  Causes  of  Retardation  and  Elimination. 

Children  who  are  not  more  than  three  years  behind  normal 
grade  are,  as  has  been  said,  retarded.  The  causes  of  this  retar- 
dation are  somewhat  elusive.  The  most  comprehensive  state- 
ment that  has  yet  been  made  was  presented  by  a  special  com- 
mittee directed  by  the  New  York  City  Board  of  Education  to 
study  the  subject.  This  committee  after  a  careful  study  pre- 
sented a  report  in  which  they  designated  the  following  causes  of 
retardation. 

Irregular  attendance. 

Truancy  due  to  the  lack  of  support  by  the  courts  in  the  enforce- 
ment of  law,  and  to  failure  of  parents  to  cooperate. 

Insufficient  number  of  truant  officers. 

Ignorance  of  the  English  language. 

Late  entrance  to  school. 

Transferrals  to  other  schools. 

Physical  defects. 

Sluggish  mentality. 

xBy  "repeaters"  is  meant  children  who  fail  of  promotion  and  must  repeat  a 
grade. 


SOME   SOCIAL   ASPECTS   OF   EDUCATION 


239 


Oversized  classes. 

Absence  of  teachers. 

Part  time  attendance  at  school. 

Varying  standards  of  rating  pupils. 

Insufficient  teaching. 

Improper  methods  of  promotion. 

This  list  of  causes  can  be  classified  under  four  heads :  a 
majority  of  them  relate  definitely  to  defects  in  the  school  system ; 
a  number  indicate  negligence  by  other  forms  of  public  authority ; 
the  home  is  charged  with  some  responsibility ;  and  some  children 
are  clearly  defective.  With  the  exception  of  some  physical 
defects,  many  of  these  causes  may  be  removed,  although  great 
changes  are  thereby  involved. 

The  federal  government  presents  the  following  table  based  on 
investigations  involving  1042  boys  and  804  girls,  who  were  com- 
pelled to  repeat  their  work  in  the  grades.1 


Percentages 

Boys 

Girls 

Irregular  attendance  or  absence  .     .     . 
Lack  of  ability,  slowness,  dullness,  or 

Lack  of  interest  or  application     .  '  .     . 
Poor  health  and  physical  defects      .     . 

Other       

29.7 

20.0 
24.1 
12.9 

6-3 
7.0 

34-1 

21.2 

16.2 

14.9 

8.2 

5-4 

Some  of  the  causes  named  in  the  above  table  are  merely  pre- 
cipitating causes,  so  the  ultimate  conditions  underlying  retarda- 
tion still  remain  obscure.  However,  the  proportions  given  have 
value.  Irregular  attendance  is  a  compound  consisting  of  dis- 
like of  school,  poor  health,  moving,  and  other  conditions,  and 
accounts  for  nearly  one-third  of  the  repetitions.  It  is  significant 
that  the  proportion  due  to  lack  of  interest  is  higher  among  boys 
than  among  girls,  indicating  that  our  schools  fail  somewhat  in 
making  school  work  appear  practical  to  boys.     One-fifth  of  the 

1  Woman  and  Child  Wage  Earners  in  the  United  States,  Vol.  VII,  p.  281. 


240  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

i 

children  repeating  are  apparently  incapable  of  normal  progress. 
Feeble  mentality,  poor  health,  malnutrition,  and  physical  defects 
are  the  principal  causes  of  these  conditions,  but  their  propor- 
tionate importance  can  only  be  guessed  at.  At  all  events  slow 
progress  appears  to  be  largely  controllable. 

The  reasons  why  children  leave  school  are  closely  related  to 
the  child  labor  problem,  and  the  subject  must  necessarily  receive 
attention  in  a  later  chapter.  At  this  point,  however,  the  chief 
reasons  may  be  briefly  discussed.  The  causes  are  in  part  stated 
by  the  city  of  Cleveland,  which  ascertained  the  facts  for  2032 
children  leaving  school  in  the  year  1909-1910.  The  proportions 
are  as  follows:  55  per  cent  went  to  work;  15  per  cent  were 
suffering  from  illness;  n  per  cent  left  the  city;  5.6  per  cent 
withdrew  because  of  poverty,  and  the  remainder  were  handi- 
capped by  physical  defect  or  were  indifferent  to  school  work. 
The  children  who  went  to  work  were,  however,  not  all  impelled 
to  do  so  by  poverty.  According  to  various  investigations,  about 
one-third  of  the  children  leave  school  because  of  economic  neces- 
sity. The  chief  cause  is  undoubtedly  dislike  for  school  work,  which 
depends  upon  a  complex  of  causes,  including  inefficient  teaching, 
unsatisfactory  curriculum,  and  lack  of  ambition  on  the  part  of 
the  child.     Ill-health  accounts  for  about  one-sixth  of  the  cases. 

6.  Compulsory  Education. 

Although  compulsory  attendance  laws  do  not  solve  the  prob- 
lem of  education  they  are  a  very  important  factor.  Compulsory 
attendance  does  not  secure  compulsory  education ;  compulsory 
education  does  not  secure  compulsory  efficiency.  However,  if 
children  are  required  to  attend  school,  they  gain  the  opportunity 
of  achieving  such  education  as  the  school  actually  affords. 

The  movement  in  favor  of  compulsory  education  laws,  though 
very  young,  has  made  rapid  strides  within  the  last  two  decades. 
A  large  majority  of  the  states  have  such  laws  applying  to  children 
under  14  years  of  age,  but  in  many  cases  the  necessary  annual 
attendance  is  limited  to  12  weeks.  If  children  over  14  remain 
unemployed,  many  states  require  their  school  attendance  until 
the  age  of  16.  The  New  York  law,  for  example,  requires  attend- 
ance for  the  entire  school  year  of  ail  children  under  the  age  of  14, 


SOME   SOCIAL  ASPECTS   OF   EDUCATION  24 1 

and  for  the  entire  school  year  of  all  unemployed  children  between 
14  and  16.  The  South  has  been  tardy  in  the  enactment  of  com- 
pulsory education  laws,  yet  in  several  Southern  states  such  laws 
apply  to  particular  counties  or  cities,  while  others  have  enacted 
state-wide  laws.  In  most  of  them  some  restrictions  have  been 
placed  upon  the  employment  of  illiterate  children.  Since  com- 
pulsory education  is  the  proper  complement  of  child  labor  laws, 
these  restrictions  which  tend  to  keep  children  in  school  should  be 
required  for  the  entire  school  year  of  all  children  who  have  not 
reached  the  working  age  or  are  not  regularly  employed,  unless 
physical  or  mental  defects  interfere.  Provisions  of  this  sort  are 
in  operation  in  about  half  of  the  states. 

Unwise  exemptions  from  the  operation  of  compulsory  attend- 
ance laws  are  frequently  made.  Chief  among  these  is  the  pov- 
erty exemption,  according  to  which  children  too  poor  to  dress 
adequately  may  be  excused  from  attending  school  —  precisely 
the  group  of  children  who  can  least  afford  to  forego  the  advan- 
tages of  an  education.  A  community  is  most  unsocial  indeed 
if  it  fails  to  supply  such  children  with  the  clothes  necessary  for 
appearance  in  school.  Poverty  exemptions  are  frequently  ac- 
companied by  permission  to  engage  in  gainful  work,  and  children 
of  tender  years  are  allowed  to  enter  factories  and  workshops. 
Further  exemptions  are  made  for  children  who  are  diseased  and 
a  source  of  contagion,  for  crippled  or  deformed  or  feeble-minded 
children,  and  for  those  who  live  too  far  away  from  the  school 
buildings  to  attend. 

Compulsory  attendance  laws  should  contain  the  following 
requirements :  — 

(1)  School  attendance  until  a  specified  grade  and  age  have  been 
reached. 

(2)  Attendance  throughout  the  school  year. 

(3)  Compulsory  attendance  of  children  of  working  age  unless 
regularly  employed. 

(4)  An  exception  for  pupils  unable  to  advance  in  the  grades. 

(5)  Such  restrictions  as  will  supplement  the  child  labor  laws. 

(6)  Application  of  the  laws  to  the  entire  state. 

(7)  Machinery  of  enforcement. 


242  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

7.  Truancy. 

Compulsory  education  laws  have  suffered  much  from  non- 
enforcement.  In  the  first  place,  the  number  of  attendance  or 
truancy  officers  has  been  totally  insufficient.  In  the  rural  dis- 
tricts and  small  towns  there  is  often  no  provision  whatsoever 
for  law  enforcement,  and  unless  public  opinion  condemns  the 
practice,  non-attendance  becomes  altogether  too  frequent. 
Again,  truant  officers  are  often  incompetent,  many  times  because 
they  are  not  socially  trained,  while  truancy  is  often  a  mere  symp- 
tom of  family  maladjustments  and  cannot  be  cured  by  police 
activity.  In  such  cases  constructive  work  with  the  family  is 
necessary.  It  is  difficult  to  prevent  temporary  absences  from 
school,  especially  if  regular  attendance  does  not  constitute  tru- 
ancy as  defined  by  the  school  authorities.  More  officials,  more 
efficiency,  and  better  attention  to  irregular  attendance  would 
greatly  lessen  truancy. 

The  greatest  proportion  of  truancy  among  boys  occurs  in 
the  thirteenth  year  and  among  girls  in  the  twelfth  year.  Fig- 
ures from  Chicago  show  that  more  truants  come  from  the  fourth 
grade  than  from  any  other  grade,  also  that  the  smallest  percent- 
age of  truancy  occurs  in  the  grades  offering  manual  training.  A 
limited  study  of  the  causes  of  truancy  in  New  York  City  specially 
emphasized  the  following : *  — 

Gang  influences. 

Moving  picture  shows. 

Indifferent,  ignorant,  and  depraved  parents. 

Mercenary  parents. 

Insufficient  guardianship. 

Faulty  teaching  or  methods  of  discipline. 

Backwardness. 

Lack  of  interest  because  of  unjustified  retardation. 

Physical  weakness. 

Oversize. 

Opportunities  for  employment. 

1  Report  of  the  City  Superintendent  of  Schools  to  the  Board  of  Education  of  New 
York  City,  1912,  p.  245  ff. 


SOME   SOCIAL   ASPECTS   OF   EDUCATION  243 

Most  of  these  causes  are  of  such  a  nature  that  improvement  of 
home  or  school  conditions  would  remove  them. 

Irregular  attendance  differs  somewhat  from  truancy,  especially 
in  regard  to  causes.  In  Chicago  it  has  been  discovered  that  over 
one-third  is  due  to  illness,  more  than  one-sixth  to  request  of 
parents,  one-seventh  is  caused  by  indifference  and  truancy, 
while  the  remainder  is  due  to  various  causes.  About  four-fifths 
of  the  temporary  absences  are  excusable.  Irregular  attendance 
is,  next  to  incapacity,  the  greatest  cause  of  non-promotion  in 
the  grades,  and  therefore  constitutes  a  serious  social  problem. 


CHAPTER  IV 
INDUSTRIAL  EDUCATION 

i.  The  Adaptation  of  Education. 

The  purpose  of  education  should  be  to  fit  the  child  for  life. 
He  must  be  taught  to  adapt  himself  to  the  conditions  of  his 
environment,  to  enjoy  the  higher  pleasures,  and  to  take  his  right- 
ful place  in  society.  It  is  obvious  at  once  that  no  school  can  give 
the  child  a  complete  education,  and  that  this  is  obtained  slowly, 
if  at  all,  through  the  lessons  learned  from  activity  in  the  world 
as  well  as  through  those  taught  in  the  classroom.  The  predomi- 
nant interests  of  society  vary  from  time  to  time,  therefore  the 
most  important  elements  in  education  will  also  vary.  Literary 
education  formerly  received  a  very  proper  emphasis,  and  met 
popular  needs  quite  effectually.  It  is  still  a  most  necessary 
form  of  training  preparatory  to  successful  citizenship,  but  it  is 
now  generally  admitted  that  literary  education  alone  is  inade- 
quate, since  it  does  not  train  the  hand,  although  the  vast  major- 
ity of  all  persons  become  manual  laborers.  Both  brain  and  hand 
should  be  educated,  each  in  proportion  to  the  demands  of  later 
life.  Consequently  certain  forms  of  industrial  education  must 
be  provided  in  order  to  fit  children  for  success  in  later  life. 

The  most  successful  education  not  only  affords  the  proper 
variety  of  training  for  the  child  but  also  sustains  his  interest  un- 
til the  essentials  have  been  gained.  In  an  industrial  era  book 
learning  is  so  plainly  inadequate  that  many  practical-minded 
children  lose  interest  in  their  work  and  drop  out  of  school.  One 
of  two  possible  consequences  may  then  occur;  the  child  may 
become  a  truant  and  eventually  a  delinquent,  or  he  may  enter 
some  gainful  occupation  and  swell  the  ranks  of  child  laborers. 
It  is  of  utmost  importance  for  our  educational  authorities  to 
consider  this  problem  and  to  work  out  a  solution.     If  it  cannot 

244 


INDUSTRIAL   EDUCATION  245 

be  done  directly  through  the  public  schools,  private  philanthropy 
must  be  called  on  for  assistance. 

2.  The  Untrained  Child  in  Industry. 

Thousands  of  children  enter  industry  without  having  obtained 
any  industrial  education,  sometimes  without  even  finishing  their 
primary  education.  No  children  who  drop  out  of  school  at  the 
end  of  the  fifth  or  sixth  grades  can  hope  to  have  acquired  direct 
training  for  any  occupation  which  they  may  enter ;  the  seventh 
and  eighth  grade  children  may  acquire  a  little  manual  dexterity. 
The  consequence  of  the  early  exodus  from  school  is  an  army  of 
untrained  workers  who  usually  enter  the  first  available  occupa- 
tion. This  is  almost  uniformly  some  undesirable  trade  that 
affords  but  little  compensation.  It  has  been  estimated  that 
about  90  per  cent  of  the  working  children  enter  unskilled  oc- 
cupations ;  about  7  per  cent  skilled  occupations  of  a  low  grade ; 
perhaps  3  per  cent  enter  high  grade  occupations  which  promise 
a  future.  About  3  per  cent,  then,  of  the  working  children  begin 
at  once  to  prepare  for  a  trade,  but  it  frequently  happens  that  in- 
stead of  being  taught  a  trade,  the  child  apprentice  is  merely 
used  as  a  handy  boy,  and  learns  his  trade,  if  at  all,  by  absorp- 
tion. No  special  effort  is  made  to  instruct  him,  and  unless  he  is 
ambitious  and  aggressive,  he  will  be  retarded  in  his  efforts  to 
acquire  definite  trade  knowledge.    . 

The  great  majority  of  children  who  leave  the  public  school  for 
gainful  occupations  necessarily  lack  in  stability  of  mind  and 
persistence  in  work.  They,  therefore,  have  no  definite  aims, 
have  no  particular  trade  in  view,  are  willing  to  experiment  with 
many  forms  of  occupation,  and,  being  without  proper  guidance, 
are  not  taught  the  needs  of  earnest  concentration  of  energy. 
As  a  result,  they  quickly  drift  from  one  occupation  to  another, 
and  since  these  occupations  are  usually  very  different,  the  experi- 
ence of  the  child  has  no  cumulative  value. 

Our  system  of  child  care  which  allows  children  who  are  almost 
illiterate  to  leave  the  schools  and  to  enter  industry  is  sadly  at 
fault.  A  compulsory  education  law  which  applies  only  to  per- 
sons below  a  certain  age  is  better  than  no  law  at  all,  but  at  the 
same  time  it  establishes  artificial  and  illogical  boundary  lines. 


246  PROBLEMS   OF  CHILD   WELFARE 

If  at  14  the  boy  is  not  prepared  for  life,  but  is  mentally  and  physi- 
cally capable  of  adequate  preparation,  the  state  is  not  justified 
in  allowing  him  to  waste  several  years  of  time  in  unskilled  occu- 
pations, but  should  insist  on  his  continuing  in  school  until  he 
has  acquired  the  necessary  preparation.  The  fixing  of  arbitrary 
ages  for  compulsory  education  overlooks  the  entire  problem  of 
industrial  efficiency,  and  emphasizes  time  instead  of  accomplish- 
ment. Child  labor  laws  should  so  supplement  our  educational 
requirements  as  to  prevent  the  employment  of  all  children  not 
properly  trained  in  the  schools. 

3.  Vocational  Guidance. 

In  an  effort  to  meet  the  problem  of  the  untrained  child,  a 
Vocation  Bureau  was  established  in  Boston  in  1908  for  the  pur- 
pose of  developing  a  form  of  work  which  has  been  called  voca- 
tional guidance.     The  aims  of  this  bureau  are  as  follows : x  — 

To  study  the  waste  attending  the  passing  of  untrained  children 
into  industry. 

To  assist  in  the  choice  of,  and  preparation  for,  a  life  work. 

To  develop  a  plan  of  cooperation  between  schools  and  occu- 
pations. 

To  publish  material  relating  to  the  requirements  and  possi- 
bilities of  various  occupations. 

To  train  individuals  for  vocational  guidance  service. 

To  act  as  a  bureau  of  information. 

One  of  the  most  important  of  the  bureau's  activities  has  been 
the  publication  of  short  pamphlets  on  particular  occupations 
such  as  those  of  the  machinist,  the  baker,  the  grocer,  etc.  A 
typical  pamphlet  deals  with  the  divisions  of  a  trade,  its  handi- 
caps, its  possibilities,  the  compensation  paid,  the  opportunities 
in  the  trade,  the  conditions  of  apprenticeship,  and  related  ques- 
tions that  make  it  possible  to  decide  more  wisely  in  the  choice 
of  an  occupation.  Although  the  bureau  publishes  information 
relating  to  different  occupations  and  gives  advice  to  inquirers, 
it  is  not  an  employment  bureau  and  does  not  try  to  place  children 
in  specific  occupations.  This  limitation  on  its  work  is  probably 
wise,  since  finding  jobs  for  children  would  only  slightly  improve 
1  Record  of  the  Vocation  Bureau  of  Boston,  1013,  p.  3. 


INDUSTRIAL   EDUCATION  247 

the  present  maladjustments  in  industry,  while  the  larger  prob- 
lems to  be  faced  might  be  forgotten. 

Through  the  efforts  of  the  bureau  the  Boston  public  schools 
have  introduced  a  plan  of  vocational  guidance,  and  in  1913  a 
department  was  established  to  carry  on  this  work.  In  1910  the 
school  authorities  appointed  a  considerable  number  of  teachers 
to  act  as  vocational  counselors,  whose  chief  duties  consisted  of 
serving  as  bureaus  of  information  and  advice,  of  conferring  with 
employers,  and  of  discussing  the  vocational  problems  of  the  chil- 
dren. The  completed  plan  is  to  put  the  work  on  a  systematic 
basis,  in  order  that  the  practical  interest  of  the  school  children 
can  be  thoroughly  aroused.  Boston  has  proceeded  farther  with 
this  form  of  work  than  any  other  city. 

New  York,  after  a  short  study  of  vocational  guidance  by  its 
board  of  education,  decided  against  the  establishment  of  a 
vocation  bureau,  on  the  ground  that  practically  all  occupations 
that  could  be  entered  by  children  under  16  were  undesirable. 
This  conclusion,  however,  seems  to  have  been  based  on  the  sup- 
position that  the  functions  of  such  a  bureau  were  those  of  an 
employment  agency  rather  than  those  of  a  department  created 
to  give  advice  and  awake  interest  in  the  need  of  industrial 
training.  Vocational  guidance  has  definite  limitations :  it  has 
but  little  value  as  an  employment  bureau,  and  its  chief  service 
consists  in  the  knowledge  of  different  trades  which  it  brings  to 
light  and  in  the  advice  which  it  gives  to  children  and  to  parents, 
as  well  as  in  its  capacity  for  promoting  industrial  education. 

4.  Preparation  for  Industrial  Training. 

a.  Manual  Training. 

If  the  child  can  be  provided  with  purposeful  manual  training, 
his  real  inclinations  will  probably  be  aroused.  Although  manual 
training  is  gradually  filtering  down  through  the  grades  and 
reaching  the  younger  children,  it  has  not  been  sufficiently  di- 
rected toward  immediately  useful  ends.  Gradually  the  purpose 
of  manual  training  is  being  diverted  from  that  of  making  the 
hands  skillful  to  that  of  training  them  for  skill  in  the  making  of 
something  useful.  Manual  training  should  be  organized  from 
a  vocational  point  of  view,  so  that  it  may  bear  directly  on  the 


248         PROBLEMS  OF  CHILD  WELFARE 

industrial  efficiency  of  children.  Shop  work  for  all  boys  12 
years  of  age  or  over,  and  the  practical  use  of  tools  employed  in 
woodworking  and  metal  working  are  necessary  to  reach  the 
great  majority  of  boys.  In  a  similar  way  cooking,  sewing,  and 
household  economy  should  be  taught  all  girls  in  the  seventh 
and  eighth  grades.  So  many  children  leave  school  at  the  end 
of  the  fifth  grade  that  a  large  number  of  girls  would  still  escape 
the  needed  courses  in  domestic  science.  Literary  instruction, 
however,  cannot  be  displaced,  and  the  adaptation  to  our  new 
needs  must  not  be  at  the  expense  of  the  social  and  cultural  in- 
terests so  necessary  to  successful  citizenship.  The  introduction 
of  useful  manual  training  in  the  seventh  and  eighth  grades  is 
proceeding  rapidly  among  the  schools  in  our  larger  cities,  and 
the  reorganization  of  the  work  will  prove  of  immense  value  to 
our  prospective  working  population.  In  19 10,  41  of  the  50  prin- 
cipal cities  in  the  United  States  provided  some  form  of  manual 
training,  21  of  them  carrying  the  work  from  the  first  grade 
throughout  the  elementary  school  years.1  In  all  of  the  41 
cities  sewing  was  taught  in  some  grade  and  in  32  cooking  also 
received  some  attention. 

b.  P re-vocational  Schools. 

In  order  to  reach  a  certain  class  of  children  the  need  of  intro- 
ducing an  intensified  form  of  manual  training  is  being  recog- 
nized. The  Boston  pre-vocational  center  represents  an  effort 
to  meet  this  need.  The  purpose  of  such  a  center  is  to  influence 
boys  to  remain  in  school  until  they  are  14 ;  to  enable  them  to 
graduate  earlier  than  they  otherwise  would ;  to  develop  a  desire 
for  industrial  education ;  and  to  give  some  definite  training  to 
boys  who  actually  enter  industry  at  14.  Boston  has  established 
a  number  of  these  centers,  in  each  of  which  a  little  more  than 
one-half  of  the  day  is  devoted  to  academic  work,  while  the 
remainder  of  the  time  is  occupied  with  shop  work  of  a  practical 
nature. 

The  elementary  industrial  school  opened  by  the  city  of  Cleve- 
land in  1908  is  of  a  similar  nature.  At  first  it  was  used  espe- 
cially for  the  duller  pupils,  but  later  others  applied.     A  two-year 

j1  Report  of  Cleveland  Board  of  Education,  1910,  p.  38. 


INDUSTRIAL  EDUCATION  249 

course  is  provided,  and  the  boys  and  girls  are  taught  separately. 
Here  again  one-half  of  the  time  is  devoted  to  the  academic 
department  and  the  other  half  to  industrial  work  or  domestic 
science,  and  gymnasium  practice.  The  boys  do  not  learn  a  trade, 
but  are  given  excellent  elementary  instruction  in  woodwork- 
ing, pattern-making,  and  the  like.  In  Chicago  the  industrial 
classes  for  truants  have  been  operating  on  the  same  principle, 
while  in  other  cities  plans  for  the  establishment  of  pre-vocational 
work  have  been  adopted. 

5.  Forms  of  Industrial  Training. 

a.  Apprenticeship  Schools. 

Formerly  the  method  of  training  consisted  of  apprenticeship 
work,  but  recently  the  system  has  suffered  a  serious  decline, 
the  reason  therefor  having  been  stated  by  the  federal  Bureau  of 
Labor  as  follows  : 1 

(1)  The  decline  of  personal  relations  between  master  and 
apprentice. 

(2)  The  extensive  use  of  machinery  and  the  subdivision  of 
labor. 

(3)  The  disinclination  of  employers  to  use  apprentices. 

(4)  The  unwillingness  of  journeymen  to  instruct  apprentices. 

(5)  The  unwillingness  of  boys  to  become  apprentices. 
Manufacturers   have   been   loath   to   grant   apprentices   the 

broad  training  necessary  for  their  permanent  welfare.  The 
speed  required  in  modern  industry  and  the  extreme  sub- 
division of  labor  have  prompted  the  employer  to  attempt  to 
limit  the  work  of  apprentices  to  some  particular  occupation 
in  order  that  they  may  speedily  acquire  skill  therein.  This 
unsocial  attitude  is  opposed  by  both  the  apprentice  and  the 
labor  unions.  The  latter  demand  an  extensive  training  of 
apprentices,  and  also  frequently  insist  upon  a  limitation  of  their 
numbers.  Another  objection  to  the  present  method  of  employ- 
ing apprentices  is  based  on  the  practice  of  using  them  in  the 
more  unskilled  forms  of  labor  at  lower  rates  of  compensation 
than  those  paid  to  journeymen.     They  can  be  supervised  by  a 

1  Charities  and  Commons,  Vol.  XIX,  p.  814.  Quoted  in  article  by  Ralph  Al- 
bertson. 


250  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

competent  journeyman,  will  do  fairly  satisfactory  work,  and 
will  lessen  the  cost  of  production  for  the  employer. 

The  decline  of  the  apprenticeship  system  is  based  largely 
on  the  conditions  existing  in  unregulated  industries  and  cannot 
be  considered  as  permanent.  In  recent  years  many  industrial 
establishments  have  again  created  a  system  of  apprenticeships, 
frequently  with  very  good  effects,  especially  where  the  train- 
ing has  been  conducted  wisely  and  for  the  benefit  of  appren- 
tices. The  system  has  inherent  qualities  of  strength  which 
cannot  be  supplied  by  industrial  schools  and  is  therefore  likely 
to  reestablish  itself  at  least  in  part  and  in  those  industries  where 
a  broad  training  is  of  advantage  to  both  employer  and  employee. 
The  development  of  continuation  schools  and  of  protective  child 
labor  legislation  also  tends  to  make  the  apprenticeship  system 
more  feasible  under  a  regime  of  machine  industry  than  has 
been  supposed. 

The  rejuvenated  apprenticeship  system  has  in  many  instances 
been  made  a  part  of  a  plan  of  instruction  through  apprentice- 
ship schools.  A  number  of  the  large  railroad  corporations  have 
established  special  schools  for  the  training  of  their  apprentices 
in  practical  work  as  well  as  in  such  branches  as  mathematics, 
mechanical  drawing,  and  elementary  physics.1  At  the  comple- 
tion of  the  apprenticeship  time  the  boys  are  usually  given  a 
small  bonus  and  their  tools.  Meanwhile  they  have  been 
receiving  a  regular  rate  of  pay  which  is  usually  advanced  every 
six  months,  no  deduction  being  made  for  the  time  spent  in  school, 
which  is  usually  about  two  days  per  week.  Apprenticeship 
schools  are  also  gaining  in  favor  among  manufacturing  concerns 
which  are  devoting  special  attention  to  the  training  of  machin- 
ists. The  plan  of  indenture  is  similar  to  that  adopted  by  the 
railroad  corporations,  but  the  curriculum  covered  for  machin- 
ists is  very  comprehensive  and,  if  completed,  trains  boys  for 
very  successful  technical  work.  In  191 2  nearly  4000  per- 
sons attended  the  schools  maintained  by  these  two  groups  of 
industries. 

1  Senate  Document,  62a  Congress,  2d  Session,  No.  936.    Industrial  Education, 
PP-  57-58. 


INDUSTRIAL  EDUCATION  251 

b.  Continuation  Schools. 

A  very  practical  form  of  industrial  education  is  that  afforded 
by  the  continuation  school.  Such  schools  have  been  popular 
in  Germany,  but  have  only  recently  been  introduced  into  the 
United  States.  In  a  typical  continuation  school  the  pupils 
receive  instruction  for  only  a  few  hours  each  week,  the  remainder 
of  the  time  being  spent  in  actual  work  in  some  industrial  estab- 
lishment. The  aim  of  the  school  is  to  coordinate  the  training 
received  in  the  shop  with  theoretical  subject  matter,  a  knowl- 
edge of  which  is  necessary  for  the  development  of  efficient 
workmen.  These  schools  usually  operate  during  the  daytime, 
and  the  pupils  attend  without  deduction  of  pay.  The  actual 
shop  work  under  the  direction  of  foremen  and  shop  managers 
serves  as  most  valuable  laboratory  work  which  carries  with  it 
nothing  artificial  in  character. 

The  Boston  continuation  school  established  and  maintained 
by  the  school  authorities  is  an  example  of  this  new  develop- 
ment. Qualified  persons  from  14  to  18  years  of  age  are  admitted, 
and  are  instructed  in  classes  that  meet  twice  a  week  for  two 
hours  at  each  meeting,  the  term  lasting  for  thirty  weeks.  The 
students  are,  without  exception,  regularly  employed  at  paid 
work  in  a  wide  range  of  trades  and  occupations.  Among  the 
subjects  taught  in  the  school  are  the  following:  banking;  the 
dry-goods,  shoe  and  leather,  and  clothing  industries ;  business 
organization  ;  salesmanship  of  various  kinds ;  cooking ;  sewing ; 
household  arts ;  and  English  for  non-English  speaking  students. 

Another  good  illustration  of  such  schools  is  the  Cincinnati 
continuation  school,  established  for  the  purpose  of  giving  boys 
who  were  employed  by  the  members  of  the  Metal  Trades  Asso- 
ciation an  opportunity  to  supplement  their  shop  work  with 
class  instruction.  The  school  is  maintained  by  the  board  of 
education  and  accepts  apprentices  16  years  of  age  or  over.  It 
enrolls  about  250  apprentices  and  has  a  considerable  waiting 
list  because  of  the  recognized  value  of  the  training. 

The  Ranken  Trade  School  of  St.  Louis,  in  addition  to  its 
regular  courses  of  instruction,  provides  part-time  work  for 
employees  of  certain  industrial  establishments  with  which  it 


252  PROBLEMS  OF   CHILD  WELFARE 

has  an  agreement  that  in  case  of  strikes,  pupils  shall  not  be  used 
to  fill  the  places  of  strikers.  Other  continuation  schools  have 
recently  been  established,  some  under  philanthropic  agencies, 
others  under  public  auspices. 

c.  Trade  Schools. 

The  pre-vocational  or  intermediate  industrial  schools  should 
give  children  an  opportunity  to  test  their  inclinations  and  capac- 
ities. The  door  of  the  trade  school  should  then  be  open  if 
this  will  best  meet  the  needs  of  the  children.  Several  principles 
must  be  observed  in  the  organization  of  trade  schools.1 

Pupils  should  enter  the  school  with  the  definite  purpose  of 
learning  some  trade  which  they  expect  to  make  their  life-work. 

The  curriculum  must  practically  exclude  the  liberal  arts 
courses,  although  mathematics,  science,  and  economics  should 
be  included. 

The  methods  of  teaching  must  conform  largely  to  the  labora- 
tory plan.  Classes  must  be  small  and  individual  instruction 
be  afforded. 

Hours  in  trade  schools  must  be  made  to  approximate  those  in 
workshops. 

There  is  a  great  need  for  trade  schools,  although  at  the  present 
time  a  large  number  of  industrial  operations  do  not  require 
skilled  tradesmen.  The  widespread  trade  training  of  our  youth 
will  be  of  the  most  value  only  as  occupations  become  skilled  — 
that  is,  become  trades  —  or  as  each  unskilled  occupation  is 
made  to  stand  in  some  apprenticeship  relation  to  a  trade. 

Apart  from  technical  schools  for  advanced  students,  many 
trade  schools  have  been  established  in  recent  years.  Typical 
private  schools  of  this  class  are  the  New  York  Trade  School, 
the  Williamson  Free  Trade  School  in  Pennsylvania,  and  the 
Wilmerding  School  of  Industrial  Arts  in  San  Francisco.  The 
public  trade  schools  of  Boston,  Milwaukee,  and  New  York  City 
typify  the  schools  operated  by  boards  of  education.  These 
schools  vary  in  the  length  of  their  course  and  in  the  amount 
of  training  afforded.  In  some  schools  the  courses  are  less  than 
one  year  in  length,  in  others  they  cover  two  or  three  years. 

1  Op  cit.,  pp.  67-72. 


INDUSTRIAL  EDUCATION  253 

The  New  York  Trade  School  provides  a  short  term  training, 
and  teaches  such  branches  as  plumbing,  carpentry,  electrical 
work,  bricklaying,  sign-painting,  house  and  fresco  painting, 
sheet-metal  and  cornice  work,  plastering,  steam  and  hot  water 
fitting,  blacksmithing,  printing,  and  drawing.  The  William- 
son School,  as  an  example  of  the  type  with  a  longer  curriculum, 
covers  such  trades  as  carpentry,  bricklaying  —  including 
range,  furnace,  and  boiler  setting  —  pattern  and  cabinet  mak- 
ing, machine  trade  with  its  many  details,  steam  and  electrical 
engineering,  steam-fitting,  etc.  Each  pupil  is  required  to  take 
a  preliminary  course  in  wood  carving  and  mechanical  drawing, 
and  a  well-developed  academic  department  supplements  the 
industrial  training  with  courses  in  science  and  literature. 

The  Milwaukee  public  trade  school  furnishes  a  two  years' 
course,  the  trades  taught  being  pattern  making,  tool  making, 
carpentry,  woodworking,  plumbing,  gas  fitting,  and  the  machin- 
ist's trade.  On  the  other  hand,  the  public  trade  school  in 
Philadelphia  offers  a  three  years'  course  with  some  additional 
lines  of  work.  A  number  of  trade  schools  operate  three  separate 
departments, — a  day  school,  an  evening  school,  and  a  coopera- 
tive or  continuation  school. 

Evening  trade  schools  have  met  with  less  resistance  than 
have  the  day  schools,  and  have  in  numerous  cases  been  estab- 
lished by  boards  of  education.  The  trade  training  offered, 
however,  usually  represents  only  one  phase  of  the  work  done 
in  the  public  evening  schools.  Young  workers  are  frequently 
compelled  to  work  during  the  day  and  have  little  time  for 
study  except  at  night.  The  evening  trade  schools  therefore 
minister  to  this  particular  need  best,  although  it  is  usually  a 
considerable  hardship  to  work  during  the  day  and  study  in  the 
evening,  especially  for  growing  children.  For  all  children 
under  16  or  17  years  of  age  day  instruction  should  be  made 
compulsory  on  the  part-time  plan,  but  for  the  older  people  the 
evening  school  may  very  properly  be  supplied. 

Hundreds  of  commercial  schools  have  arisen  to  teach  boys  and 
girls  some  particular  trade  or  occupation,  such  as  stenography, 
typewriting,  bookkeeping,  j  plumbing,   sewing    and    millinery. 


254  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

These  institutions  frequently  have  no  minimum  entrance  re- 
quirements, and  many  of  their  graduates  are  therefore  very 
poorly  equipped  for  their  work.  Usually  the  course  of  instruc- 
tion is  too  short,  and  the  required  literary  training  too  inade- 
quate. Schools  operated  for  profit  cannot  have  the  best  ideals 
and  should  be  displaced  by  public  or  private  endowed  schools. 
Education  cannot  be  commercialized,  but  must  be  definitely 
socialized  in  order  to  insure  the  best  variety  of  training  for  all. 

6.  Plans  for  Vocational  Education. 

A  plan  of  vocational  education  which  will  cover  the  needs  of 
modern  industry  is  most  difficult  to  outline,  but  many  experts 
in  this  line  have  given  their  best  thoughts  to  the  problem.  The 
plan  advocated  by  Professor  E.  G.  Cooley  is  most  comprehen- 
sive and  illustrates  the  trend  of  modern  thought.  The  plan  is 
as  follows: 1 — 
Vocational  schools  of  two  types  for  youths  of  14  years  and  over. 

(1)  Schools  for  students  compelled  to  give  most  of  their 

time  to  actual  work. 

(a)  Part-time  schools  supported  by  the  state,  the  children 

being  employed  half  of  the  time  and  in  school  the 
remainder. 

(b)  Continuation  schools  providing  from  6  to  10  hours  of 

instruction  per  week. 

(c)  Continuation  schools  for  persons  over  18  years  of 

age,  providing  training  in  either  day  or  evening 
schools. 

(2)  Schools  for  students  who  are  able  to  give  some  time  to 

training  before  entering  industry,  and  which  pro- 
vide full  time  instruction  in  a  two  years'  course. 

(a)  Elementary  schools  for  those  too  immature  to  become 

apprentices. 

(b)  Vocational  schools  for  children  from  14  to  16. 

(c)  Schools  providing  commercial  courses. 

(d)  Schools  for  home  making. 

(e)  Agricultural  winter  schools. 

1  Report  of  the  Superintendent  of  Schools  to  the  Board  of  Education  of  New  York 
City,  1912,  p.  164  ff. 


INDUSTRIAL  EDUCATION  255 

Cooley's  plan  makes  room  for  both  the  publicly  supported 
and  the  privately  maintained  institution.  At  present  the 
respective  fields  of  public  and  private  enterprise  are  not  defi- 
nitely outlined.  Some  object  to  a  public  system  of  industrial 
education  on  the  ground  that  it  accentuates  class  differences 
and  denotes  an  acceptance  of  undemocratic  principles.  Others 
object  on  the  ground  that  public  education  should  be  preparatory 
for  citizenship  and  should  provide  children  for  a  large  outlook 
on  life  but  must  not  deal  with  such  prosaic  questions  as  making 
a  living.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  urged  that  public  moneys  are 
used  for  the  training  of  professional  men  and  women,  and  in 
order  to  make  education  democratic  the  public  should  also  pro- 
vide industrial  training.  The  American  Federation  of  Labor 
favors  the  establishment  of  schools  in  connection  with  the 
public  school  system  for  the  industrial  training  of  children  from 
14  to  16  years  of  age,  but  opposes  the  narrowly  specialized  train- 
ing sometimes  given  under  private  auspices,  because  of  the 
antagonism  to  the  position  of  organized  labor  often  created 
by  such  training. 

An  extension  of  our  public  provisions  for  industrial  training 
seems  desirable,  but  such  training  should  be  provided  first  for 
such  trades  as  carpentry,  sign  making,  decorating,  and  others 
that  are  pursued  apart  from  large  industrial  establishments. 
The  public  school  cannot  become  a  mere  appendage  of  the  local 
manufacturing  concerns,  but  must  insist  that  these  concerns 
carry  their  part  of  the  burden.  Public  continuation  schools 
are,  no  doubt,  also  in  line  with  correct  public  policy.  Private 
philanthropy,  if  it  proves  fair  to  organized  labor,  should  extend 
its  operations  in  the  field  of  industrial  training. 

7.  History  and  Development  of  Industrial  Education. 

The  first  steps  in  industrial  training  were  taken  by  private 
individuals  who  established  and  endowed  trade  and  technical 
schools.  A  number  of  these  schools,  such  as  the  school  in  Mil- 
waukee, and  the  Manhattan  Trade  School  for  Girls,  have  been 
made  a  part  of  the  system  of  public  instruction.  Many  cities 
have  established  one  or  more  of  the  various  forms  of  industrial 
education,  and  state  laws  are  stimulating  the  work.     In  a  num- 


256  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

ber  of  states,  systems  of  state  aid  to  vocational  education  are 
being  devised.  The  Indiana  law  provides  for  state  aid  for 
training  in  industries,  agriculture,  and  domestic  science  through 
the  establishment  of  continuation,  part-time,  evening,  and  all 
day  schools.  The  plant  and  equipment  must  be  provided  by 
each  local  community,  and  if  the  work  is  approved  by  the  state 
board  of  education,  the  local  authorities  are  reimbursed  to  the 
extent  of  two-thirds  of  the  salaries  of  the  teachers  handling 
vocational  subjects. 

New  York  in  19 10,  and  Massachusetts  in  191 1,  made  provi- 
sion for  state  aid  to  vocational  schools.  According  to  the  New 
York  plan,  the  amount  of  state  aid  will  equal  about  29  per  cent 
of  the  operating  expenses  in  the  larger  cities  and  39  per  cent  in 
rural  communities. 

The  Wisconsin  law  of  191 1  requires  children  between  14  and 
16  who  have  not  graduated  from  the  elementary  schools  but 
have  entered  industry  to  attend  part-time  or  continuation 
schools.  This  law  will  necessitate  the  establishment  of  voca- 
tional schools.  In  Connecticut  several  schools  have  been  estab- 
lished by  the  state  directly,  and  in  other  states  this  method  of 
solving  the  problem  is  being  agitated.  The  friends  of  indus- 
trial education  have  also  attempted  to  secure  federal  legislation. 
Bills  relating  to  vocational  training  have  passed  one  house  of 
Congress,  but  have  never  succeeded  in  passing  both.  On  the 
whole,  public  provision  for  industrial  education  has  made  rapid 
strides  and  the  subject  is  receiving  much  attention. 


CHAPTER   V 
MORAL  AND   SEX   EDUCATION 

The  subject  of  sex  education  is  one  of  fundamental  impor- 
tance and  is  rapidly  pressing  forward  for  consideration.  The 
awful  results  of  sex  irregularity,  about  which  we  are  constantly 
learning,  force  attention  to  the  problem.  The  cry  for  sex  edu- 
cation is  an  outcome  of  the  search  for  preventive  methods,  and 
depends  upon  the  realization  of  the  natural  consequences  of  the 
present  failure  to  cope  successfully  with  the  problem  of  illicit 
sexual  indulgence. 

i.  Causes  of  Sex  Irregularities. 

The  first  step  in  a  program  of  sex  education  is  an  understand- 
ing of  the  causes  of  illicit  sex  relations,  and  the  results  that 
follow.  Without  doubt  ignorance  is  an  important  cause,  and 
many  boys  and  girls  are  contaminated  for  this  reason.  Illus- 
trations continually  occur  of  young  girls  who  were  apparently 
ignorant  of  the  probable  results  of  sex  irregularity  and  who 
become  diseased  or  pregnant  through  their  illicit  relations  with 
men.  In  many  communities  bad  men  and  boys  can  be  found 
who  will  prey  upon  the  ignorance  of  young  girls ;  on  the  other 
hand,  the  immoral  girl  frequently  demoralizes  an  entire  company 
of  boys,  who  are  seduced  largely  through  ignorance.  A  large 
proportion  of  the  school  girls  who  become  pregnant  yield  be- 
cause they  are  ignorant  of  the  probable  consequences  of  their 
missteps.  There  is  something  incongruous  about  an  educational 
system  that  provides  a  girl  with  a  ready  knowledge  of  Latin, 
Geometry,  and  Ancient  History,  and  denies  her  instruction  about 
her  own  physical  possibilities  that  will  protect  her  against  dis- 
honor and  disease. 

It  is  difficult  to  believe  that  very  many  children  are  altogether 
ignorant  of  the  impropriety  of  sex  irregularities,  even  though 
s  257 


258  PROBLEMS  OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

they  may  know  nothing  of  the  consequences.  There  are  but 
few  children  who  have  not  been  taught  the  rudiments  of  modesty, 
consequently  it  is  clear  that  illicit  sex  relations  among  such 
children  must  represent  a  low  standard  of  morals  and  a  false 
sense  of  modesty.  Parents  have  probably  exhibited  low  stand- 
ards of  morals  in  the  presence  of  their  children  and  have  either 
failed  to  teach  higher  standards  or  have  deliberately  allowed 
their  children  to  accept  low  ideals.  In  a  sense,  children  are  not 
responsible  for  their  standards,  and  parents,  not  children,  must 
be  blamed  when  moral  standards  are  low. 

The  absence  of  confidential  relations  between  parents  and 
children  on  sex  matters  often  renders  the  children  helpless  in 
times  of  moral  danger.  Parents  do  not  always  advise  girls  to 
compel  respect  from  boys  and  young  men,  and  girls  shrink  from 
discussing  such  subjects  with  their  mothers;  consequently 
familiarities  are  permitted,  which  later  lead  to  positive  immo- 
rality. With  the  approach  of  puberty  comes  sex  passion,  and 
neither  the  boy  nor  the  girl  fully  understands  its  significance ; 
both  are  prompted  by  curiosity,  and  both  may  become  its 
victims. 

Coupled  with  ignorance  and  low  standards  we  find  weak 
minds  and  weak  wills.  Young  girls  are  frequently  ensnared  by 
men  because  they  do  not  have  sufficient  will  power  to  resist 
evil.  As  will  be  shown  in  the  study  of  juvenile  delinquency, 
a  close  connection  exists  between  low  mentality  and  low  moral- 
ity ;  that  is,  many  girls  do  not  know  how  to  protect  themselves 
or  are  too  weak-willed  to  do  so,  and  thereby  lose  their  virtue. 

It  is  clear  that  many  boys  deliberately  indulge  in  wrong-doing 
and  know  that  they  are  engaging  in  immoral  practices.  They 
have  been  influenced  by  evil  associations  and  have  come  to  con- 
sider illicit  sex  relations  as  an  accepted  form  of  pleasure.  They 
therefore  seduce  young  girls,  especially  those  belonging  to  some 
lower  social  stratum,  who  are  less  resistant  to  boys  or  men  sup- 
posed to  come  from  a  higher  class.  In  addition  the  older  boys 
begin  to  frequent  houses  of  ill-fame. 

The  causes  of  wrong  sex  relations  among  adults  are  practi- 
cally the  causes  of  prostitution,  and  include  lack  of  proper 


MORAL  AND  SEX  EDUCATION  259 

moral  and  ethical  instruction,  low  wages,  double  standards  of 
morals,  immoral  associations,  the  lust  of  men,  greed,  unwhole- 
some amusements,  and  overcrowding. 

2.  Results  of  Illicit  Relations. 

Naturally  it  is  impossible  to  secure  adequate  data  concerning 
the  effects  of  sex  irregularities,  but  many  estimates  have  been 
made.  In  the  first  place  the  statistics  of  our  schools  for  the 
blind  show  that  about  one-third  of  the  blind  children  owe  their 
blindness  to  ophthalmia  neonatorum,  which  is  an  affection 
resulting  from  one  of  the  venereal  diseases.  This  proportion, 
it  should  be  specially  noted,  relates  to  blind  children  and  not 
to  all  blind,  as  the  great  majority  of  the  blind  acquire  their 
blindness  after  they  become  of  age. 

Another  result  of  sex  immorality  is  venereal  disease.  The 
number  of  men  who  have  or  have  had  gonorrhoea  is  almost  un- 
believable, the  estimate  having  been  placed  by  some  physicians 
at  80  per  cent  of  all  unmarried  men  reaching  the  age  of  30.  The 
estimates,  however,  are  based  on  limited  observations  in  the 
large  cities  and  do  not  give  due  weight  to  the  wide  differences 
that  may  exist  between  the  rural  communities  and  the  large 
cities,  nor  between  the  native  and  the  foreign  born  population. 
We  must  have  more  information  and  more  statistics  on  this 
subject  before  we  will  be  able  to  make  any  generalizations  of 
value  about  the  prevalence  of  gonorrhoea.  It  is  very  probable 
that  the  high  estimates  now  made  are  partly  the  result  of  the 
desire  to  arouse  the  people  against  the  dangers  of  immorality 
and  are  therefore  exaggerations. 

Again,  a  large  amount  of  sterility  is  caused  by  gonorrhoea, 
estimates  placing  the  figure  at  about  two-thirds  of  all  sterility. 
Although  in  most  cases  it  is  the  wife  who  is  made  sterile  through 
infection  from  her  husband,  in  a  small  proportion  of  cases  the 
man  loses  his  virility  directly  from  the  action  of  the  disease. 
An  allied  effect  is  the  sterility  of  the  wife  after  the  birth  of  a 
baby  —  a  condition  due  to  the  fact  that  a  pregnancy  frequently 
precedes  the  action  of  the  disease  germ  in  destroying  the  fer- 
tility of  the  woman. 

One  of  the  most  serious  results  of  vice  is  syphilis,  which  infects 


260  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD  WELFARE 

the  blood  and  befouls  the  entire  body.  According  to  some  esti- 
mates as  many  as  18  per  cent  of  the  men  become  afflicted  with 
this  disease,  while  others  place  the  figure  at  not  more  than  5 
per  cent.  The  effects  of  syphilis  on  the  race  however,  regard- 
less of  the  exact  proportion  of  men  afflicted,  are  most  disastrous 
because  of  the  death-dealing  consequences  to  both  women  and 
children.  It  has  been  shown,  for  example,  that  more  than  50 
per  cent  of  the  syphilitic  children  die  in  infancy,  and  that  most 
of  the  remainder  grow  up  weak  and  sickly.  Furthermore,  the 
stigmata  of  the  disease  may  be  transmitted  to  the  third  genera- 
tion. Many  miscarriages  and  abortions  also  result  from 
syphilitic  infection. 

Again,  a  large  proportion  of  all  the  abdominal  operations  on 
women,  especially  married  women,  have  been  made  necessary 
because  of  infection  from  gonorrhoea  or  syphilis.  Likewise,  a 
majority  of  the  deaths  from  inflammatory  diseases  peculiar  to 
women  are  a  result  of  venereal  disease.  That  syphilis  shortens 
life  is  also  indicated  by  the  records  of  life  insurance  companies, 
some  of  which  require  extra  payments  from  syphilitic  persons. 
Furthermore,  the  disease  is  a  frequent  cause  of  general  paralysis, 
locomotor  ataxia,  apoplexy,  insanity,  and  other  ailments. 

Both  gonorrhoea  and  syphilis  are  infectious  and  contagious 
diseases  that  can  be  transmitted  by  means  of  the  discharge  from 
sores  on  the  fingers,  lips,  and  other  parts  of  the  body  and  by 
means  of  contamination  from  kissing,  from  clothing,  pipes, 
towels,  and  other  articles  of  daily  use. 

Finally,  illicit  sex  relations  give  us  the  unmarried  mother  and 
the  illegitimate  child;  and  only  too  often  young  girls  are 
compelled  to  bear  the  burden  of  motherhood.  The  accumula- 
tion of  evidence  indicating  the  terrible  ravages  of  venereal 
disease  and  the  sad  consequences  of  vice  and  ignorance  have 
led  to  the  promotion  of  efforts  to  protect  society  from  these 
evils. 

3.  Measures  of  Prevention. 

a.  Societies  of  Social  Hygiene. 

The  older  organizations  dealing  with  the  problem  of  sexual 
vice  confined  themselves  largely  to  methods  of  attacking  the 


MORAL  AND   SEX  EDUCATION  261 

ft 

so-called  social  evil  or  commercial  prostitution.  In  recent 
years,  however,  the  need  of  education  relating  to  sex  life  has 
been  recognized,  with  the  result  that  a  considerable  number  of 
societies  of  social  or  sex  hygiene  have  been  established.  In 
1912  there  were  at  least  25  state  or  local  societies  of  this  char- 
acter, besides  several  national  organizations  engaged  in  allied 
work.  The  original  object  of  many  of  these  societies  was  simply 
to  lessen  the  spread  of  venereal  disease,  and  they  did  not  con- 
cern themselves  to  any  profound  degree  with  the  question  of 
morals.  This  attitude  was  the  result  of  the  interest  of  the 
physician  in  preventive  medicine,  for  it  was  he  who  first  appre- 
hended the  dangers  of  social  disease  to  civilization,  but  he  failed 
to  see  the  broader  relation  of  lax  morals  to  the  inevitable  con- 
sequences of  immorality.  Gradually,  however,  the  truth  has 
been  driven  home,  and  the  various  societies  have  greatly  ex- 
panded their  functions. 

Societies  of  social  hygiene  now  carry  on  their  work  along 
several  significant  lines  of  work.  Circulars  of  information  are 
distributed  to  men  and  women,  and  in  some  cases  even  to 
children.  The  pamphlets  intended  for  the  older  persons  usually 
point  out  the  dangers  of  sexual  vice,  such  as  the  contracting  of 
venereal  affections,  and  the  contamination  of  wives  and  chil- 
dren, while  the  pamphlets  intended  for  young  women  also  em- 
phasize the  possibilities  of  pregnancy.  Many  circulars  discuss 
sex  physiology  so  as  to  enable  young  persons  to  understand 
themselves  better.  An  effort  has  been  made  to  furnish  circu- 
lars suited  to  young  boys  and  girls,  but  great  caution  has  been 
exercised  in  giving  information  to  children  through  the  printed 
leaflet. 

Lectures  on  social  and  moral  hygiene  form  an  important  part 
of  the  educational  work.  Women  physicians  frequently  address 
assemblages  of  young  women,  while  opportunities  to  address 
groups  of  men  are  very  common.  Many  men  and  women  are 
being  reached  in  this  way,  and  are  told  the  essential  facts  of  sex 
and  social  hygiene.  It  is  believed  that  good  results  are  ob- 
tained by  instructing  parents,  who  in  turn  will  be  able  to  instruct 
their  children. 


262  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

The  use  of  the  drama  to  fight  the  venereal  peril  and  to  develop 
higher  morals  is  comparatively  recent,  but  a  number  of  problem 
plays  have  been  attempted  in  order  to  represent  the  dangers  of 
ignorance  and  vice.  Whether  these  graphic  representations  are 
productive  of  good  is  a  mooted  question. 

b.  Public  Educational  and  Preventive  Work. 

In  a  number  of  states  the  boards  of  health  have  begun  to 
attempt  methods  of  education,  usually  through  the  judicious 
distribution  of  pamphlet  literature.  These  boards  usually 
place  special  stress  on  the  dangers  of  venereal  disease  and  sub- 
ordinate other  considerations.  On  the  other  hand,  the  fallacy 
of  a  system  of  double  morals  and  of  the  theory  of  sex  necessity 
is  taught,  as  well  as  the  need  of  higher  moral  standards.  The 
public  health  authorities  have  in  some  instances  attempted 
to  gain  a  better  control  of  the  spread  of  venereal  disease,  and 
in  at  least  one  state  the  law  provides  for  the  compulsory  report- 
ing of  such  diseases  to  the  board  of  health.  The  extension  of 
this  form  of  legislation  to  all  the  states  would  be  desirable; 
also  an  improved  system  of  control  of  the  venereal  diseases  when 
they  threaten  to  become  a  public  menace. 

A  number  of  states  have  passed  laws  requiring  persons  con- 
templating marriage  to  present  a  physician's  certificate  declar- 
ing their  freedom  from  venereal  diseases.  The  older  laws  have 
not  been  enforced,  while  the  recent  laws  of  Wisconsin  and 
several  other  states  have  not  yet  been  adequately  tested.  The 
efficacy  of  such  laws  remains  a  matter  of  experiment,  and  their 
success  probably  depends  upon  the  development  of  public 
opinion. 

c.  Sex  Education  in  the  Schools. 

It  is  well  known  that  both  boys  and  girls  obtain  information 
and  misinformation  about  sexual  matters  at  a  very  early  age, 
and  frequently  their  minds  are  besmirched  thereby.  It  is  not 
therefore  a  question  of  whether  children  shall  be  instructed  or 
remain  in  ignorance,  but  a  question  of  how  best  to  instruct  them 
so  that  their  attitude  shall  be  reverential  and  the  subject  of  sex 
be  invested  with  the  nobility  which  it  deserves.  Granting  the 
need  of  instruction,  who  shall  be  the  guide  ?     Shall  it  be  the 


MORAL   AND   SEX  EDUCATION  263 

parent,  the  physician,  the  teacher  in  the  schools  or  in  the  Sunday 
schools,  or  some  other  agency  ?  This  question  is  receiving  the 
most  serious  consideration,  but  the  widest  divergence  of  opinion 
still  exists. 

One  point  of  view  has  been  expressed  by  the  American  Feder- 
ation for  Sex  Hygiene  through  one  of  its  special  committees.1 
Because  of  its  importance  the  proposed  plan  of  education  is  sum- 
marized as  follows : 

Sex  instruction  is  regarded  as  a  practical  measure,  its  aim 
being  both  hygienic  and  ethical.  It  must  not  awaken  curiosity, 
and  should  keep  sex  consciousness  and  sex  emotions  at  a  mini- 
mum ;  consequently  the  details  of  human  anatomy  should  be 
avoided  in  the  elementary  schools.  Here  the  basis  of  instruc- 
tion is  nature  study,  in  the  secondary  schools  biology  and  hygiene 
become  the  basis  of  work,  and  all  scientific  instruction  should 
be  supplemented  by  ethical  teaching. 

The  committee  divides  the  life  of  pupils  into  four  periods: 
from  1  to  6 ;  from  6  to  12;  from  12  to  16;  and  from  16  to 
maturity.  Children  in  the  first  age  period  need  chiefly  the  care 
of  the  mother,  but  the  next  group  are  to  receive  lessons  on  repro- 
duction in  plants  and  lower  animal  forms.  The  mind  of  the 
child  is  to  be  prepared  for  reproduction  in  man,  but  the  question 
is  not  discussed,  although  allusions  to  it  are  made.  Children 
between  12  and  16  may  study  reproduction  among  mammals, 
and  finally  apply  the  facts  to  man ;  they  should  learn  the  sig- 
nificance of  sexual  morality,  and  be  made  to  understand  the 
physical  and  psychical  changes  through  which  they  are  passing. 
Children  of  16  and  over  are  to  be  instructed  in  heredity,  the 
relation  of  sexual  morality  to  future  generations,  and  the  dangers 
of  venereal  disease. 

The  committee  does  not  favor  separate  lessons  in  sex  educa- 
tion, but  would  make  the  instruction  a  part  of  courses  in  nature 
study,  biology,  hygiene,  and  ethics.  Instruction  involving  re- 
production among  men  is  to  be  given  in  separate  classes  for 
each  sex  with  a  person  of  that  sex  for  instructor.     The  regular 

1  The  American  Federation  fcr  Sex'Hygiene,  "  The  Matter  and  Methods  of  Sex 
Education. " 


264  PROBLEMS  OF  CHILD   WELFARE 

teachers  rather  than  a  sex  specialist  is  favored,  but  courses  in 
sex  hygiene  are  recommended  for  normal  schools  and  colleges 
so  as  to  train  teachers  along  the  line  of  instructing  the  young. 
It  is  also  recommended  that  sex  instruction  be  given  in  the 
evening  schools  so  as  to  reach  many  children  who  have  dropped 
out  of  the  elementary  grades.  Systematic  lectures  at  public 
expense  are  to  be  given  to  parents,  and  courses  in  sex  instruc- 
tion should  be  organized  by  various  types  of  social  agencies. 
Children  in  the  upper  grades  of  the  elementary  schools  who  are 
over-aged  and  who  have  contracted  injurious  sex  habits  are  in 
need  of  private  instruction,  and  girls  should  be  taught  at  an 
earlier  age  than  boys. 

The  committee  states  finally  that  sex  instruction  should  not 
be  introduced  prematurely,  but  only  so  fast  as  competent  teachers 
can  be  found  and  trained,  and  so  fast  as  public  sentiment  will 
support  it.  The  dangers  attending  sex  instruction  should  not 
be  over-emphasized,  because  the  pernicious  teachings  from  clan- 
destine sources  from  which  so  many  children  now  suffer  cause 
vastly  more  harm  than  would  an  occasional  mistake  in  the 
method  of  treatment  in  the  schools. 

Contrasted  with  the  attitude  of  the  committee,  whose  pro- 
gram has  just  been  outlined,  is  that  of  those  who  oppose  all  sex 
instruction  in  the  schools.  Some  of  this  opposition  is  based 
on  the  theory  that  if  adequate  moral  instruction  is  given,  sex 
education  is  unnecessary.  This  attitude,  however,  utterly 
divorces  health  from  morals  —  a  position  inconsistent  with  the 
modern  theory  of  how  habits  and  morals  are  developed.  There 
is  no  doubt  but  that  the  dangers  attending  sexual  immorality 
must  be  emphasized  as  well  as  the  advantages  of  right  living. 
The  tendency  to  "sow  wild  oats"  must  be  overcome  by  showing 
its  terrible  consequences,  as  well  as  by  moral  teaching. 

Another  argument  against  sex  education  in  the  schools  rests 
on  the  assumption  that  undue  attention  will  be  given  by  chil- 
dren to  sex  life  and  activity,  with  the  consequence  that  they 
will  brood  over  these  problems  instead  of  keeping  them  in  the 
background.  Again  a  group  of  children  taught  this  subject 
may  treat  it  in  a  frivolous  manner,  jest  about  it,  and  perhaps 


MORAL  AND   SEX  EDUCATION  265 

fail  utterly  to  gain  the  good  results  expected.  It  makes  consid- 
erable difference  as  to  the  psychological  effects  of  certain  forms 
of  education  whether  a  child  is  taught  individually,  or  whether 
children  are  handled  in  groups. 

It  is  also  urged  that  the  teacher  does  not  hold  the  confidential 
relations  to  children  that  are  held  by  the  parent  or  perhaps  the 
physician,  and  that  therefore  he  cannot  guide  or  instruct  chil- 
dren so  successfully  on  this  very  delicate  subject.  Some  claim 
that  it  is  not  at  all  the  function  of  the  school  to  provide  sex 
education,  even  though  it  might  be  done  successfully,  but 
that  this  work  belongs  exclusively  to  the  home  and  to  the 
church. 

The  ravages  of  venereal  disease  both  among  adults  and  chil- 
dren and  the  past  failure  of  both  parents  and  churches  to  deal 
adequately  with  the  subject  have  driven  many  persons  to  the 
advocacy  of  sex  instruction  in  the  schools.  In  a  few  localities 
beginnings  in  this  work  have  been  made,  but  because  of  the 
general  incompetence  of  teachers  to  handle  the  subject  wisely 
and  correctly,  courses  on  sex  hygiene  have  been  introduced  in 
a  number  of  the  state  normal  schools,  and  in  the  state  of  Wash- 
ington such  instruction  is  made  compulsory.  Whether  or  not 
the  public  schools  shall  give  instruction  in  sex  hygiene  depends 
largely  upon  the  success  attained  by  the  state  normal  schools 
in  preparing  competent  teachers  for  this  work. 

An  experiment  in  the  teaching  of  sex  hygiene  in  the  public 
schools  has  been  conducted  in  the  city  of  Chicago.  Here  classes 
were  formed  in  the  high  schools,  the  sexes  being  separated  and 
taught  by  physicians.  Attendance  at  classes  was  not  compulsory, 
and  parents  were  given  special  opportunity  to  withdraw  their 
children  from  these  classes  if  they  desired  to  do  so.  In  actual 
practice,  only  a  very  small  proportion  of  the  high  school  chil- 
dren eligible  to  the  classes  were  prohibited  by  their  parents 
from  attending  them.  The  lack  of  unanimity  among  the 
members  of  the  board  of  education  has  resulted  in  the  dis- 
continuation of  the  classes  —  a  most  unfortunate  action,  since 
time  had  not  been  given  to  test  the  experiment.  No  other  city 
has  made  a  systematic  attempt  to  provide  sex  education,  although 


266  PROBLEMS  OF  CHILD   WELFARE 

individual  teachers  in  many  schools  have  instructed  their 
pupils  on  this  subject. 

The  test  of  the  success  of  sex  education  in  the  schools  will 
have  to  be  made  in  the  grade  schools,  however,  not  in  the  high 
schools.  There  is  little  reason  why  sex  instruction  cannot  be 
given  to  boys  and  girls  of  high  school  age,  but  grave  difficulties 
attend  similar  instruction  intended  for  children  in  the  sixth 
seventh,  and  eighth  grades.  On  the  other  hand,  children  should 
be  properly  instructed  in  sex  hygiene  before  they  reach  the  high 
school,  since  it  is  not  the  wisest  economy  to  wait  until  their 
minds  have  been  contaminated  with  pernicious  ideas.  It  is 
well  known  that  most  children  of  ten  and  over  have  received 
considerable  information  about  sex  subjects,  and  if  they  are  to 
be  safeguarded  morally,  they  should  be  guided  as  soon  as  the 
need  becomes  apparent. 

It  is  not  a  settled  conclusion,  however,  that  the  task  of  sex 
instruction  shall  fall  to  the  schools.  It  more  properly  belongs 
to  the  home,  and  parents  should  be  fitted  for  this  work.  Mean- 
while, some  experimentation  by  well-operated  schools  would  do 
no  harm  and  might  throw  much  light  on  the  best  method  of 
handling  this  most  delicate  subject. 

d.  Education  of  Parents. 

In  the  great  majority  of  cases  parents  do  not  discuss  the 
subject  of  sex  with  their  children.  The  inevitable  query, 
"Where  does  the  baby  come  from?"  is  met  with  an  evasion  or 
a  positive  misstatement  of  fact ;  consequently  the  boy  receives 
his  first  lesson  in  the  barnyard  or  the  alley.  The  fact  is  that 
parents  do  not  properly  dignify  sex  and  sex  relations,  and 
hence  are  incapable  of  presenting  these  subjects  to  their  chil- 
dren. The  confidential  relations  between  parents  and  children 
are  or  ought  to  be  such  that  if  the  former  have  the  right  attitude 
of  mind  they  can  best  inform  the  children  on  sex  matters.  It  is 
therefore  incumbent  upon  societies  of  social  hygiene  and  other 
interested  bodies  to  educate  parents  for  this  most  important 
work  by  means  of  lectures,  pamphlets,  approved  books,  and 
personal  advice  and  consultation.  There  is  no  doubt  that  much 
good  also  can  be  done  by  reaching  young  people  before  they 


MORAL  AND   SEX  EDUCATION  267 

become  parents  and  providing  them  with  the  proper  sex  infor- 
mation. 

A  considerable  effort  is  being  made  to  educate  parents,  so 
they  may  shoulder  the  burden  of  sex  education.  Here  the  aid 
and  resources  of  the  educational  authorities  should  be  accepted 
without  qualification.  The  schools  can  well  afford  to  give  room 
to  lectures  to  parents  on  this  subject  and  even  to  provide  lec- 
turers and  teachers.  It  should  be  remembered  that  the  general 
attitude  on  this  question,  which  has  remained  substantially  the 
same  throughout  the  ages,  cannot  be  revolutionized  in  a  day ; 
so  it  is  worth  while  to  be  patient  and  to  attempt  to  build  our 
new  ideas  on  a  solid  foundation.  The  education  of  parents 
through  appropriate  means  is  therefore  essential  and  should 
proceed  as  rapidly  as  possible. 

Little  can  be  expected  from  the  physician  directly  as  far  as  sex 
instruction  of  children  is  concerned.  The  great  majority  of  fam- 
ilies do  not  stand  in  a  sufficiently  close  relation  with  a  physician 
to  be  able  to  use  him  for  the  education  of  their  children.  There- 
fore other  methods  of  handling  the  problem  must  be  devised. 

e.  The  Church  and  Sex  Education. 

The  church  cannot  avoid  the  subject  of  sex  education,  inas- 
much as  the  development  of  austere  moral  standards  is  at  least 
one-half  of  the  problem.  The  church  has  not  performed  its 
part  of  the  great  work  of  ennobling  and  spiritualizing  the  men 
and  women  of  to-day  with  the  degree  of  success  that  should  be 
expected.  The  failure  is  due  in  part  to  the  antiquated  methods 
still  in  vogue  in  a  large  number  of  Sunday  schools  and  to  an 
undue  emphasis  on  doctrine  at  the  expense  of  practical  religion. 
Sunday  schools  will  not  be  successful  until  actual  efficiency  tests 
are  applied  and  reforms  inaugurated  such  as  the  employment  of 
qualified  teachers,  the  standardization  of  teaching,  the  grading 
of  pupils,  the  introduction  of  graded  work,  and  the  shifting  of 
emphasis  from  dogmatic  theology  to  the  problems  of  applied 
religion.  Such  reforms  will  open  the  way  for  a  rational  treat- 
ment of  sex  problems,  and  for  such  timely  advice  and  instruction 
as  will  raise  the  morals  of  children  and  young  people  as  well  as 
promote  healthful  living. 


268  PROBLEMS  OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

The  church  is  in  danger  of  limiting  its  work  to  the  abstract 
teaching  of  morals  without  direct  application  to  sex  life,  and 
of  forgetting  that  the  hygienic  side  of  the  problem  of  sex  edu- 
cation cannot  be  avoided.  If  a  reasonable  balance  is  main- 
tained, the  church  can  become  one  of  the  chief  factors  in  the 
solution  of  this  question. 


PART   IV 
CHILD    LABOR 


CHAPTER  I 
CAUSES  OF  CHILD  LABOR 

The  causes  of  child  labor  are  so  complicated  that  the  precise 
influence  of  each  cause  cannot  be  weighed.  The  contributing 
factors  are  so  interdependent  that  if  one  of  the  causes  should 
suddenly  be  removed,  the  others  would  become  largely  inactive ; 
at  least  much  of  their  power  would  have  disappeared.  But  the 
factors  do  not  work  with  equal  force  in  different  localities.  In 
some  regions,  for  example,  poverty  is  a  powerful  compelling 
force ;  in  another,  low  ideals  among  parents ;  in  a  third,  the 
greed  of  employers.  To  these  facts  is  largely  due  the  hetero- 
geneous nature  of  the  child  labor  problem. 

i.  Greed  of  Parents. 

That  the  greed  of  parents  is  often  an  important  cause  of  the 
employment  of  children  is  an  undeniable  fact.  Even  to-day 
many  parents  still  consider  their  growing  children  as  capital  or 
economic  assets  on  which  they  hope  to  declare  dividends  at 
the  first  opportunity.  Formerly,  when  education  was  not 
compulsory,  and  factory  labor  was  still  in  its  infancy,  the  large 
family  was  regarded  as  an  economic  advantage  because  the  cost 
of  maintenance  was  comparatively  low  and  children  could  be 
employed  at  very  early  ages.  Among  the  farming  population 
thousands  of  children  are  at  present  engaged  in  gainful  occu- 
pations. The  use  of  the  child  in  farm  labor  as  soon  as  he  is 
physically  able  is  a  very  natural  condition.  If  the  parents  have 
low  ideals,  children  are  exploited  and  overworked,  but  usually 
they  attend  school  during  most  of  the  school  year,  and  are  still 
able  to  give  considerable  assistance  at  home.  By  performing 
certain  light  tasks,  the  country  child  inculcates  a  habit  of 
industry  which  is  invaluable  to  him  in  later  life.  If  such  work 
is  required  principally  for  the  sake  of  training,  it  is  most  useful, 

271 


272  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

but  if  it  degenerates  into  drudgery,  and  prevents  education  and 
legitimate  leisure  time,  it  is  most  harmful.     It  often  happens 
that  the  farmer's  son  is  deprived  of  a  sufficient  education  to 
become  efficient  in  any  occupation  other  than  that  of  farming. 
The  small  boy  compelled  to  hire  out  to  another  farmer  is  usually 
exploited,  and  represents  a  most  unhappy  form  of  child  labor. 
The  greed  of  parents  presents  its  darkest  aspects  in  the  atti- 
tude of  the  ignorant  classes  of  native  Americans  and  of  a  large 
proportion  of  newly  arrived  immigrants,  who  send  their  children 
to  factories  and  workshops,  where  the  extenuating  conditions 
that  exist  on  the  farm  do  not  obtain.    In  fact,  the  child  labor 
question  is  in  some  sections  closely  allied  to  the  problem  of 
immigration.     Children  are  exploited  for  two  principal  reasons : 
first,  in  order  to  increase  the  family  income ;   second,  to  enable 
parents  to  withdraw  from  work  and  live  upon  the  earnings  which 
the  children  provide.     Fall  River,  Massachusetts,  furnishes  a 
good  example  of  the  tendency  to  use  the  entire  family  as  an 
income-gaining  agency.     In  addition  to  husband  and  wife,  the 
children  of  the  foreign  born  enter  the  mills  as  soon  as  the  laws 
of  the  state  permit.     Investigation  has  shown  that  parents 
often  send  their  children  to  work  as  soon  as  the  fourteenth 
birthday  has  been  reached,  despite  the  deficiency  in  education 
which  may  exist.     Hundreds  of  children  drop  out  of  school  in 
the  midst  of  their  school  year,  and  are  expected  to  become 
wholly,  or  in  part,  self-supporting.     In   191 1,  one-seventh  of 
the  working  children  of  Chicago  entered  the  gainful  occupations 
the  day  after  their  fourteenth  birthday.     Factory  inspectors 
frequently  find  that  children  do  not  give  their  age  correctly  and 
claim  to  be  above  the  required  working  age,  no  matter  how 
small  or  underaged  they  may  appear.     Usually  the  children 
have  been  instigated  to  such  untruthfulness  by  their  parents, 
who  are  also  frequently  guilty  of  perjury  in  regard  to  the  ages 
of  their  children.     Such  low  ideals  were  formerly  very  common 
in  the  anthracite  regions  of  Pennsylvania. 

Child  labor  is  especially  prevalent  in  large  families.  Limited 
investigation  in  St.  Louis  shows  that  working  children  come 
from  families  averaging  more  than  six  persons  each.     In  70 


CAUSES   OF   CHILD   LABOR  273 

per  cent  of  1085  families  studied,  three  persons,  or  half  of  the 
members  of  the  family,  were  engaged  in  gainful  work.  The 
feeling  prevails  that  as  soon  as  the  child  is  old  enough  he  ought 
to  follow  the  example  of  his  older  brothers  and  sisters  and 
become  gainfully  employed.  Parents  think  they  cannot  afford 
to  allow  children  of  working  age  to  remain  in  school.  Fre- 
quently, however,  the  youngest  child  escapes  from  this  tyranny 
of  procedure  and  gains  additional  education.  Studies  in  several 
localities,  for  example,  in  New  York  City,  indicate  that  the 
majority  of  families  could  live  decently  without  the  income 
from  the  working  child. 

The  second  cause  of  exploitation  finds  a  less  common  expres- 
sion, but  is  not  absent.  The  child  labor  problem  in  New  Eng- 
land before  1820  was  somewhat  intensified  by  the  desire  of 
parents  to  retire  as  soon  as  their  children  were  able  to  obtain 
sufficient  wages  to  maintain  the  entire  family.  Many  parents 
hold  that  since  their  children  are  dependent  on  them  for  so  many 
years,  it  is  entirely  proper  for  the  children  to  bear  the  burdens 
of  the  family  as  soon  as  possible.  They  owe  this  to  their 
parents,  regardless  of  the  handicap  to  themselves  in  later  life. 
Indolent  and  shiftless  parents  especially  rely  on  such  support. 
An  extreme  case  of  this  kind  is  afforded  in  the  following  illus- 
tration :  A  young  foreigner  not  many  years  in  the  United  States, 
having  married  early,  found  that  at  the  age  of  34  his  children 
were  able  to  support  him,  and  that  the  family  could  be  main- 
tained without  his  aid.  He  therefore  retired,  and  began  to 
spend  his  days  in  idleness  and  pleasure.  In  the  South  many 
families  move  from  the  mountains  to  the  cotton  mill  districts 
in  order  to  enable  the  young  children  to  earn  a  wage  even  though 
it  be  a  mere  pittance.  Cases  have  been  cited  of  fathers  whose 
chief  occupation  was  that  of  carrying  lunches  and  dinners  to 
their  children  in  the  factories  ! 

Much  child  labor  is  due  to  the  indifference  of  parents.  Chil- 
dren manifest  their  dislike  for  school  work,  and  parents,  instead 
of  insisting  that  they  continue  to  study,  permit  them  to  decide 
as  they  please.  If  under  these  conditions  some  slight  economic 
gain    should   result,    parents   remain  entirely  apathetic.     The 


274  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

New  York  vocational  survey  declares  that  the  most  striking 
thing  discovered  in  the  investigation  was  the  apathy  of  both 
parents  and  children  ;  three-fourths  of  the  former,  and  two-thirds 
of  the  latter,  had  no  conviction  that  it  was  worth  while  to  con- 
tinue school  work ;  it  seemed  a  sacrifice  to  remain  and  much 
would  be  gained  by  beginning  to  work.  It  appears  that  many 
parents  do  not  consider  education  practical  and  are  glad  to  see 
that  their  children  are  anxious  to  enter  industry,  but  conditions 
in  this  respect  are  not  uniform  throughout  the  United  States. 
In  places  where  the  tradition  of  education  is  strong,  parents 
are  loath  to  allow  their  children  to  drop  out  of  school,  but  in 
other  sections  the  opposite  is  true.  The  Massachusetts  investi- 
gations indicate  that  the  majority  of  parents  prefer  that  the 
child  should  remain  in  school,  other  conditions  being  favorable, 
and  experience  in  Chicago  and  St.  Louis  indicate  apathy  among 
the  majority  of  the  parents.  The  investigation  by  the  federal 
government  shows  that  parents  wanted  their  children  to  enter 
industry  in  27.9  per  cent  of  the  cases,  although  the  labor  was  not 
necessary.  Probably  the  real  apathy,  however,  is  much  larger 
than  this  figure. 

2.  Poverty. 

Although  a  large  number  of  parents  whose  children  work 
enjoy  a  reasonable  standard  of  living,  and  push  their  children 
into  industry  in  order  to  add  to  the  family  comforts  and  con- 
veniences, a  considerable  proportion  also  suffer  from  economic 
pressure.  Some  light  on  the  influence  of  poverty  as  a  cause  of 
child  labor  appears  from  the  results  of  the  federal  investigation 
of  child  wage  earners.  The  statistics  are  presented  in  the  fol- 
lowing table :  l 

Causes  of  Child  Labor 


Causes 

Percentage 

Other  causes 

30.0 

27.9 

26.6 

9.8 

5-7 

1  Woman  and  Child  Wage  Earners  in  the  United  States,  Vol.  VII,  p.  46. 


CAUSES   OF   CHILD   LABOR  275 

Poverty  accounts  directly  for  less  than  one-third  of  the  child 
labor,  but  the  desire  for  economic  improvement  is  responsible 
for  slightly  more  than  half.  More  than  one-fifth  of  the  chil- 
dren are  discontented  with  school  and  turn  to  industry,  many 
of  them  because  they  are  anxious  to  work. 

A  study  of  302  children  applying  for  working  papers  in  New 
York  City  indicates  that  not  more  than  33  per  cent  of  the  chil- 
dren entered  industry  because  of  poverty.  The  average  monthly 
rent  paid  was  slightly  over  $15.00  and  on  the  whole  the  standard 
of  living  was  fair.1  In  St.  Louis,  19  per  cent  of  the  children 
studied  began  to  work  because  of  grave  economic  pressure,  but 
in  an  indefinite  number  of  additional  cases  poverty  was  un- 
doubtedly a  cause.  The  results  of  the  various  studies  indicate 
that  poverty  is  the  primary  cause  of  child  labor  in  approxi- 
mately one-third  of  the  cases. 

Poverty  is,  however,  both  a  cause  and  an  effect.  It  is  such 
an  insinuating  influence  and  is  so  interwoven  with  the  other 
causes  that  an  estimate  of  its  actual  magnitude  as  a  factor  is 
most  difficult.  For  example,  the  attitude  of  parent  or  child 
often  depends  upon  the  poverty  in  the  home ;  employers  often 
encourage  child  labor  because  they  believe  that  poverty  will  be 
alleviated  thereby ;  and  state  laws  permit  exemptions  to  allow 
children  of  less  than  the  standard  working  age  to  be  gainfully 
employed,  in  order  to  help  maintain  dependent  members  of 
the  family.  Poverty  is  too  often  one  segment  of  a  vicious  circle, 
for  :  poverty  causes  child  labor ;  child  labor  prevents  opportunity 
for  industrial  training  and  results  in  low  wages  in  later  life ; 
low  wages  in  turn  mean  poverty.  Consequently  poverty  seems 
to  run  in  families,  when  the  real  cause  is  a  succession  of  condi- 
tions that  naturally  follow  each  other,  and  that  will  not  change 
until  broken  at  the  most  vulnerable  point. 

Poverty,  or,  more  accurately,  a  low  plane  of  living,  requires 
an  increase  of  income,  whatever  be  the  sources.  Some  children 
work  to  aid  their  widowed  mothers  but,  contrary  to  popular 
belief,  the  proportion  of  such  cases  is  remarkably  small.     Others 

1  Report  of  City  Superintendent  of  Schools  to  Board  of  Education  of  New  York 
City,  1912,  p.  390. 


276  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

are  expected  to  add  to  the  family  income  to  make  higher  stand- 
ards possible,  especially  if  the  family  lives  on  the  subsistence 
level  and  every  increase  in  income  is  so  much  gain.  If  parents 
have  low  ideals,  poverty  acts  more  easily  as  an  apparent  cause 
than  otherwise. 

3.  The  Attitude  of  the  Child. 

The  child's  attitude  is  a  very  important  factor  in  the  problem 
and  involves  two  considerations  —  dissatisfaction  with  school, 
and  the  desire  to  work.  A  large  proportion  of  the  children 
dropping  out  of  school  leave  on  their  own  initiative,  many  of 
them  in  spite  of  protests  from  parents.  They  do  not  fully  under- 
stand the  value  of  the  education  which  they  are  receiving  or 
they  fail  to  advance;  so  they  refuse  to  continue  after  they 
have  passed  the  age  of  compulsory  attendance.  The  majority 
of  children  who  leave  school  do  not  intend  to  remain  idle,  but 
naturally  turn  to  some  gainful  occupation  to  absorb  their  time, 
and  to  earn  a  little  money.  Children,  especially  boys,  develop 
a  spirit  of  independence  and  become  anxious  to  demonstrate 
their  working  capacity.  The  impulse  grows  because  most  chil- 
dren have  friends  who  are  earning  money.  Nothing  thrills 
a  young  boy  more  than  the  first  wages  he  receives.  His  first 
gainful  employment  develops  his  pride  and  self-reliance;  be- 
sides, he  is  earning  money  which  he  could  not  otherwise  enjoy, 
and  in  turning  from  the  monotony  of  school  to  the  drudgery  of 
work,  he  does  not  realize  what  the  step  will  cost  him. 

The  limited  studies  which  have  been  made  of  the  causes  of 
child  labor  throw  some  light  on  the  proportion  of  blame  borne 
by  the  child  directly.  Out  of  612  children  considered  by  the 
federal  government,  two-fifths  left  school  and  entered  industry 
of  their  own  choice,  many  of  them  against  the  expressed  wishes 
of  their  parents.  Over  22  per  cent  of  the  1085  St.  Louis  school 
children  studied  were  anxious  to  begin  working,  while  the  major- 
ity of  all  these  children  secured  their  first  positions  through  their 
own  efforts.  These  examples  indicate  that  a  large  proportion 
of  the  working  children  deliberately  enter  industry  of  their  own 
accord  but  this  could,  of  course,  be  prevented  in  many  cases 
except  for  the  indifference  of  the  parents.     The  gravity  of  this 


CAUSES   OF   CHILD   LABOR  277 

condition  points  most  clearly  to  the  need  of  such  reformation 
in  our  educational  system  as  will  change  the  attitude  of  both 
child  and  parent.  Furthermore,  the  parents  need  to  learn  that 
child  labor  ordinarily  obstructs  the  promise  of  a  future  and 
leads  to  unskilled  labor  and  a  low  plane  of  living.  A  better 
school  and  better  parents  are  necessary  to  guide  the  child  and 
to  prevent  him  from  ruining  his  material  prospects. 

4.  Demand  for  Child  Labor. 

The  attitude  of  employers  of  labor  is  responsible  for  much 
of  the  child  labor  of  the  United  States.  The  culpability  of  the 
employer  in  this  respect  is  twofold :  first,  he  makes  the  entrance 
of  the  child  into  industry  possible  by  employing  children  who 
are  pressed  into  service  by  their  parents  or  who  deliberately 
decide  to  enter  on  their  own  initiative.  By  accepting  children 
he  encourages  the  tendency  of  parents  and  child  workers  to 
continue  the  evil  of  child  labor.  Frequently  employers  receive 
children  who  should  not  have  been  granted  work  certificates, 
but  they  refuse  to  accept  responsibility  for  this  because  they 
are  operating  a  business  concern,  not  a  moral  hospital !  In 
the  second  place,  many  employers  directly  encourage  and  de- 
mand child  labor  in  order  to  enhance  their  profits.  The  pres- 
sure of  parents  would  be  of  no  avail  if  employers  did  not  offer 
inducements  to  children.  Wages  indeed  are  poor,  but  other 
considerations  play  a  part.  When  the  child,  discouraged  on 
account  of  unsatisfactory  school  work,  turns  to  the  factory  or 
the  mill,  he  often  finds  a  cordial  welcome  in  industry  instead 
of  finding  the  doors  closed  against  him.  An  increasing  number 
of  employers,  influenced  by  both  human  kindness  and  long- 
sighted business  considerations,  have  reduced  the  amount  of 
child  labor  in  their  employ,  but  a  large  contingent  still  favor 
the  employment  of  children  and  do  not  consider  the  influence 
of  such  employment  upon  the  future  prospects  of  the  child. 
Progressive  employers  have  sometimes  voluntarily  refused  to 
encourage  child  labor.  In  the  South  this  attitude  has  taken 
the  form  of  temporary  agreements  not  to  employ  children 
below  a  certain  age.  Competitive  conditions,  however,  usually 
prevent  such  agreements  from  becoming  permanent. 


278  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

The  attitude  of  the  dominating  faction  in  industry  is  indicated 
by  the  character  of  the  laws  in  those  states  in  which  certain 
industries  are  largely  localized.  The  canning  and  preserving 
industry,  for  example,  has  endeavored  to  prevent  wholesome 
child  labor  legislation.  In  nearly  every  state  in  which  the 
industry  is  economically  important,  it  has  been  wholly  or  par- 
tially exempt  from  the  operation  of  child  labor  laws,  and  the 
severest  struggle  has  been  necessary  to  secure  adequate  legis- 
lation. The  exemption  is  based  on  the  supposed  necessity  of 
working  long  and  irregular  hours  in  order  to  save  perishable 
products. 

An  additional  illustration  of  the  attitude  of  some  employers 
is  furnished  by  Delaware,  which  not  only  exempts  the  canning 
industry  from  the  child  labor  law  but  even  exempts  the  manu- 
facture of  fruit  and  berry  baskets  from  the  operation  of  the  law, 
although  there  is  no  question  concerning  the  perishability  of 
the  product.  The  employers  who  do  not  want  the  law  to  apply 
to  their  industry  have  been  sufficiently  powerful  to  prevent  its 
extension.  In  this  tendency  lies  the  danger  of  allowing  exemp- 
tions, since  most  products  are  perishable  in  time,  and  if  one 
industry  is  exempted  a  second  one  will  demand  a  similar  exemp- 
tion, and  so  we  pass  from  the  product  which  is  physically  perish- 
able to  the  one  perishable  in  a  commercial  sense  and  open  the 
way  for  a  complete  collapse  of  child  labor  laws.  The  canners 
are,  however,  the  most  persistent  opponents  of  good  child  labor 
laws  to  be  found  among  the  enemies  of  such  legislation. 

The  long-continued  fight  in  Pennsylvania  to  prohibit  the  night 
work  of  boys  in  the  glass  houses  of  that  state  illustrates  the 
power  of  the  glass  manufacturers.  At  present  boys  of  fourteen 
and  over  may  work  in  the  glass  mills  on  night  shifts  under  cer- 
tain provisions.  In  every  state  where  the  glass  industry  has 
a  foothold,  this  problem  has  been  faced,  but  in  most  instances 
night  work  of  children  has  been  prohibited.  Everywhere  it 
has  been  done  against  the  protests  of  a  large  proportion  of  the 
glass  manufacturers,  yet  the  employment  of  boys  fourteen  to 
sixteen  years  of  age  on  night  shifts  is  so  flagrant  an  evil  that  it 
should  have  no  apologists  or  supporters.     The  opposition  has 


CAUSES   OF   CHILD   LABOR  279 

been  based  on  the  theory  that  perishable  goods  are  being 
handled,  and  nothing  must  be  done  to  interfere  with  their 
immediate  manufacture.  The  physical  and  moral  welfare  of 
boys  is  considered  of  less  importance  ! 

Failure  to  restrict  night  work,  the  low  minimum  age  limit, 
and  the  absence  of  efficient  systems  of  inspection  and  enforce- 
ment —  all  indicate  that  economic  conditions  and  the  influence 
of  mill  owners  are  too  powerful  to  permit  reasonable  child  labor 
legislation.  Quite  singularly  also  some  of  the  strongest  oppo- 
nents of  progressive  legislation  are  Northern  men  who  have 
invested  in  Southern  cotton  mills  and  who  are  credited  with 
willing  conformity  to  the  more  advanced  laws  of  New  England. 

It  must  not  be  forgotten  that  many  Southern  mill  owners 
are  strong  supporters  of  moderate  child  labor  laws,  and  that 
manufacturers  frequently  maintain  schools  for  the  mill  chil- 
dren, who,  in  their  old  homes,  received  no  education  whatsoever. 
In  fact,  child  labor  in  the  South  is  condoned  by  others  than 
manufacturers  on  the  ground  that  it  makes  a  better  use  of  the 
child's  time  as  well  as  gives  many  children  educational  facilities 
which  would  otherwise  have  been  denied  them. 

The  newsboy  has  enjoyed  greater  immunity  from  the  law  than 
any  other  class  of  working  children.  Many  newspapers,  al- 
though they  advocate  suitable  child  labor  laws  for  other  indus- 
tries, are  opposed  to  legislation  which  will  curtail  the  operations 
of  the  vendor  of  their  own  wares.  This  opposition  arises  from 
two  causes :  the  belief  that  the  newsboy  conduces  to  a  larger 
circulation  of  the  paper,  and  sympathy  for  the  boy  in  his  present 
desires  rather  than  in  his  future  needs.  Sentiment  for  the  boy, 
commendable  at  the  right  time  but  not  wise  in  this  connection, 
aids  him  in  the  development  of  bad  habits. 

It  is  probable  that  the  four  industries  mentioned  represent 
the  most  aggressive  form  of  opposition  by  employers  to  child 
labor  legislation.  Much  of  the  appeal  of  the  employer  in 
favor  of  child  labor  is  based  on  two  arguments :  first,  eco- 
nomic necessity.  Intense  solicitude  is  manifested  for  the  family 
income  !  What  will  become  of  the  widows  if  their  children  may 
not  help  to  support  them?    Although  the  general  fallacy  of 


280  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

this  argument  has  been  clearly  shown,  legislators  are  still 
influenced  thereby.  The  second  argument  relates  to  the  evils 
of  child  idleness.  If  the  boy  does  not  work,  he  will  be  idle  and 
engaged  in  mischief ;  therefore  it  is  better  to  allow  child  labor. 
Child  idleness  is,  however,  not  the  logical  alternative  for  child 
labor,  and  little  progress  is  made  by  substituting  one  evil  for 
another. 

5.  Modern  Industrial  Conditions. 

Modern  industrial  conditions  have  made  room  for  both  woman 
and  child  labor  in  several  ways :  first,  by  the  use  of  improved 
machinery ;  and  second,  by  such  a  minute  subdivision  of  labor 
as  to  separate  lighter  forms  of  work  from  the  more  difficult 
operations ;  third,  women  and  children  can  be  secured  for  such 
work  at  comparatively  low  wages.  Children  are  in  many 
cases  able  to  operate  a  machine  because  modern  improvements 
have  made  it  so  nearly  automatic.  The  machinist  must  be 
continued,  but  the  adult  operators  can  be  dismissed  in  favor 
of  the  young  boy  or  girl.  When  the  work  does  not  require 
special  skill  or  strength,  the  tendency  is  especially  marked. 
The  chief  advantage  which  accrues  to  the  employer  from  this 
substitution  is  the  use  of  poorly  paid  child  labor  instead  of 
adult  labor.  Nor  is  output  decreased  by  this  change,  as  the 
worn-out  boy  can  soon  be  replaced  by  another  eager  to  obtain 
his  paltry  earnings.  In  certain  factories  young  girls  from  four- 
teen to  sixteen  years  of  age  are  taking  the  place  of  men  in  the 
operation  of  machines,  but  are  receiving  wages  no  higher  than 
those  usually  paid  to  girls  of  that  age. 

Much  work  which  requires  time  and  running  to  and  fro  is 
apportioned  to  the  little  boy  or  girl.  In  the  cotton  mills  the 
children  are  very  largely  used  for  this  kind  of  work;  for  ex- 
ample, the  doffers,  bobbin  boys,  and  spool  boys.  In  fact,  a  large 
proportion  of  the  older  boys  drop  out  of  the  cotton  mills  be- 
cause they  have  outgrown  their  work.  The  glasshouses  use  boys 
in  a  similar  way,  and  elsewhere  in  industry  niches  for  the 
employment  of  the  child  have  been  made  by  the  convenience 
afforded  by  the  helper  and  the  apprentice.  A  particular  occu- 
pation may  be  isolated  from  the  series  of  processes  necessary 


CAUSES   OF   CHILD   LABOR  28 1 

to  complete  an  article,  and  if  only  a  single  act  of  skill  is  re- 
quired, a  child  can  become  proficient  in  a  short  time.  In  the 
clothing  trade  such  minor  occupations  become  a  department 
in  which  children  are  frequently  employed.  The  tasks  allotted 
to  small  girls  in  the  manufacture  of  artificial  flowers  require 
little  skill;  all  processes  requiring  much  care  and  attention 
are  performed  by  skilled  hands,  but  much  can  be  left  to  the  work 
of  the  untried  employee.  The  comparative  facility  with  which 
a  large  proportion  of  the  occupations  in  many  mills  can  be 
performed  tends  directly  toward  the  use  of  the  child  wherever 
he  can  be  secured  for  the  carrying  on  of  these  occupations. 

Modern  competition  is  an  additional  factor  which  often  para- 
lyzes the  efforts  of  progressive  manufacturers.  The  margin  of 
profit  is  frequently  so  narrow  that  legislation  may  become  a 
menace.  Natural  advantages  and  child  labor  in  some  states 
also  operate  to  encourage  the  use  of  child  labor  in  other  states. 
The  competitive  conditions  over  which  employers  have  no  imme- 
diate control  are  often  responsible  for  the  antagonistic  attitude 
of  employers  toward  the  abolition  of  child  labor.  If  conditions 
could  be  equalized  throughout  the  United  States,  much  of  the 
opposition  to  good  legislation  would  disappear.  The  objection 
to  uniform  state  laws  is  comparatively  slight  because  changes 
in  the  cost  of  production  would  then  be  distributed  equally 
among  competitors  whether  they  lived  in  the  same  or  some 
other  state. 

6.  Indifference  of  the  Public. 

The  public  must  bear  a  large  share  of  the  responsibility  for 
the  existence  of  child  labor,  as  it  can  eliminate  much  of  the 
evil  by  seriously  opposing  the  practice.  The  culpability  of  the 
public  takes  several  forms :  direct  preference  for  the  goods  or 
wares  peddled  by  the  child ;  a  willingness  to  allow  child  labor 
for  the  purposes  of  self-support  or  the  support  of  dependent 
parents ;  inability  to  recognize  the  ultimate  results  of  premature 
child  labor ;  the  desire  to  purchase  goods  at  the  lowest  possible 
cost  regardless  of  the  child  labor  which  may  be  involved ;  and 
finally,  utter  indifference  to  the  social  problem  itself.  The 
public  encourages  child  labor  by  its  willful  patronage  of  the 


282  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

small  boy.  The  newsboy  seated  on  the  doorstep  of  the  public 
building  gets  the  major  portion  of  the  business  without  exertion 
on  his  part,  while  the  adult  worker  strives  in  vain  to  secure  his 
share  of  the  sales.  The  same  principle  obtains  with  the  child 
working  elsewhere ;  sympathy  for  the  child  blinds  reason  and 
foresight,  and  thus  the  child  is  allowed  to  continue  his  work. 
The  public  must  learn  that  it  is  not  efficient  kindness  to  pur- 
chase the  goods  that  are  made  by  child  labor  under  bad  con- 
ditions, nor  to  purchase  the  small  child's  wares  even  when  he 
begs  piteously. 

Poverty  exemptions  indicate  social  lethargy.  A  child  under 
fourteen  should  not  be  compelled  to  bear  the  economic  burdens 
of  supporting  a  family,  yet  children  of  tender  years  are  often 
exploited  and  compelled  to  labor  for  hire.  Even  our  relief 
societies,  which  supposedly  are  actuated  by  the  most  prudential 
and  farsighted  motives,  will,  on  occasion,  endanger  the  pros- 
pects of  a  child  by  insisting  that  upon  his  arriving  at  the  age 
when  he  can  legally  be  employed  he  shall  immediately  enter 
some  gainful  occupation  in  order  to  relieve  the  public  of  the 
support  of  dependent  parents.  This  has  been  done  in  spite  of 
the  child's  immaturity  and  lack  of  preparation  for  industry. 
Such  action  means  gross  neglect  of  duty,  and  no  charity  has  a 
right  to  a  moment's  existence  which  strives  to  rehabilitate  a 
family  by  means  of  injurious  child  labor. 

Many  men  of  prominence  fail  to  realize  that  the  new  industrial 
conditions  require  special  preparation  on  the  child's  part. 
Because  many  men  began  work  as  mere  boys  and  succeeded,  is 
no  argument  against  wholesome  legislation  at  the  present  time. 
Successful  men  frequently  oppose  good  laws  because  they  them- 
selves have  not  failed  and  have  withstood  the  disadvantages 
of  premature  toil.  They  do  not  usually  realize,  however,  that 
child  labor  involves  risks  and  handicaps  to-day  which  are 
far  more  serious  than  the  consequences  in  a  former  decade  when 
cities  were  smaller,  machinery  less  complex,  and  work  less 
rapid.  They  have  become  blinded  to  the  evil  effects  of  child 
labor,  and  are  often  bitter  enemies  of  the  real  interests  of  the 
child  of  to-day.     The  farming  class  likewise  fails  to  understand 


CAUSES   OF   CHILD   LABOR  283 

the  dangers  of  child  labor  in  the  cities  and  in  industrial  centers, 
because  farmers  are  prone  to  judge  the  results  of  all  forms  of 
labor  by  the  effects  of  labor  on  the  farm.  In  our  legislatures 
such  men  are  easily  influenced  to  oppose  needed  legislation. 

It  thus  appears  that  while  the  specific  causes  of  child  labor 
are  numerous,  the  chief  factors  are  reducible  to  six  heads :  the 
attitude  of  the  parents;  poverty;  the  ambition  of  the  child; 
the  greed  of  employers ;  modern  industrial  conditions ;  and  the 
indifference  of  the  public.  The  relative  importance  of  some  of 
these  factors  can  be  approximated  in  a  superficial  way,  but  in 
most  instances  they  cooperate  closely  to  produce  the  evil  in 
question,  and  each  one  of  these  causes  is  an  essential  factor  in 
the  problem.  The  more  fundamental  positive  causes,  how- 
ever, are  limited  to  two :  poverty,  or  low  plane  of  living ;  and 
the  absence  of  ideals  due  to  ignorance  and  indifference.  As  a 
preventive  of  progressive  legislation,  the  opposition  of  the 
employer  undoubtedly  stands  foremost,  but  the  elimination  of 
child  labor  depends  especially  upon  improved  economic  and 
moral  conditions  and  better  educational  facilities.  Poverty 
usually  prevents  the  acquirement  of  educational  advantages. 
A  lack  of  these  results  in  low  ideals.  Accordingly,  children  want 
to  work,  and  parents  encourage  the  idea.  By  remaining  unskilled 
workers,  child  laborers  cannot  reach  a  high  plane  of  living 
where  child  labor  can  be  entirely  abolished. 


CHAPTER  II 
FACTORS   OF  THE   CHILD   LABOR  PROBLEM 

i.  Occupations  of  Children. 

The  occupational  distribution  of  the  workers  is  an  important 
factor  in  the  child  labor  problem.  The  character  of  the  work 
affects  the  health,  while  the  type  of  employment  may  affect  the 
industrial  opportunities  of  the  laborers.  Certain  forms  of 
work  also  tend  to  demoralize  children.  The  exact  occupa- 
tional distribution  of  child  workers  in  the  United  States  is  not 
known,  as  the  statistics  gathered  in  1910  have  not  yet  been 
published.1  The  broader  classifications,  however,  do  not  vary 
radically  from  year  to  year. 

The  proportion  of  working  children  engaged  in  agriculture, 
according  to  the  Twelfth  Census,  was  nearly  60  per  cent ;  in 
domestic  and  personal  service,  16  per  cent ;  and  in  manufactur- 
ing and  mechanical  pursuits,  16  per  cent.  Less  than  7  per  cent 
were  employed  in  trade  and  transportation,  while  less  than  one 
out  of  every  six  hundred  was  engaged  in  professional  service. 
As  the  enactment  and  enforcement  of  child  labor  laws  has 
taken  place  largely  since  1900,  these  proportions  have  undoubt- 
edly changed.  The  laws  have  usually  exempted  agriculture 
and  domestic  service,  therefore  it  is  reasonable  to  expect  that 
the  proportion  of  all  child  workers  in  these  occupations  has 
risen,  with  a  consequent  decline  in  the  remaining  occupations. 
Whether  the  aggregate  amount  of  child  labor  has  increased, 
the  forthcoming  figures  alone  can  tell. 

Some  data  concerning  child  labor  in  manufacturing  industries 
for  the  year  1910  are  available,  and  they  probably  throw  light 
on  the  comparative  effectiveness  of    child    labor    legislation. 

1  May,  1914. 
284 


FACTORS  OF  THE  CHILD   LABOR  PROBLEM 


285 


According  to  these  figures,  the  number  of  children  under  16 
engaged  in  manufacturing  industries  in  1909  was  not  quite 
1000  more  than  in  1899,  while  the  proportion  of  the  total  num- 
ber of  workers  who  were  children  had  fallen  from  3.4  to  2.4  per 
cent,  which  represents  a  marked  decline.  But  in  a  number  of 
industries  a  considerable  amount  of  child  labor  still  prevails, 
as  is  shown  in  the  following  table.1 


Industry 


All  industries 

Cotton  goods 

Hosiery  and  knit  goods  .  .  . 
Silk  and  silk  goods  .... 
Canning  and  preserving   .     .     . 

Confectionery 

Woolen,  worsted,  and  felt  goods 

Boots  and  shoes 

Boxes,  paper       


Percentage  of  Workers 
under  16  Years  of  Age 


1899 

1909 

3-4 

2.4 

13-3 

10.4 

10.5 

8.1 

10. 0 

8.0 

4.4 

7.0 

5-4 

6.0 

7.2 

5-7 

3-i 

4-i 

6.2 

7-i 

The  table  shows  that  the  proportion  of  children  has  declined 
in  such  important  child-employing  industries  as  the  manufac- 
ture of  cotton,  hosiery,  and  silk,  but  in  spite  of  the  decline, 
more  than  40,000  children  were  employed  in  the  cotton  mills. 
Canning  and  preserving  shows  a  considerable  increase  in  the 
proportion  of  child  labor  —  a  fact  due  to  the  failure  of  the 
states  to  enact  stringent  legislation  covering  this  industry,  and 
here  women  have  also  been  employed  in  increasing  proportions. 
An  increase  in  child  labor  is  apparent  in  the  confectionery, 
paper  box,  and  boot  and  shoe  establishments,  but  these  indus- 
tries include  many  minor  occupations  regarded  as  suitable 
for  children,  and  in  the  first  two  the  great  majority  of  all  workers 
are  women.  Out  of  61  industries  listed  by  the  Bureau  of  the 
Census,  22  employed  a  larger  proportion  of  children  in  1909 
than  in  1899,  most  of  these,  however,  being  of  little  importance. 
In  the  majority  of  industries  a  considerable  reduction  has 
1  Thirteenth  Census  of  the  United  States,  Abstract,  p.  458. 


286  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

occurred.  Legislation  is  probably  responsible  for  most  of  this 
decline. 

The  relative  progress  of  the  different  geographical  divisions 
in  reducing  child  labor  in  manufacturing  has  considerable 
significance,  as  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  the  New  England 
states  have  remained  almost  stationary,  while  a  decline  has 
occurred  in  every  other  section  of  the  country.  The  least  pro- 
portions are  found  in  the  Western  and  North  Central  states ; 
the  highest  in  the  South  —  those  for  the  South  Atlantic  states 
being  two  times  that  of  any  other  group.  North  Carolina,  with 
ii. 3  per  cent  and  South  Carolina  with  12.9  per  cent  of  their 
factory  workers  under  16  represent  one  extreme;  Oregon  and 
Montana,  each  with  .3  of  1  per  cent  represent  the  other.  Never- 
theless, these  two  Southern  states  have  made  creditable  prog- 
ress in  reducing  child  labor,  while  Massachusetts  and  Connec- 
ticut have  actually  increased  their  proportions.  Pennsylvania 
has  more  children  employed  in  its  factories  than  has  any  other 
state,  being  credited  with  29,102;  next  follow  Massachusetts 
and  North  Carolina,  but  New  York,  credited  with  less  than 
8,000  workers,  is  said  by  the  New  York  State  Factory  Investi- 
gating Commission  to  employ  nearly  14,000  children  between 
14  and  16  years  of  age  in  its  factories. 

The  fact  that  the  extensive  employment  of  children  is  largely 
confined  to  a  few  states  is  due,  of  course,  to  the  presence  in  thost 
states  of  industries  in  which  many  light  and  unskilled  forms  of 
labor  abound.  These  industries  are  situated  as  follows :  the 
cotton  industry  is  largely  localized  in  New  England,  the  Caro- 
linas,  and  Georgia;  the  glass  mills  are  found  especially  in 
Pennsylvania,  New  Jersey,  and  West  Virginia ;  candy  making 
is  carried  on  throughout  the  United  States,  but  the  chief  seat  of 
the  industry  is  in  Massachusetts  and  New  York,  and  silk  man- 
ufacturing is  carried  on  principally  in  New  Jersey  and  Pennsyl- 
vania. Pennsylvania  is  also  noted  for  its  woolen  factories 
and  for  its  coal  production.  The  boot  and  shoe  industry 
flourishes  in  Massachusetts  and  Missouri,  while  canning  and 
preserving  are  carried  on  extensively  in  at  least  fifteen  states. 
The  localization  of  industries  in  certain  states  accounts  partly 


FACTORS  OF  THE  CHILD  LABOR  PROBLEM    287 

for  the  difficulty  of  securing  progressive  legislation  in  those 
states. 

Although  agriculture  claims  the  great  majority  of  all  child 
laborers,  it  does  not  seriously  injure  the  child,  since  outdoor 
work  on  the  farm  will  not  produce  bad  physical  effects.  Again, 
about  four-fifths  of  the  children  are  members  of  farmers'  families 
and  are  simply  assisting  their  parents,  who  in  most  cases  will 
safeguard  the  physical  interests  of  their  children.  No  harm 
will  result  from  the  ordinary  forms  of  farm  work,  if  a  compul- 
sory education  law  is  enforced  and  the  children  work  only 
outside  of  school  hours  and  during  the  vacation  season. 

Domestic  and  personal  service  furnish  a  real  child  labor  prob- 
lem. In  this  group  of  occupations,  children  of  foreign  parentage 
and  negroes  form  a  large  proportion  of  the  workers,  and  as  a 
result  business  rather  than  personal  ties  obtain  in  the  relation- 
ship between  employer  and  employee,  since  most  of  the  em- 
ployers are  native  whites.  About  one-half  of  these  workers 
are  mere  servants  and  waiters  and  are  forced  at  once  to  recog- 
nize class  differences.  Much  of  the  work  is  of  a  menial  and 
degrading  character,  while  the  routine  of  work  and  the  lack  of 
opportunities  for  self-expression  produce  serious  moral  effects. 

Trade  and  transportation  has  offered  an  apparently  inviting 
field  for  a  large  number  of  children.  Mercantile  establishments 
draw  heavily  on  children  for  the  simpler  occupations,  such  as 
bundle  wrappers,  cash  boys  and  girls,  and  delivery  boys,  while 
the  carrying  of  bundles  and  packages  has  developed  enormous 
proportions.  Offices  demand  boys  to  do  the  odds  and  ends 
that  must  be  done.  The  street  trades  form  another  branch  of 
this  group,  newspaper  selling,  messenger  service,  boot  blacking, 
selling  of  gum,  flowers,  etc.,  and  distributing  bills.  The  most 
important  numerically  is  newspaper  selling,  and  the  newsboy  is 
found  in  every  city  where  daily  papers  are  sold,  and  even  in 
smaller  towns.  Complete  statistics  of  numbers  are  not  avail- 
able, but  New  York  City  has  approximately  5000,  while  Boston, 
Chicago,  and  Philadelphia  have  about  3000  each,  and  there  are 
at  least  ten  other  cities  each  of  which  has  1500  or  more  news- 
boys.    When  unrestricted  by  law  small  boys  may  often  be  seen 


288  PROBLEMS  OF  CHILD   WELFARE 

engaged  in  this  occupation,  but  the  majority  of  boys  begin  when 
about  nine  or  ten  years  of  age.  They  remain  in  the  service  for 
about  three  years,  then  drop  out  and  search  for  some  new 
occupation. 

Although  statistics  on  the  subject  are  not  available,  there 
are  still  a  large  number  of  messenger  boys,  but  because  of  their 
unreliability  the  younger  boys  are  being  dropped  and  an  increas- 
ing number  of  the  boys  employed  are  over  16  years  of  age. 
The  boy  bootblack  is  also  being  driven  out  of  his  occupation, 
and  the  remaining  street  trades  employ  but  few  children.  This 
group  of  occupations  really  unfits  children  for  regular  work; 
consequently  the  state  must  endeavor  to  reduce  the  number 
engaged  in  the  street  trades.  The  recent  child  labor  laws  are 
making  special  provisions  for  the  control  of  these  occupations, 
but  are  not  usually  applying  the  same  restrictions  as  those 
limiting  factory  work. 

A  small  group  of  children  are  employed  in  professional  serv- 
ice, many  of  whom  sing,  act,  or  practice  contortions  in  mov- 
ing picture  shows,  vaudeville,  and  cheap  theaters.  The  environ- 
ment in  which  they  work  is  frequently  most  demoralizing,  and 
they  usually  are  without  proper  chaperonage.  Furthermore, 
they  are  deprived  of  the  means  of  education.  Very  few  chil- 
dren under  16  years  of  age  can  engage  in  any  profession  in  which 
the  influences  are  uplifting  and  educational. 

In  the  coal  mining  industry  the  employment  of  boys  under 
14  has  almost  ceased,  while  the  number  of  boys  from  14  to  16 
has  been  reduced,  and  the  great  majority  of  these  boys  are  work- 
ing above  ground. 

In  many  industries  a  limited  amount  of  work  is  sent  to  indi- 
vidual homes  to  be  completed  there.  This  results  in  one  of 
the  phases  of  the  sweating  system.  Among  these  industries 
are  the  manufacture  of  men's  ready-made  clothing,  women's 
and  children's  underwear,  hosiery,  dolls'  clothes,  artificial 
flowers,  shirts,  cuffs  and  collars,  leather  goods,  paper  boxes, 
brush  making,  hand  embroidery,  and  nut  picking.  A  large 
proportion  of  the  home  work  is  carried  on  in  tenements  in  the 
large  cities,  where  the  work  is  usually  done  by  the  mothers  and 


FACTORS  OF  THE  CHILD  LABOR  PROBLEM    289 

the  children.  The  children  of  school  age  cannot  assist  during 
school  hours,  but  help  in  the  mornings  and  evenings.  Small 
children  may  be  required  to  work  all  day,  and  it  is  not  unusual 
for  all  the  children  and  female  members  of  a  family  to  engage 
in  home  work  until  the  late  hours  of  the  evening.  The  inves- 
tigation of  child  labor  conditions  made  by  the  federal  govern- 
ment discovered  children  five  years  of  age  and  upward  employed 
in  the  making  of  men's  clothing,  and  agents  for  the  state  of  New 
York  likewise  found  children  of  these  ages  actively  engaged  in 
work.  The  principal  nationalities  represented  were  the  Bohe- 
mians, Italians,  and  Russian  Jews. 

In  some  states  licenses  are  required  before  individuals  may 
manufacture  goods  in  their  homes,  but  it  has  been  impossible 
heretofore  to  enforce  license  laws  satisfactorily,  consequently 
we  have  no  adequate  knowledge  of  the  amount  of  home  work 
that  is  still  carried  on.  Even  when  a  system  of  inspection  is  in 
operation,  it  is  difficult  to  learn  about  child  labor  and  the  hours 
of  work.  Without  doubt  a  considerable  number  of  children 
are  employed  in  the  home  sweatshops  and  are  compelled  to 
work  as  many  hours  per  day  as  their  parents  may  require. 
In  New  York  City  alone  over  10,000  licenses  are  held,  but 
sweating  is  largely  localized  in  a  few  large  cities. 

In  estimating  the  magnitude  and  seriousness  of  the  child 
labor  problem  most  agricultural  laborers  should  be  excluded 
from  consideration.  Again  the  proportion  of  children  in 
manufacturing,  which  increased  tremendously  during  the  decade 
1890-1900,  has  suffered  a  remarkable  reduction  since  that  time, 
although  many  children  remain.  Children  likewise  do  not 
prove  very  acceptable  in  domestic  service;  they  rebel  against 
its  exactions  and  are  gradually  being  displaced.  The  heavy 
increase  during  the  ten  years  ending  in  1900  in  the  number  of 
children  engaged  in  trade  and  transportation  is  being  met  by 
the  recent  drastic  legislation,  which  will  gradually  reduce  the 
proportion  of  child  workers  in  this  group  of  occupations. 

2.  Age  of  Children. 

In  1900,  62  per  cent  of  all  the  working  children  were  14 
years  of  age  or  over,  and  the  constant  tendency  to  raise  the 
u 


290  PROBLEMS  OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

age  limits  has  no  doubt  resulted  in  increasing  this  proportion. 
Although  the  majority  of  agricultural  child  workers  are  under 
14,  the  danger  here  is  of  slight  importance.  But  great  harm 
follows  the  employment  of  children  under  14  in  manufacturing, 
mining,  trade  and  transportation,  and  home  work.  The 
presence  of  children  under  14  in  factories  is  largely  confined  to 
the  South,  where  the  age  limits  have  not  been  raised  to  the 
accepted  standard,  and  to  the  canning  industry  elsewhere. 
Many  children  under  10  have  been  discovered  in  the  cotton 
mills,  some  of  whom  are  carried  directly  on  the  pay  rolls.  Com- 
paratively few  children  under  14  are  found  in  domestic  service. 

The  New  York  State  Factory  Investigating  Commission 
in  191 2  discovered  that  141  of  the  1259  children  found  working 
in  the  cannery  sheds  of  that  state  were  under  10  years  of  age, 
and  502  were  under  12.1  The  Commission  learned  that  the 
small  children  present  were  all  expected  to  work,  that  many  of 
the  children  were  kept  in  the  sheds  late  at  night,  and  that  tru- 
ancy was  being  aggravated  by  these  forms  of  child  labor.  It 
is  also  significant  that  when  an  inspector  arrived  at  a  certain 
cannery  at  5.30  a.m.  nearly  200  children  were  hurried  away  so 
that  records  of  their  ages  could  not  be  made. 

In  home  work,  as  has  just  been  shown,  many  small  children 
are  employed.  The  street  trades  have  until  the  recent  legisla- 
tion in  many  states  commanded  a  large  number  of  boys  under 
12  and  a  considerable  number  under  10;  for  example,  before 
the  enactment  of  the  Missouri  law,  one-seventh  of  the  newsboys 
of  St.  Louis  were  under  10  years  of  age  and  about  one-half  were 
either  11  or  12. 

The  federal  government,  in  its  study  of  seven  selected  localities, 
discovered  that  the  average  age  of  the  children  when  they 
entered  industry  ranged  from  12.4  to  14.4  years.  The  lower 
figures  represented  Southern  conditions,  but  the  average  for 
one  Pennsylvania  town,  in  spite  of  a  fourteen-year  limit  imposed 
by  the  law  of  that  state,  was  only  13.5  years  !  But  in  the  larger 
cities  the  average  age  is  somewhat  higher.  According  to  a 
brief  vocational  guidance  survey  in  New  York  City  the  median 

1  Second  Report,  New  York  State  Factory  Investigating  Commission,  Vol.  I,  p.  132. 


FACTORS  OF  THE   CHILD  LABOR   PROBLEM 


291 


age  of  the  children  studied  was  14  years  and  5  months  —  a 
figure  that  corresponds  exactly  with  the  results  of  a  similar 
investigation  in  Chicago.  These  figures  are  probably  typical 
of  the  large  cities,  while  those  gathered  by  the  federal  govern- 
ment represent  conditions  in  the  country  as  a  whole,  outside 
of  metropolitan  centers. 

3.  Literacy  and  Education. 

No  statistics  are  available  in  regard  to  the  comparative  liter- 
acy of  working  children  in  the  United  States,  but  without  doubt 
the  proportion  of  illiteracy  is  higher  among  working  than  among 
non- working  children.  In  the  Northern  states  the  amount  of 
illiteracy  among  the  general  population  is  small,  but  in  the 
South  the  percentage  is  comparatively  high.  Here  the  chil- 
dren in  the  mills  are  largely  recruited  from  the  ignorant  people 
coming  from  the  mountains,  and  therefore  a  high  rate  of  illiter- 
acy prevails  among  them.  The  following  statistics  gathered 
by  the  federal  government  corroborates  this  conclusion.1 

Illiteracy  of  Children  in  Cotton  Mills  compared  with  that  of 
the  General  Population 


States 


Virginia  .  . 
North  Carolina 
South  Carolina 
Georgia  .  . 
Alabama  .  . 
Mississippi 


Percentage  of  Illiteracy  among 


Working 
Children 
under  14 


70.4 

53-8 

5°-3 
42.7 

65-5 
44.0 


Working 

Children 

U-I5 


57-8 

39-8 

3i-9 
28.2 

46.5 
22.0 


Native  Whites  of  Native 

Parents,  10  years  and 

over (1910) 


8.2 

12.3 

10.5 

8.0 

IO.I 

5-3 


These  figures,  although  based  on  a  limited  number  of  cases, 
are  a  vigorous  commentary  on  the  prevalence  of  illiteracy  among 
the  children  employed  in  the  cotton  mills.  In  four  of  the  six 
states  mentioned  more  than  one-half  of  the  children  studied 
who  were  under  14  were  illiterate.  The  percentage  of  illiteracy 
among  the  older  group  of  children  is  considerably  lower,  how- 
1  Woman  and  Child  Wage  Earners,  Vol.  I,  p.  244. 


292  PROBLEMS  OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

ever,  due  in  part  to  the  habit  of  allowing  some  of  the  children 
of  the  family  to  work  during  one  year  while  the  remainder  are 
at  school,  and  then  alternating  the  next  year  by  sending  the 
children  who  had  worked  to  school,  and  those  who  had  attended 
school  to  the  mills.  A  comparison  of  the  illiteracy  in  iqio  of 
native  whites  of  native  parents  in  these  states  with  that  of  the 
cotton  mill  employees  shows  that  the  proportion  of  illiteracy 
among  the  working  children  under  14  is  more  than  five  times 
as  great;  that  of  the  group  between  14  and  16  is  from  three 
to  four  times  as  large. 

The  foreign-born  child  also  affects  the  percentage  of  illiteracy 
among  working  children.  Among  this  group  the  proportion 
unable  to  read  and  write  is  comparatively  high,  and  at  the  same 
time  a  larger  percentage  than  among  the  native  born  are  en- 
gaged in  gainful  employment.  The  age  of  children  on  coming 
to  the  United  States  likewise  affects  the  problem,  for  the  older 
children  often  do  not  attend  school  at  all.  Negro  children 
suffer  from  inferior  educational  advantages,  so  a  high  rate  of 
illiteracy  naturally  prevails  among  them. 

A  literacy  test  does  not  afford  much  information  concerning 
the  amount  of  education  acquired  by  child  workers.  It  is  easy 
to  classify  as  literate  if  the  smallest  amount  of  education  has 
been  secured,  but  it  is  difficult  to  make  satisfactory  progress  in 
the  schools.  A  large  proportion  of  working  children  have  a 
mere  smattering  of  knowledge,  and  are  not  able  to  use  their 
education  for  practical  and  gainful  purposes.  The  recent  ob- 
servations of  school  authorities  in  the  large  cities  have  disclosed 
the  fact  that  children  applying  for  work  certificates  have  reached 
an  average  grade  attainment  of  a  little  beyond  the  beginning  of 
the  sixth  grade.  Usually  a  larger  number  drop  out  of  the  sixth 
and  seventh  grades  than  from  any  other.  Out  of  497  children 
studied  in  Chicago,  more  than  one-half  left  school  while  in  these 
grades.1  A  large  proportion  of  the  working  children  —  from 
one-third  to  one-half  in  the  metropolitan  cities  —  leave  school 
for  work  before  they  have  reached  the  sixth  grade.    This  group 

1  Talbert,  E.  L.,  Opportunities  in  School  and  Industry  for  Children  0/  the  Stock- 
yards District,  p.  12. 


FACTORS  OF  THE   CHILD   LABOR   PROBLEM  293 

can  make  but  little  if  any  use  of  their  school  training,  and 
must  limit  themselves  to  unskilled  manual  work  almost  exclu- 
sively. 

The  efficiency  of  the  truant  departments  in  such  cities  raises 
the  average  grade  attendance  of  the  working  child,  but  cities 
less  influenced  by  this  factor  show  somewhat  different  results. 
The  following  figures  presented  by  the  federal  government  give 
the  average  grade  of  the  children  studied  in  the  localities 
designated. 

Average  Grade  of  Working  Children1 


Locality 

Average  Grade  on  Leaving 
School 

Pawtucket 

4.1 

3-6 
4.0 

3-i 
2.9 
4.0 
S-o 

Columbus,  Georgia 

Georgia  and  Alabama  counties      .     .     . 

Plymouth,  Pennsylvania 

These  figures  show  a  comparatively  low  grade  attainment  — 
the  highest  average  being  only  five.  It  also  appears  that  nearly 
one-half  of  the  children  left  before  entering  the  fifth  grade  and 
three-fourths  before  reaching  the  seventh.  If  these  facts  are 
typical  for  the  child  labor  in  the  smaller  cities  and  towns,  it 
indicates  a  most  grievous  condition,  and  emphasizes  the  need 
of  including  definite  educational  requirements  in  every  child 
labor  law  and  the  rigid  enforcement  of  these  provisions. 

4.  Wages  and  Wage  Advancement. 

The  wages  of  employed  children  suggest  at  least  three  impor- 
ant  propositions :  the  relation  of  wages  to  degree  of  education, 
the  relation  of  wages  to  age,  and  the  opportunities  for  wage 
advancement.  A  study  of  770  children  in  St.  Louis  who  left 
school  from  the  fifth,  sixth,  seventh,  and  eighth  grades  indi- 
cated that  the  wages  of  the  child  with  a  fifth-grade  preparation 
on  entering  industry  were  practically  the  same  as  those  of  the 

1  Woman  and  Child  Wage  Earners  in  the  United  Slates,  Vol.  VII,  p.  132. 


294  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

child  from  the  eighth  grade.1  These  observations  have  been 
corroborated  by  studies  in  other  cities.  It  appears  therefore 
that  the  training  of  the  upper  grades  of  the  elementary  schools 
does  not  materially  enhance  the  immediate  wage-earning 
capacity  of  the  children ;  and  this  is  especially  true  of  those 
who  enter  the  manual  and  mechanical  pursuits.  It  also  accounts 
for  part  of  the  apathy  of  parents  toward  the  schools  and  the 
education  of  their  children.  Education  is  a  much  larger  factor 
in  determining  the  character  of  positions  for  boys  and  girls 
who  are  over  16,  as  a  greater  variety  of  occupations  are  open 
to  them.  Intellectual  ability  will  then  imply  promotion  and 
progress. 

Age  likewise  does  not  guarantee  superior  positions,  since 
the  younger  boys  earn  practically  the  same  wage  as  the  older 
ones  and  the  minor  differences  are  to  a  large  extent  accidental. 
It  is  only  as  age  is  a  measure  of  physical  capacity  or  endurance 
that  it  may  gain  a  slight  advantage.  Boys  in  transferring  from 
one  position  to  another  find  as  wide  a  difference  in  the  wages 
paid  as  between  those  of  the  younger  and  the  older  boys.  The 
fourteen-year  old  boy  has  practically  the  same  opportunities 
in  industry  as  has  the  child  who  is  nearly  16 ;  consequently 
he  sees  no  advantage  in  remaining  at  school  after  he  has  reached 
the  age  of  14. 

Age  and  grade,  within  limits,  are  factors  of  minor  importance 
in  determining  the  opportunities  of  children.  A  factor  of 
grave  importance  consists  of  the  limited  field  of  employment 
for  children,  as  the  positions  open  are,  on  the  whole,  undesir- 
able, afford  few  opportunities,  and  pay  low  wages.  The  major- 
ity of  girls  in  manufacturing  and  mercantile  establishments 
receive  initial  wages  that  range  from  three  to  four  dollars  per 
week;  but  boys  usually  receive  from  $3.50  to  $4.50.  Little 
actual  advancement  occurs  during  the  first  two  years  of  work. 

The  wages  of  newsboys  in  the  great  majority  of  cases  approxi- 
mate twenty-five  or  thirty  cents  per  day,  or  about  $2.00  per 
week,  the  Sunday  newspaper  proving  somewhat  more  profitable 

1  Washington  University  Studies,  Vol.  I,  Part  II,  No.  i,  October,  1913.  Indus- 
rial  Opportunities  of  Children  in  St.  Louis,  p.  80. 


FACTORS  OF  THE  CHILD  LABOR  PROBLEM    295 

than  the  daily  paper.  These  returns,  however,  represent  an 
average  of  not  more  than  three  hours  of  work  per  day.  An 
occasional  newsboy  earns  as  much  as  $10.00  per  week. 

Although  adult  home  workers  acquire  considerable  speed  and 
may  therefore  earn  fair  wages,  the  rate  of  pay  for  home  work  is 
almost  uniformly  less  than  that  paid  in  the  factory.  This  im- 
poses a  double  hardship  on  the  children  engaged  in  the  sweated 
trades,  for  they  work  slowly,  and  if  they  receive  a  low  rate  of 
compensation  their  earnings  are  pitifully  small.  Consequently 
a  child  working  from  four  to  six  hours  per  day  usually  earns 
not  more  than  twenty  cents,  and  many  children  actually  fall 
far  below  this  limit. 

The  wages  of  child  workers  are  one  of  the  best  indications  of 
a  present  social  maladjustment. 

5.  Night  Work  and  Overtime. 

Night  work  for  children  is  rapidly  dying  out.  Night  shifts  in 
manufacturing  establishments  do  not  usually  include  children, 
but  several  exceptions  occur,  such  as  the  night  shifts  in  the  glass- 
houses of  Pennsylvania  and  the  night  work  for  older  children  in 
the  Southern  cotton  mills.  The  evils  more  to  be  feared  are 
long  hours,  or  overtime,  the  principal  occupations  in  which  they 
persistently  remain  being  the  seasonal  trades.  On  account  of 
the  necessity  of  doing  the  major  portion  of  the  year's  work  with- 
in a  comparatively  short  time,  these  industries  engage  in  over- 
time during  a  part  of  the  year  and  operate  on  short  time  dur- 
ing the  remainder.  Among  the  trades  in  which  children  are 
largely  represented  and  compelled  to  work  overtime  are :  the 
paper-box  industry,  the  confectionery  trade,  the  canning  and 
preserving  of  fruits  and  vegetables,  artificial  flower  making, 
toy  making,  and,  to  a  limited  extent,  the  making  of  cotton  and 
woolen  goods. 

The  period  of  overtime  extends  from  a  few  days,  as  in  some 
of  the  mercantile  establishments,  to  three  months,  as  in  many 
candy  factories.  The  amount  of  overtime  is  often  excessive, 
and  frequently  children  are  employed  13  or  14  hours  per  day 
for  three  or  four  days  per  week.  The  majority  of  factories 
engaging  in  overtime  limit  themselves  to  not  more  than  four 


296  PROBLEMS  OF  CHILD  WELFARE 

nights  per  week.  Although  factories  sometimes  operate  till 
10  o'clock,  and  in  some  instances  on  Sunday  as  well,  the  usual 
closing  time  for  overtime  work  is  at  or  before  nine  p.m.  In  the 
cheaper  stores  in  some  cities  the  doors  are  not  closed  in  the 
pre-Christmas  season  until  very  late  in  the  evening.  Here  the 
workers  may  be  employed  for  at  least  14  consecutive  hours. 


CHAPTER  III 
GENERAL   EFFECTS   OF   CHILD   LABOR 

i.  Introduction. 

The  original  opposition  to  child  labor  was  largely  based  on 
humanitarian  motives.  The  horrible  conditions  which  formerly 
prevailed  finally  determined  sympathetic  men  to  abolish  the 
atrocious  system.  Shaftesbury,  Dickens,  and  the  philanthro- 
pists developed  the  public  opinion  that  investigated  the  evils  of 
child  labor,  but  the  economists  at  first  opposed  its  abolition  on 
account  of  the  reputed  detriment  to  the  industries  affected, 
although  later  they  discovered  an  economic  justification  for  such 
legislation.  This  evolution  first  took  place  in  England,  but  in 
the  United  States  an  almost  similar  development  occurred.  Here 
the  original  attitude  toward  child  labor  was  the  exact  opposite  of 
the  one  held  to-day.  In  estimating  the  productive  capacity  of 
a  nation,  statesmen  such  as  Hamilton  included  the  labor  of 
children,  since  this  was  regarded  as  entirely  legitimate.  Why 
should  they  not  add  to  the  wealth  of  the  country?  Further- 
more, they  would  earn  a  wage  that  would  partly  compensate 
parents  for  having  brought  them  into  existence  ! 

When  our  manufacturing  enterprises  began  to  spring  up  in 
the  Eastern  states,  it  was  generally  believed  that  industry 
could  be  made  more  productive  and  children  more  useful  by 
their  employment  in  gainful  occupations,  especially  in  the  manu- 
facture of  textiles.  The  cotton  and  woolen  mills  therefore 
soon  began  to  swarm  with  little  children  called  from  the  farms 
and  small  towns  of  New  England.  The  wages  received  were 
absurdly  low,  but  this  very  fact  made  the  business  more  profit- 
able to  the  capitalist  !  In  1812  many  children  were  employed 
at  less  than  a  half  dollar  per  week,  but  by  1832  boys  in  the  cotton 
mills  commonly  received  $1.75  for  a  week's  work.     Our  legis- 

297 


298  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

lators,  however,  were  not  interested  in  the  wages  of  children, 
their  chief  concern  being  with  the  development  of  industry. 
Child  labor  was  a  mere  means  to  a  justifiable  end. 

Child  labor  under  the  old  domestic  system  had  differed 
essentially  from  labor  in  the  factory  or  in  the  tenements,  but 
this,  contrast  was  not  appreciated  by  the  early  economists  or 
the  American  statesman  of  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth 
century.  There  were  no  vital  statistics  to  indicate  the  general 
unhealthfulness  of  cities  and  industrial  centers. 

There  was  little  knowledge  of  average  trade  life  or  the  inju- 
rious effects  of  premature  toil.  The  requisites  for  economic 
survival  then  were  likewise  different  from  those  of  to-day  and 
child  labor  was  less  detrimental  to  society.  A  strong  impetus 
was  therefore  given  to  the  employment  of  children  wherever 
they  could  be  used.  Compulsory  education  had  not  yet  dawned, 
and  women  were  denied  the  opportunity  of  acquiring  any  con- 
siderable degree  of  learning,  nor  was  the  social  necessity  of 
education  apparent.  Consequently,  no  impelling  motive  existed 
to  prevent  the  child  from  entering  some  gainful  occupation. 
Changing  social  standards  have  now  awakened  the  American 
people  to  the  seriousness  of  the  child  labor  problem. 

2.  Economic  Cost  of  Child  Labor. 

The  economic  disadvantages  of  child  labor  are  almost  self- 
evident,  but  the  results  need  to  be  briefly  stated.  One  of  the 
direct  economic  effects  of  child  labor  is  a  shortening  of  the 
period  of  trade  life,  owing  to  the  physical  depletion  which  results 
from  premature  labor  in  factories  and  workshops.  The  pres- 
ent conditions  of  industry  are  such  that  the  boy  who  begins  to 
work  at  an  early  age  will  be  unable  to  endure  the  strain  of  indus- 
try as  long  as  the  child  not  subjected  to  such  labor.  Child 
labor  therefore  is  to  be  regarded  as  a  cause  of  inferior  physique, 
and  this  naturally  results  in  poverty.  It  is  important  that  such 
precautionary  measures  be  taken  as  will  offer  the  greatest  oppor- 
tunity for  an  extension  of  each  individual's  industrial  career. 

Again,  child  labor  draws  prematurely  upon  our  economic 
assets,  and  thus  diminishes  the  amount  of  available  labor 
power.     By  employing  labor  before  it   is   mature   an   earlier 


GENERAL   EFFECTS   OF   CHILD   LABOR  299 

yield  upon  the  investment  will  be  realized,  but  the  human  being 
will  be  exhausted  so  much  sooner  that  great  harm  will  have  been 
done  and  the  total  trade  life  will  be  actually  shorter.  The  eco- 
nomic loss  caused  by  this  handicap  depends  upon  two  results : 
the  death  of  the  child  or  the  worker  in  middle  life ;  or  his  loss 
of  earning  power  either  in  childhood  or  in  later  life  through 
accidental  or  physical  breakdown.  The  mortality  of  children 
in  a  number  of  industries,  such  as  cotton  and  glass  manufacture, 
is  too  high,  and  obviously  is  caused  in  part  by  their  employment, 
although  precise  statistics  on  the  subject  have  not  yet  been 
gathered.  The  economic  loss  due  to  a  higher  mortality  cannot 
be  replaced.  The  physiological  effects  of  child  labor  all  oper- 
ate to  lessen  the  general  efficiency  of  a  nation.  Where  the  im- 
mediate result  to  the  individual  is  deformity,  stunted  physique, 
or  incapacity  for  hard  work,  the  final  'effect  is  uniform  —  a 
reduced  productive  power. 

Accident  as  an  economic  cost  is  receiving  greater  attention 
as  the  appalling  loss  of  human  life  in  industry  is  becoming  better 
known.  The  child  is  more  prone  to  accidents  than  the  adult, 
and  will  suffer  even  in  industries  regarded  as  comparatively  safe, 
since  young  boys  and  girls  are  naturally  careless.  Children 
cannot  concentrate  their  attention  on  their  work,  and  are 
therefore  frequently  the  victims  of  accidents  which  maim  them 
for  life  and  lessen  or  destroy  their  economic  capacity.  The 
accident  rate  for  girls  has  been  shown  to  be  especially  high. 
Children  are  allowed  or  compelled  to  tend  machines  requiring 
the  utmost  care  of  the  adult  operator;  therefore  serious  injury 
becomes  almost  inevitable,  and  the  danger  is  often  the  greatest 
for  the  very  class  least  capable  of  declining  to  accept  hazardous 
employment. 

In  the  recent  federal  investigation  of  conditions  in  the  cotton 
mills  it  was  found  that  children  were  generally  employed  in  the 
less  hazardous  occupations  and  were  not  required  to  handle 
very  dangerous  machines;  still  the  accident  rate  in  the  South- 
ern cotton  mills  was  48  per  cent  higher  for  persons  14  and  15 
years  of  age  than  for  those  16  and  over.1    The  accident  rate  for 

1  Woman  and  Child  Wage  Earners  in  the  United  Stales,  Vol.  I,  pp.  385-386. 


300  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

these  children,  working  among  shafts,  belts,  and  gears,  was  133 
per  cent  higher  than  for  the  older  group,  and  in  gear  accidents 
the  rate  was  three  and  one-third  times  as  high  for  the  younger 
group  !  In  a  similar  way  a  high  rate  of  accidents  for  children 
was  discovered  in  a  metal  trade  establishment  which  employed 
young  boys  at  the  machinery. 

Many  states  have  recently  enacted  laws  forbidding  the  em- 
ployment of  children  in  certain  occupations  in  which  danger 
from  accidents  is  considerable.  Some  states  have  general  laws 
prohibiting  the  employment  of  children  in  dangerous  occupa- 
tions, but  do  not  specify  these  occupations.  Unless  the  indus- 
tries are  detailed,  such  laws  have  but  little  value. 

Child  labor  prevents  the  development  of  efficiency  in  the 
worker,  owing  to  his  failure  to  receive  proper  training  and 
education.  The  child  necessarily  enters  industry  without  hav- 
ing acquired  a  trade  education.  He  therefore  joins  the  ranks 
of  unskilled  laborers,  and  remains  the  victim  of  low  wages 
throughout  his  industrial  career.  He  may  be  required  to  per- 
form the  routine  work  of  a  very  simple  occupation  in  which  he 
may  acquire  remarkable  skill  and  dexterity,  and  if  he  has  patience, 
and  the  monotony  is  not  too  oppressive,  he  may  be  successful 
for  a  time,  but  his  specialization  is  so  extreme  that  no  other 
employments  except  those  of  unskilled  labor  are  open  to  him 
in  case  of  sudden  dismissal  from  his  occupation.  Child  labor 
therefore  promotes  a  division  of  labor  which  under  our  present 
system  has  already  been  carried  too  far  for  the  best  interests 
of  the  working  classes. 

Child  labor  also  means  unstable  labor.  Monotonous  work 
and  extreme  specialization  are  inherently  contrary  to  the 
natural  and  spontaneous  activities  of  the  child,  so  unless  some 
superior  coercive  force  —  a  parent's  insistence,  the  absolute 
needs  of  the  child,  or  some  similar  force  —  compels  him  he  will 
not  remain  in  the  same  position  for  more  than  a  very  short 
period.  The  young  child  belongs  to  the  floating  class  of  workers, 
and  this  is  especially  true  of  the  boy  :  yet  his  need  of  a  definite 
trade  is  more  urgent  than  that  of  the  young  girl,  whose  entire 
industrial  career,  owing  to  marriage  and  subsequent  retirement 


GENERAL  EFFECTS  OF  CHILD   LABOR  301 

from  industry,  is  limited  to  about  five  years.  A  large  propor- 
tion of  children  enter  "blind  alley"  occupations;  that  is,  enter 
positions  that  are  short-lived  and  do  not  lead  to  promotion. 
In  the  large  cities  and  industrial  centers  a  large  proportion  of 
the  boys  enter  the  factories ;  next  comes  the  errand  and  delivery 
service  of  the  mercantile  establishments,  and  other  minor  occu- 
pations. A  small  number  of  children  —  less  than  10  per  cent 
—  enter  the  skilled  occupations,  the  remainder  are  variously 
divided  between  the  low-grade  and  the  unskilled  industries. 
A  remarkable  percentage  of  the  boys,  no  matter  what  the  in- 
dustry they  may  have  entered,  are  required  to  begin  work  as 
mere  delivery  boys,  or  they  carry  bundles,  packages,  and  boxes 
either  from  the  establishment  to  the  destination  or  are  required 
to  carry  them  about  within  the  building.  This  work  consists  of 
the  merest  routine ;  it  does  not  prepare  for  any  definite  trade, 
and  frequently  there  is  no  opportunity  for  an  increase  of  wages, 
so  the  child  leaves  his  position  for  another,  usually  in  the  same 
general  industry.  This  proves  to  be  of  the  same  variety,  so  he 
wanders  from  one  job  to  another.  At  first  he  struggles  for 
better  conditions,  but  eventually  he  becomes  discouraged  and 
indulges  in  long  periods  of  idleness.  A  habit  of  irregularity  is 
formed,  and  unemployment  —  forced,  then  voluntary  —  is  a 
frequent  result.  This  checkered  career  of  the  child  leads  to  the 
conclusion  that  the  years  from  14  to  16  as  spent  in  industry  are 
wasted  years.  Only  a  limited  number  of  occupations  are  open 
to  the  child  with  working  papers  and  most  of  these  lead  no- 
where. The  occupations  with  possibilities  ahead  are  reserved 
for  older  workers  and  persons  with  experience  or  training. 
Employers  frequently  establish  minimum  wage  limits  for  their 
workers,  this  being  especially  true  of  establishments  that  demand 
skilled  labor,  where  in  many  cases  the  apprentice  must  be  16 
before  he  is  accepted.  Two  years  of  irregular  work  in  industry 
result  principally  in  instability  and  indecision. 

The  untrained  child  cannot  know  his  own  mind  and  he  knows 
little  of  opportunities  in  industry,  so  he  simply  drifts  along  until 
dire  necessity  forces  him  to  begin  to  concentrate  his  efforts  on 
a  single  industry.     Meanwhile  he  has  lost  several  years  of  time, 


302  PROBLEMS  OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

and  his  opportunity  for  an  education  is  gone.  In  fact,  when  the 
child  has  once  dropped  out  of  school  it  is  almost  impossible  to 
persuade  him  to  return.  He  soon  reaches  the  limit  of  his  earn- 
ing capacity  and  cannot  contribute  to  society  the  values  which 
would  be  expected  from  him  if  he  were  trained.  Investigations 
in  Massachusetts  and  also  in  several  large  cities  indicate  that 
the  untrained  child  suffers  an  enormous  handicap.  Although 
for  a  short  time  he  may  outstrip  his  trained  associate  in  earning 
power,  this  advantage  is  quickly  lost.  The  latter  may  gain  an 
indefinite  increase  of  wages  or  salary,  but  the  former  must  al- 
ways remain  among  the  wage-earning  class.  The  net  result 
of  the  entrance  of  children  into  industry  is  a  positive  curtail- 
ment of  the  wealth-producing  power  of  the  nation. 

Without  doubt  child  labor  reduces  the  wages  of  adults, 
as  boys  frequently  displace  men,  and  girls  displace  women. 
Often  there  is  little  or  no  difference  in  the  character  of  the 
work  performed,  yet  the  children  receive  lower  wages.  The 
standard  rate  of  wages  paid  in  a  certain  position  is  thereby  re- 
duced, and  in  a  short  time  adults  competing  for  these  positions 
are  forced  to  accept  reduced  wages.  In  this  way  families  grad- 
ually sink  below  the  poverty  line,  and  little  children  are  again 
driven  into  the  mills  to  help  eke  out  the  family  income.  It 
has  been  shown  that  in  a  community  in  which  child  labor  is 
prevalent,  the  family  income  is  not  essentially  larger  than  in  a 
locality  in  which  the  burden  of  support  rests  principally  upon 
the  economic  head  of  the  family. 

3.  Social  Costs. 

The  social  costs  of  premature  employment  cannot  be  measured 
quantitatively,  but  are  nevertheless  a  serious  menace  to  our 
national  welfare.  Child  labor  hardens  the  boy  who  has 
chanced  to  be  successful  to  the  evils  of  the  system.  He  says 
it  is  merely  a  case  of  the  survival  of  the  fittest,  and  if  so  why 
should  not  this  principle  be  given  an  opportunity  to  separate 
the  worthy  from  the  unworthy  ?  The  fallacy  lies  in  a  mistaken 
impression  of  what  constitutes  fitness.  Accordingly  the  very 
men  who  should  be  strongest  in  their  advocacy  of  progressive 
laws  are  precisely  the  men  who  look  backward  and  do  not 


GENERAL  EFFECTS   OF   CHILD   LABOR  303 

struggle  for  the  interests  of  the  child  of  to-day.  Prominent 
railroad  officials  fail  to  see  the  harm  in  child  labor  in  the  mes- 
senger service ;  newspaper  men  oppose  interference  with  the 
modern  newsboy. 

Society  suffers  because  the  individuals  subjected  to  child  labor 
cannot  realize  the  full  amplitude  of  their  powers.  Not  only  is 
the  loss  occasioned  an  economic  disadvantage,  but  race  deterio- 
ration is  threatened.  In  addition,  the  child  has  no  opportunity 
to  develop  his  full  mental  powers.  A  loss  results  to  him  in  the 
limitation  of  his  social  opportunities,  and  to  society  in  its  failure 
to  receive  the  best  contribution  of  which  the  child  would  have 
been  capable. 

Child  labor  debars  the  child  from  acquiring  an  adequate  edu- 
cation, and  thus  handicaps  him  in  his  efficiency  as  a  citizen,  as 
has  been  shown.  Many  working  children  are  illiterate ;  others 
have  so  little  education  that  almost  no  advantage  can  result. 
The  demands  of  the  state  are  becoming  increasingly  urgent,  and 
every  reasonable  effort  should  be  made  to  equip  every  boy  and 
girl  for  the  duties  of  citizenship.  Successful  citizenship  requires 
intelligent  application  of  the  powers  which  education  develops 
in  the  individual,  but  child  labor  is  a  serious  bar  to  this  achieve- 
ment. Unfitness  for  the  social  and  political  life  of  to-day  fol- 
lows in  the  wake  of  child  labor,  and  the  citizenship  of  our 
country  is  thereby  endangered.  Though  a  small  number  of 
children  are  able  to  overcome  the  handicaps  of  premature  child 
labor  and  thereby  become  natural  leaders,  comparatively  few 
child  workers  ever  attain  to  positions  of  prominence  or  become 
factors  in  directing  our  civilization,  and  this  will  become  increas- 
ingly true  from  year  to  year.  The  failure  to  develop  capacity 
means  a  great  social  waste. 

The  curtailment  of  the  earning  power  of  the  individual  on 
account  of  the  handicap  which  child  labor  imposes  results  in  a 
relative  incapacity  to  rise  in  the  scale  of  living.  Thus  the  prob- 
lem of  poverty  is  accentuated,  standards  of  living  fail  to  rise, 
and  the  dependent  classes  increase  in  numbers.  Without  the 
needed  moral,  industrial,  and  trade  education,  the  young  worker 
likewise  is  unable  to  use  adequate  foresight,  he  cannot  cooperate 


304  PROBLEMS  OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

so  successfully  with  others,  and  the  benefits  accruing  from  or- 
ganized labor  cannot  be  fully  realized. 

In  this  connection  it  is  interesting  to  note  that  some  men  have 
maintained  that  child  labor  in  the  South  is  a  blessing.  It  is 
claimed  that  disease  has  been  lessened  and  death  rates  reduced 
because  children  have  gained  the  service  of  physicians  in  factory 
towns,  whereas  medical  care  in  the  mountains  from  which  the 
families  migrated  was  very  ineffective.  Likewise,  the  social  life 
of  the  town  is  superior  to  that  of  the  backwoods  and  a  modern 
mill  is  much  better  than  the  average  mountain  home.  The 
younger  children  also  can  attend  school  instead  of  growing  up 
illiterate.  This  argument  is  utterly  fallacious.  We  do  not 
right  a  wrong  by  substituting  one  evil  condition  for  another. 
Furthermore,  we  create  an  additional  evil  —  child  labor  —  and 
blind  men  to  the  causes  of  the  conditions  in  the  mountains,  while 
we  content  ourselves  with  dealing  with  a  few  of  the  effects,  for 
only  a  small  proportion  of  the  children  actually  enter  the  cotton 
mills.  The  real  upliftment  of  the  people  of  the  mountains  is 
thereby  delayed  for  many  years. 

4.  Moral  Effects. 

Many  of  the  effects  of  child  labor  are  demoralizing.  Among 
the  occupations  in  which  special  temptations  abound  are  news- 
paper selling,  errand  and  delivery  work,  and  the  messenger  serv- 
ice. The  small  boy  selling  papers  on  the  street  easily  degene- 
rates into  the  beggar,  especially  if  he  plies  his  trade  at  night,  when 
his  artifices  meet  with  a  greater  degree  of  success.  Practice 
in  begging  and  in  methods  of  deceit  tend  to  demoralize  him  and 
prepare  him  for  the  juvenile  court.  Social  workers  have  long  since 
declaimed  against  the  moral  effects  of  child  labor,  and  have 
produced  evidence  relating  especially  to  several  occupations 
which  will  be  discussed  later.  The  federal  government  has  in 
a  more  comprehensive  manner  gathered  the  data  presented  in 
the  following  table  which  show  the  proportion  of  delinquents 
among  working  and  non-working  children.1 

1  Woman  and  Child  Wage  Earners  in  the  United  States,  Vol.  VIII,  p.  37. 


GENERAL   EFFECTS   OF   CHILD   LABOR 


305 


Cities 


Indianapolis 

Baltimore  . 

Boston 

Newark 

Philadelphia 

Pittsburg 


Proportion  of  Boys 
Delinquent 


Working 


6.67 
2.87 
15-71 
3-74 
1.66 
6.56 


Non- 
Working 


3-i5 
.66 

1.46 
.89 
•55 

1-54 


Proportion  of  Girls 
Delinquent 


Working 


I.41 

•51 

I.36 

.28 

•34 
2.47 


Non- 
Working 


•31 
.02 
.08 
.04 
.04 
.14 


These  figures  have  value  only  in  so  far  as  working  and  non- 
working  delinquents  are  compared  with  each  other  in  the  same 
city,  since  the  varying  administrations  of  the  juvenile  courts 
make  comparisons  among  cities  impossible.  A  glance  at  the 
table  shows  that  in  every  instance  the  proportion  among  the 
working  boys  is  from  two  to  ten  times  as  high  as  among  the  non- 
working  boys.  Among  the  girls  the  disproportion  is  still  more 
startling,  but  the  number  of  girl  delinquents  is  so  small  that  the 
ratios  are  less  reliable  than  those  for  boys.  However,  the  in- 
vestigation showed  that,  although  the  number  of  working  girls 
was  less  in  each  of  these  cities  than  the  number  of  non-working 
girls,  in  every  city  except  Indianapolis  the  majority  of  the  de- 
linquent girls  came  from  the  working  group.  In  fact,  for  both 
sexes,  taking  the  cities  as  a  whole,  the  working  children  furnished 
both  absolutely  and  relatively  more  delinquents  than  the  non- 
working  group.  Little  difference  was  indicated  in  regard  to 
the  gravity  of  the  offenses,  but  it  appears  that  the  working  group 
inclines  to  the  more  serious  offenses,  and  also  contributes  the 
larger  proportion  of  repeating  offenders. 

The  relative  delinquency  of  the  two  groups  is  affected  by  other 
considerations  which  may  modify  the  disproportions  somewhat. 
For  example,  it  was  shown  that  broken  homes  are  relatively 
more  numerous  among  working  than  among  non-working  chil- 
dren, yet  home  environment  was  superior  among  the  former 
group,  while  nationality,  nativity,  and  age  were  influences  of 
doubtful  tendency.     The  fact  of  work  seems  to  predominate 


306  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

decidedly  in  producing  the  differences  —  a  conclusion  especially 
indicated  from  the  proportion  of  offenders  engaged  in  certain 
occupations. 

Investigation  has  shown  that  a  vast  majority  of  the  newsboys 
are  not  compelled  to  enter  industry  to  maintain  livelihood,  but 
do  so  because  of  the  attractions  and  adventures  of  the  business, 
and  for  the  sake  of  the  spending  money  acquired.  In  many 
cities  the  newsboy  does  not  hesitate  to  enter  saloons  in  the  pur- 
suit of  his  trade,  and  frequently  he  visits  the  haunts  of  vice  and 
himself  becomes  infected  with  serious  disease.  He  becomes  ac- 
quainted with  bad  women,  is  made  callous  to  degrading  sights, 
and  is  often  thoroughly  prepared  for  a  career  of  vice  and  crime, 
so  that  many  vicious  young  men  acquire  their  bad  habits  from 
their  experience  as  newsboys.  In  a  large  industrial  school  it  was 
ascertained  that  of  the  newsboys  who  were  inmates,  one-third 
were  suffering  from  disease  caused  by  immorality,  and  that  the 
newsboys  were  considerably  below  the  normal  standards  of  stat- 
ure and  weight.  In  another  large  institution  for  delinquent 
children,  the  newsboys  form  40  per  cent  of  all  the  boys  who  had 
previously  been  gainfully  employed.  A  recent  canvass  of  the 
Lyman  School  for  Boys  in  Massachusetts  shows  that  nearly  one- 
half  of  the  inmates  have  been  newsboys. 

Employees  in  the  messenger  service  are  specially  subject  to 
the  pernicious  influences  of  the  immoral  districts  of  the  city. 
They  are  often  compelled  to  deliver  messages  at  unreasonable 
hours  and  in  localities  which  are  clearly  demoralizing  and  they 
therefore  form  close  associations  with  vice.  There  is  a  large 
percentage  of  juvenile  delinquency  among  the  members  of  the 
messenger  service,  and  in  many  reformatories  for  boys  the  rep- 
resentatives of  this  occupation  are  altogether  too  numerous. 
The  girl  employed  in  this  service  suffers  from  the  greatest  moral 
temptations,  but  the  recognition  of  this  fact  has  prompted  some 
of  the  states  to  prohibit  the  employment  of  girls  as  messengers 
unless  they  are  at  least  18  years  of  age.  In  several  states  similar 
attempts  to  save  the  boys  have  been  made  by  prohibiting  them 
from  entering  any  questionable  resort  to  which  they  may  be 
compelled  to  carry  messages  —  provisions,  however,  that  have 


GENERAL   EFFECTS    OF    CHILD   LABOR  307 

but  little  deterring  power.  Conditions  are  being  somewhat  im- 
proved by  prohibiting  persons  under  2 1  years  of  age  from  working 
in  the  messenger  service  at  night. 

Some  of  the  street  trades  also  lend  themselves  to  the  oppor- 
tunity for  gaming,  and  as  the  newsboy  and  the  bootblack  enjoy 
a  large  amount  of  leisure,  they  become  active  participants  in 
these  questionable  games.  Shooting  craps,  throwing  dice,  and 
other  games  develop  the  gambling  instinct  in  the  boys  of  the 
street,  and  as  a  consequence  the  pennies  earned  through  the  work 
of  the  day  are  often  lost  again  through  the  petty  gambling  in 
which  they  engage.  This  loss,  however,  is  less  serious  than  the 
permanent  injury  to  their  character  and  the  inculcation  of  the 
baser  instincts. 

The  errand  and  delivery  boys  are  engaged  in  very  irregular 
work,  which  frequently  involves  excellent  opportunities  for 
stealing  small  articles  or  money,  and  the  associations  are  also 
likely  to  be  demoralizing.  As  in  the  case  of  the  street  trades, 
the  boys  are  not  subject  to  regular  supervision  —  a  fact  which 
conduces  to  their  downfall. 

Domestic  service  provides  the  largest  percentage  of  delinquent 
working  girls,  this  being  due  partly  to  the  opportunity  for 
petty  larceny  which  this  occupation  provides  and  partly  to  the 
lack  of  protection  against  immorality.  Frequently  members 
of  the  family  are  the  guilty  parties,  but  more  often  the  girls  are 
led  astray  by  the  men  they  meet  in  their  search  for  pleasure 
and  recreation.  The  domestic  suffers  from  loneliness  and  lacks 
opportunities  for  companionship  and  for  making  friends.  Con- 
sequently she  seeks  pleasure  in  doubtful  places;  hence  the  large 
amount  of  immorality. 

The  figures  presented  by  the  federal  government  throw  much 
light  on  the  importance  of  various  occupations  as  causative 
factors  of  juvenile  delinquency.  The  following  table  based  on 
statistics  for  1466  working  boys  and  202  working  girls  shows  the 
percentage  of  each  sex  engaged  in  the  occupations  furnishing 
the  largest  number  of  delinquents.1 

1  Woman  and  Child  Wage  Earners  in  the  United  States,  Vol.  VIII,  p.  9  ff. 


3o8 


PROBLEMS  OF   CHILD   WELFARE 


Percentage  of  Working  Delinquents  engaged  in  Specified 

Occupations 


Industry  or 
Occupation 

Per  Cent  of  Total 
Delinquent  Work- 
ing Boys 

Industry  or 
Occupation 

Per  Cent  of  Total 
Delinquent  Work- 
ing Gdils 

Newsboys 

21.83 

Domestic  service 

53-95 

Errand  boys 

17.80 

Textile,  Hosiery, 

and  knit  goods 

12.36 

Drivers  and 

Stores  and 

helpers 

7-3° 

markets 

5-44 

Stores  and 

Clothing  makers 

4-95 

markets 

4-23 

Messengers 

2-59 

Candy 

4-45 

Bootblacks 

1.77 

Laundry 

1.98 

Other  occupations 

44.48 

Other  occupations 

16.87 

A  further  study  of  2416  delinquent  boys  showed  that  11 76,  or 
48.6  per  cent,  when  last  employed  were  engaged  in  one  of  six 
occupations,  which  ranked  in  importance  as  follows: 

Delivery  and  errand  boys 20.3  per  cent 

Newsboys  and  bootblacks 18.6  per  cent 

Office  boys 1.9  per  cent 

Street  vendors 2.7  per  cent 

Telegraph  messengers 3.0  per  cent 

Amusement  resorts 2.1  per  cent 

The  large  proportion  of  errand  boys  is  due  to  the  numbers 
in  this  occupation,  but  the  actual  rate  of  delinquency  is  much 
higher  among  the  newsboys.  It  is  further  shown  that  58.6  per 
cent  of  the  working  delinquents  under  12  come  from  the  ranks 
of  the  newsboys,  and  that  four-fifths  of  this  group  have  been 
engaged  in  one  of  these  six  occupations,  although  the  entire 
number  of  working  delinquents  has  been  drawn  from  over  fifty 
occupations.  Yet  these  are  precisely  the  occupations  which  re- 
cruit a  large  proportion  of  the  boys  when  they  enter  industry. 
While  they  do  not  remain,  is  it  not  possible  that  they  are  pro- 
foundly influenced  thereby?  In  conclusion  it  is  evident  that 
those  occupations  which  do  not  admit  of  easy  supervision  by 
employers  are  responsible  for  the  largest  proportion  of  juvenile 


GENERAL  EFFECTS  OF   CHILD   LABOR  309 

delinquency.  Working  children  will  not  develop  morally  and 
spiritually  unless  subjected  to  wholesome  discipline,  and  if  they 
are  inclined  to  be  wayward,  the  street  trades  and  delivery 
service  will  prove  specially  demoralizing.  In  this  respect  the 
boy  or  girl  in  factory  or  workshop  has  an  immense  advantage 
because  the  restraints  imposed  by  employers  are  rigid  and  cer- 
tainly tend  to  induce  regularity,  industry,  and  obedience. 

Night  work  in  factories  has  several  important  moral  conse- 
quences :  for  example,  the  discipline  of  the  factory  or  of  the  store 
tends  to  greater  leniency  at  night,  and  therefore  the  children  will 
be  given  to  greater  excesses.  The  long  hours  of  the  child  make 
him  restless,  and  the  different  conditions  at  night  urge  him  to 
throw  off  restraints,  and  hence  demoralizing  tendencies  follow. 
Night  work  in  the  glasshouses  undoubtedly  has  an  injurious 
effect  upon  the  boys.  Contact  with  adult  workers  tends  to  be- 
come demoralizing,  but  the  tendency  is  more  marked  at  night. 
Smoking  and  drinking  habits  are  formed  by  the  boys,  and  pro- 
fanity is  acquired.  The  child  on  the  street  at  midnight,  whether  a 
newsboy  or  a  factory  employee  on  his  way  to  or  from  work,  can 
hardly  escape  moral  degradation.  The  moral  danger  of  night 
work  to  girls  consists  chiefly  in  the  pernicious  contacts  with  the 
baser  elements  of  the  street.  The  sensibilities  are  easily  blunted 
by  the  environment  which  the  street  creates  for  the  working 
girl.  Insults  are  common,  even  to  the  girls  who  are  quietly  re- 
turning to  their  homes,  and  in  the  early  morning  the  young  girl 
must  run  the  gantlet  of  curious  eyes  and  provoking  familiar- 
ities. In  this  way  the  moral  fiber  of  girls  is  weakened;  they 
become  sophisticated,  and  finally  lose  their  reserve.  Girls 
need  to  be  saved  from  this  danger  of  the  street,  but  the  con- 
tinuation of  overtime  or  the  use  of  night  work  renders  this  quite 
impossible. 

In  extenuation  of  the  evil  effects  of  child  labor  it  can  justly 
be  urged  that  in  some  cases  at  least,  the  child  has  been  taken  from 
a  bad  street  environment  or  has  come  from  a  most  degraded 
home  in  the  mountains,  and  has  been  placed  under  discipline 
in  the  factory.  Child  labor  is  a  school  of  training  to  the  extent 
that  it  may  occasionally  place  a  child  in  a  situation  where  de- 


310  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

grading  influences  are  less  aggressive  than  they  would  otherwise 
be.  Even  this  slight  extenuation  cannot  in  any  sense  apply  to 
the  street  trades. 

Society  should  not  allow  either  the  opportunity  for  mischiev- 
ous associations  or  the  "child  labor  which  sometimes  becomes 
the  substitute.  More  education,  more  parks  and  playgrounds 
and  better  homes,  not  more  child  labor,  are  the  remedies  for  the 
bad  influences  of  the  street. 

5.  Physiological  Aspects  of  Child  Labor. 

a.  Need  of  Good  Physique. 

The  bad  effect  upon  bodily  growth  and  physical  development 
is  one  of  the  most  important  objections  to  child  labor.  Society 
must  attempt  to  make  the  individual  capable  of  self-support, 
and  cannot  afford  to  incapacitate  him  by  forcing  him  into  pre- 
mature employment.  Should  he  break  down,  he  becomes  a 
public  charge,  and  the  state  must  expend  its  energies  to  main- 
tain him.  The  interests  of  society  therefore  demand  men  and 
women  of  physical  vigor,  capable  of  a  normal  trade  life,  and 
every  effort  should  be  made  to  develop  the  child  into  a  strong, 
healthy  person. 

In  childhood  the  foundation  is  laid  for  strength,  vigor,  and 
general  healthfulness.  Activity  is  the  keynote  of  this  develop- 
ment, but  this  does  not  imply  that  the  work  of  the  factory  will 
furnish  the  needed  exercise.  On  the  contrary,  this  is  exactly 
what  the  factory  fails  to  accomplish,  for  the  reason  that  the  op- 
erations are  of  such  a  character  that  a  one-sided  development 
is  produced  and  the  work  is  not  usually  carried  on  under  the 
best  conditions.  The  vigorous  man  requires  a  symmetrical 
development,  and  this  can  be  secured  only  by  combining  the  use 
of  all  the  five  hundred  muscles  of  the  body.  The  self-chosen 
activities  of  the  child  are  a  better  means  of  providing  the  neces- 
sary exercise  than  are  the  monotonous  operations  of  the  factory, 
and  whatever  interferes  with  his  needed  play-time,  be  it  work, 
school,  or  sickness,  handicaps  him  in  his  proper  development. 
By  means  of  play,  exercise,  outdoor  sports,  and  other  similar 
activities,  the  child  develops  brain,  nerves,  and  muscles,  pro- 
motes a  good  circulation  of  the  blood,  and  compels  nature  to 


GENERAL   EFFECTS   OF   CHILD   LABOR  31 1 

provide  a  strong  and  adequate  physical  structure.     Industrial 
capacity  depends  upon  this  development. 

The  need  of  strong  men  and  women  in  industry  is  greater  than 
ever  before  because  the  domestic  system  did  not  sap  the  ener- 
gies of  men  as  does  the  strain  of  modern  labor.  Certain  dis- 
eases, such  as  apoplexy,  heart  disease,  and  Bright's  disease,  are 
increasing  their  proportion  of  fatalities,  and  extreme  longevity 
is  becoming  less  common.  Furthermore,  the  stress  of  the  fac- 
tory and  workshop  shortens  the  trade  life  of  thousands  of  labor- 
ers, and  provision  must  be  made  for  them  in  their  old  age.  After 
the  age  of  forty-five  the  individual  who  has  not  established 
himself,  or  who  loses  his  position,  has  extreme  difficulty  in  again 
adjusting  himself  favorably  in  the  industrial  system.  Some 
firms  will  not  engage  the  services  of  any  new  man  who  has  at- 
tained this  age,  although  they  will  retain  their  own  employees 
indefinitely.  Voluntary  pension  systems  are  springing  up  to 
care  for  many  in  their  old  age,  but  in  not  a  few  cases  the  aged 
are  asked  to  resign.  A  significant  movement  has  recently  taken 
place  in  teaching  circles,  and  several  large  universities  have  made 
sixty-five  the  age  limit  for  their  professors,  at  which  age  they 
are  expected  to  resign.  The  trade  life  of  the  ordinary  worker 
is,  however,  much  shorter  than  that  of  those  engaged  in  profes- 
sional work,  and  the  average  child  worker  may  be  expected  to 
join  the  former  class  of  laborers.  There  is  a  large  group  of  con- 
fessedly dangerous  trades,  besides  many  others  which  slowly 
undermine  the  strength  and  vitality  of  the  worker.  So  many 
industrial  operations  are  carried  on  under  abnormal  conditions 
that  physical  vigor  is  necessary  to  counteract  the  effects. 
Formerly  outdoor  work  preponderated  ;  to-day  a  large  amount 
of  all  work  is  carried  on  indoors,  where  atmospheric  conditions 
are  almost  inevitably  devitalizing.  Great  powers  of  endurance 
are  necessary  to  withstand  the  consequences  of  work  in  our  iron 
and  steel  foundries,  smelting  works,  machine-making  factories, 
and  workshops  of  similar  character.  Unless  workers  are  physi- 
cally stronger  than  men  formerly  were,  they  cannot  remain  at 
work  as  many  years.  The  occupational  disease  laws  that  are 
being  enacted  in  many  states  are  a  recognition  of  the  fact  that 


312  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

the  sanitary  conditions  of  many  of  our  industrial  establishments 
need  radical  improvement  and  that  workers  are  suffering  from 
the  lead  dust,  the  chemicals,  poisons,  gases,  and  the  various  in- 
jurious dusts  that  they  encounter.  Important  as  is  the  need  of 
insisting  on  wholesome  and  sanitary  workshops,  it  is  still  more 
important  to  prepare  each  person  with  a  physique  capable  of 
withstanding  the  conditions  of  factory  life. 

The  newly  arrived  foreigner  is  physically  incapable  of  perform- 
ing the  work  done  by  the  American  laborer.  Not  until  he  be- 
comes accustomed  to  the  muscle-producing  food  used  here,  can 
he  compete  with  native-born  laborers.  Although  European 
people  differ  among  themselves  as  to  the  amount  of  work  per- 
formed in  a  given  day,  this  difference  largely  disappears  when 
representatives  of  these  races  consume  similar  quantities  and  the 
same  quality  of  American  foods. 

b.  Effect  of  Premature  Employment. 

During  the  period  of  its  growth  the  body  of  the  child  is  more 
or  less  plastic.  Susceptibility  to  external  impressions,  and  the 
long  years  of  plasticity,  make  the  highest  development  possible, 
but  under  untoward  circumstances  may  cause  the  individual's 
ruin.  At  the  age  of  puberty  the  body  undergoes  a  considerable 
transformation,  and  injuries  often  leave  permanent  effects. 
The  boy  is  harmed  through  improper  development,  but  the  girl 
suffers  more  severely  from  the  effects  of  unnatural  activities  at 
this  period,  and  overstrain  is  especially  dangerous.  The  muscles 
are  easily  affected  at  about  the  thirteenth  year,  as  it  is  the  period 
of  their  hardening,  and  excessive  strain  may  produce  a  tension 
which  will  prove  permanently  injurious.  The  child  may  become 
dwarfed  or  stunted ;  if  so,  almost  unlimited  effort  will  be  re- 
quired to  induce  development  in  later  years.  As  indicated  in  a 
previous  chapter,  the  physical  decline  of  large  numbers  of  the 
English  people  is  in  part  due  to  child  labor.  The  working  child 
tends  to  become  anaemic,  and  the  various  organs  of  his  body  re- 
ceive insufficient  nourishment.  Muscles  in  certain  parts  of  the 
body  are  overdeveloped,  while  others,  owing  to  their  weakness 
and  lack  of  exercise,  fail  to  develop.  Child  labor  does  not  occasion 
a  symmetrical  development  of  the  body,  but  leads  to  physical  de- 


GENERAL  EFFECTS  OF   CHILD   LABOR  313 

formity  because  of  the  excessive  use  of  certain  organs.  An 
abnormal  amount  of  nervousness  exists  among  young  women 
workers,  due  largely  to  premature  overstrain.  Work,  as  carried 
on  in  modern  industry,  cannot  perform  the  beneficent  function 
of  play. 

c.  Incidental  Results  of  Child  Labor. 

Certain  specific  conditions  of  child  labor  are  specially  harm- 
ful, such  as  the  constant  standing  to  which  many  children  are 
subjected.  And  in  some  industries  girls  are  compelled  to  stand 
for  hours  at  a  time  —  a  tension  which  frequently  is  the  cause  of 
much  harm,  in  that  it  produces  lateral  curvature  of  the  spine 
as  well  as  flat  foot  and  varicose  veins.  An  abnormal  strain  is 
also  placed  on  certain  muscles,  and  many  girls  become  victims 
of  pelvic  disorders  which  interfere  with  their  capacity  for  mater- 
nity. In  the  candy  and  paper  box  factories,  as  well  as  in  many 
textile  mills,  standing  is  common,  while  in  stores  small  girls  are 
almost  invariably  on  their  feet,  although  moving  to  and  fro. 
The  bundle  wrappers  often  stand  in  one  spot  all  day.  Some 
observations  among  employees  in  mercantile  establishments 
have  brought  out  the  fact  that  varicose  veins  are  most  common 
among  the  girls,  and  that  this  is  especially  true  of  the  ones  that 
have  been  employed  for  a  considerable  time.  Constant  sitting 
is  nearly  as  laborious  and  tiresome  as  standing,  and  it  frequently 
involves  a  cramped  position  which  injures  the  lungs  and  prevents 
the  full  and  free  development  of  the  chest.  The  workers  sub- 
jected to  these  conditions  are  very  susceptible  to  the  various 
lung  diseases,  and  especially  to  tuberculosis.  The  cramped  posi- 
tion which  constant  sitting  necessitates  also  tends  to  deform  the 
growing  child ;  in  fact,  a  constant  position  of  any  kind  is  very 
tiresome,  and  a  change  rests  the  overworked  muscles  and  brings 
a  new  set  into  play.  In  this  way  the  fatigue  resulting  from  work 
can  be  reduced  to  a  minimum. 

d.  Unhealthy  id  Occupations. 

Some  occupations  are  by  nature  injurious  to  the  worker,  and 
especially  to  the  plastic  child.  These  are  usually  found  in  in- 
dustries in  which  a  large  amount  of  dust  is  formed.  The  boys 
working  in  the  breakers  of  our  coal  mines  are  continually  com- 


314  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

pelled  to  breathe  the  black  dust  in  which  they  are  enveloped. 
In  a  short  time  their  lungs  are  so  filled  with  dust  that  they  turn 
completely  black,  and  the  constant  presence  of  this  foreign  sub- 
stance undoubtedly  interferes  with  the  free  function  of  the  lungs 
and  retards  the  full  development  of  the  child.  Many  stunted 
and  unreasonably  small  boys  are  found  at  work  in  the  coal  re- 
gions of  Pennsylvania. 

In  the  textile  mills,  lint  and  dust  are  continually  flying  about, 
and  the  best  establishments  cannot  entirely  escape  the  presence 
of  these  substances.  Artificial  methods  of  allaying  the  dust  and 
of  minimizing  the  diffusion  of  lint  throughout  the  air  have  ac- 
complished much  toward  producing  an  unpolluted  atmosphere. 
The  cotton  lint  may  be  indiscernible  in  the  air,  but  its  presence  is 
indicated  by  a  deposit  of  the  substance  upon  stationary  objects. 
The  air  is  breathed  by  the  children,  the  lint  penetrates  to  the 
lungs,  and  can  with  difficulty  be  thrown  off  by  them,  and  there- 
fore the  child  is  bound  to  suffer  physically  from  this  admittedly 
injurious  substance.  The  weakening  of  the  lungs  renders  these 
children  specially  liable  to  attacks  of  tuberculosis.  The  initial 
processes  in  the  manufacture  of  goods  from  flax  and  hemp  occa- 
sion a  vast  quantity  of  dust,  and  much  of  the  preliminary  work 
is  done  by  children.  Often  the  workers  are  surrounded  by  a 
cloud  of  dust  which  irritates  the  throat  and  bronchial  tubes. 
The  wool  dust  is  especially  harmful,  but  recent  industrial  im- 
provements in  the  better  grade  of  mills  have  greatly  diminished 
its  deleterious  consequences. 

The  dust  of  the  tobacco  leaf  is  injurious,  because  it  contains  a 
poisonous  substance.  A  large  number  of  children  are  found  in 
tobacco  factories  in  the  North  and  the  South,  and  the  work  usu- 
ally requires  the  constant  breathing  of  this  poisonous  fume. 
The  principal  effects  of  the  dust  on  the  child  are  the  develop- 
ment of  nervous  affections  and  of  nausea,  the  latter  condition 
resulting  more  frequently  among  girls  than  among  boys.  A  pre- 
disposition to  disease  is  also  developed,  and  even  adults  suffer 
from  the  effects  of  work  in  tobacco  factories,  many  of  which  are 
most  unsanitary,  this  being  especially  true  of  the  smaller  shops, 
where  the  underaged  child  is  so  frequently  found.      Injurious 


GENERAL  EFFECTS  OF  CHILD   LABOR  315 

dusts  are  common  in  mills  of  various  kinds,  and  in  all  cases  the 
child  suffers  more  severely  than  the  adult  worker  because  of  phys- 
ical immaturity.  The  constant  inhalation  of  dust  or  poisonous 
substances  is  insidious  in  its  effects,  and  many  persons  finally  suc- 
cumb to  diseases  that  have  been  induced  or  contracted  thereby. 

Rapid  variations  in  temperature  produce  baneful  consequences. 
Such  changes  are  common  in  the  glasshouses  in  which  boys  are 
frequently  employed,  some  of  whom  work  close  by  the  fur- 
naces, and  are  continually  subjected  to  the  fierce  heat,  while 
others  run  to  and  fro,  and  thus  alternate  between  currents  of  hot 
and  moderate  air.  The  excessive  heat,  the  cooler  air,  and  the 
drafts  combine  to  undermine  the  health  of  the  boys.  In  some 
factories,  such  as  confectionery  establishments,  certain  rooms 
are  heated  or  cooled  to  specific  temperatures,  and  the  child  does 
his  work  at  that  constant  temperature.  The  cool  rooms  are  the 
more  unhealthful,  as  the  girl  employed  does  not  usually  exercise 
the  necessary  precautions  required  to  protect  her  against  the 
cold,  and  the  change  from  one  level  of  temperature  to  another 
is  likewise  fraught  with  dangers.  Many  textile  mills  are  over- 
heated and  produce  debilitating  effects,  and  the  majority  of 
laundries  are  necessarily  warmer  than  the  outside  air.  Children 
cannot  escape  the  heat  of  the  laundry,  and  the  dislike  of  many 
employees  to  allow  the  drafts  to  handicap  them  in  their  work 
often  results  in  insufficient  ventilation.  In  the  summer  months 
frequent  faintings  occur  on  account  of  the  heat,  both  children 
and  young  women  suffering  from  this  misfortune,  but  fans  and 
ventilators  in  the  better  class  of  laundries  now  diminish  the 
harmful  effects  of  excessive  heat.  Over-exertion  in  the  heat  of 
glasshouses  or  laundries  is  an  especial  danger  of  the  summer 
months,  yet  many  laundries  operate  a  longer  day  during  the 
summer  than  during  the  cooler  months. 

Moisture  is  another  cause  of  physical  discomfort.  Dr.  Sewall, 
in  her  investigations,  found  barefooted  girls  in  some  of  the  flax- 
spinning  rooms,  while  in  others  the  girls  wore  rubbers  to  protect 
themselves  from  the  wet  floors.1    In  bleacheries,  half-naked 

1  United  States  Bureaifof  Labor,  Bulletin  No.  52.  "  Child  Labor  in  the  United 
States." 


316  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

boys  were  trampling  cloth  in  deep  vats,  and  in  the  bottling  de- 
partment of  one  brewery  the  boys  wore  rubber  boots,  while  in 
another  wooden  shoes  were  used.  In  some  laundries  the  mois- 
ture is  drawn  off  by  means  of  hoods,  and  thus  the  bad  effect  of 
steam  is  mitigated. 

Aside  from  the  tobacco  industry,  few  children  are  engaged  in 
occupations  bringing  them  in  contact  with  very  poisonous  sub- 
stances. The  extreme  susceptibility  of  the  child  to  such  sub- 
stances has  generally  kept  child  labor  from  these  industries. 
Boys  are  occasionally  found  in  dyehouses  or  in  establishments 
where  dyeing  forms  one  of  the  occupations.  Various  kinds  of 
coloring  matter  are  used  in  making  artificial  flowers,  also  in  cer- 
tain processes  in  textile  mills.  In  some  enameling  works  the  use 
of  lead  is  an  unhealthful  element ;  in  others  varnish  and  paint 
combine  to  injure  the  young  child.  In  many  trades  children 
suffer  severely  from  accidents  resulting  from  their  natural  care- 
lessness. It  is  true  that  many  times  children  do  not  appear  to 
be  injured  from  factory  life,  but  are  nevertheless  physically 
affected  and  later  reap  the  results.  The  children  who  engage  in 
the  street  trades  lead  a  very  irregular  life,  with  injurious  conse- 
quences to  body  and  physique,  and  because  of  the  early  hours 
when  newspapers  are  sold,  boys  begin  their  work  without  break- 
fasts. Again,  they  are  found  on  the  streets  in  the  late  afternoon 
and  evening.  Consequently  these  boys  are  irregular  in  their 
meals,  while  many  of  them  subsist  on  inferior  foods  and  confec- 
tions bought  while  they  are  at  work.  The  late  hours  of  work 
in  many  cities  are  an  additional  cause  of  the  physical  depletion 
of  the  boys.  Failure  to  grow  and  to  acquire  proper  strength 
are  among  the  observed  consequences,  as  well  as  anaemia  and 
indigestion. 

The  physical  effects  of  home  or  sweatshop  work  cannot  be 
distinguished  from  the  consequences  of  life  in  the  unsanitary 
homes  in  which  much  of  the  work  is  carried  on.  Nevertheless, 
by  toiling  away  for  hours  and  late  into  the  evening  the  children 
making  artificial  flowers,  white  underwear,  men's  clothing,  and 
paper  boxes  consume  the  time  allotted  for  play  and  recreation 
and  lose  their  opportunities  for  proper  physical  development. 


GENERAL   EFFECTS   OF   CHILD   LABOR  317 

e.  Effect  of  Night  Work. 

The  physiological  disadvantage  of  night  work  is  far  greater 
than  that  of  employment  during  the  day.  Whatever  may  be 
urged  against  day  work  applies  with  greater  emphasis  to  night 
work,  —  this  being  particularly  true  in  regard  to  indoor  occupa- 
tions. The  night  work  which  takes  the  form  of  overtime  is 
harmful  because  of  the  long  hours  which  are  usually  involved. 
In  this  case  the  injurious  effects  are  serious  because  recovery 
from  extreme  exhaustion  is  proportionally  more  difficult  than 
from  ordinary  weariness.  The  bad  effect  of  long  hours  is  cumu- 
lative. The  first  obstacle  which  the  night  worker  encounters 
is  the  difficulty  of  habituating  himself  to  the  change,  night  work 
not  being  in  accordance  with  the  wish  of  nature.  The  individual 
profits  most  by  using  the  night  for  purposes  of  sleep,  as  daylight 
does  not  lend  itself  to  effective  rest,  for  the  air  is  full  of  noises, 
and  boys  cannot  entirely  isolate  themselves  from  all  disturbing 
influences.  Because  they  cannot  sleep  they  are  out  again  by 
noon,  engaged  in  play  or  sport.  Some  time  must  elapse  before 
the  child  can  train  himself  to  sleep  sufficiently  during  the  day  to 
meet  his  needs,  and  where  the  same  child  alternates  weekly 
between  day  and  night  shifts,  as  he  is  usually  required  to  do, 
time  is  not  given  to  adjust  himself  to  the  ever-changing  condi- 
tions. Therefore  his  physical  energy  is  slowly  sapped,  and  in- 
jurious results  follow.  Night  work  also  invariably  involves  the 
use  of  artificial  light,  and  confinement  to  its  use  is  measurably 
harmful.  The  custom  in  some  factories  of  operating  only  part 
of  the  night  results  in  turning  the  factory  hands  out  in  the  very 
middle  of  the  night,  and  the  change  for  the  young  boys  is  often 
distinctly  unfavorable.  The  child  who  works  at  night  is  gener- 
ally less  efficient  than  the  child  who  works  an  equal  number  of 
hours  during  the  daytime.  This  inefficiency  is  a  sign  of  the 
physical  handicaps  of  such  work.  The  abandonment  of  night 
work  by  many  manufacturing  establishments  is  in  part  due  to 
the  recognition  of  its  inherent  disadvantages,  and  the  enactment 
of  laws  forbidding  child  labor  in  the  factories  at  night  is  a  further 
indication  of  this  point  of  view. 


318  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

/.  Summary. 

The  emphasis  which  is  being  increasingly  placed  upon  good 
physique,  and  the  growing  need  of  this  qualification,  demon- 
strate the  importance  of  the  consideration  of  the  physiological 
effects  of  child  labor.  For  in  this  phase  of  the  problem  lies 
much  of  the  rationale  of  stringent  child  labor  laws.  Premature 
employment  during  the  day  or  employment  at  night  paves  the 
way  for  those  physical  disabilities  which  result  in  an  early  in- 
capacity for  self-support,  or  in  excesses  of  divers  kinds  which 
hasten  the  breakdown  of  the  individual.  The  conservation  of 
energy  and  the  production  of  the  best  types  of  physical  vigor  are 
inexorably  necessary  in  the  complicated  civilization  of  to-day. 
Both  economic  and  social  conditions  require  high  standards  of 
physique,  and  a  vigorous  manhood  and  womanhood  must  be 
maintained  at  all  hazards.  The  prohibition  of  child  labor  is 
one  important  step  in  this  direction. 


CHAPTER  IV 
CHILD   LABOR  REFORM 

Two  lines  of  attack  are  necessary  if  child  labor  is  to  be  abol- 
ished :  first,  constructive  work  to  eliminate  the  causes ;  second, 
repressive  legislation.  In  actual  practice  it  has  been  easier  to 
pass  laws  than  to  remove  the  root  causes  of  child  labor.  Unless 
this  is  done,  however,  the  laws  cannot  be  entirely  effectual. 
Consequently  the  positive  side  of  the  problem  must  receive  more 
attention  than  heretofore.  The  child  labor  reformers,  both  in 
England  and  in  the  United  States,  have  spent  the  bulk  of  their 
efforts  in  obtaining  legislation,  largely  because  no  other  way  of 
solving  the  problem  was  in  evidence.  Recently,  however,  they 
have  begun  to  emphasize  the  constructive  movements  which 
if  successful  will  make  child  labor  unnecessary. 

i.  Constructive  Effort. 

Possibly  the  most  important  form  of  positive  legislation  is 
compulsory  education,  which  has  by  some  been  called  the  best 
child  labor  law.  Keep  children  in  school  until  they  are  14  and 
they  cannot  work  at  the  same  time  except  as  newsboys  and  in 
the  minor  occupations.  Besides  being  required  to  attend  school 
the  child  should  have  the  opportunity  to  acquire  a  really  useful 
education  —  one  that  will  fit  him  for  his  life  work.  Again  so- 
ciety has  emphasized  the  less  essential  thing  —  compulsory 
education  —  and  has  not  given  adequate  thought  to  compulsory 
training  for  social  efficiency.  One  reason  for  this  is  that  we  do 
not  know  what  constitutes  the  best  educational  program  and 
are  still  groping  about  for  information.  If  schools  can  give 
children  systematic  instruction  which  will  save  several  years  of 
wasted  time  in  industry  as  well  as  offer  a  definite  line  of  work, 
school  life  will  become  more  interesting,  children  will  want  to 
attend,  and  parents  will  be  less  ready  to  withdraw  their  children 

319 


320  PROBLEMS   OF    CHILD   WELFARE 

from  school.  A  very  important  consideration  then  in  solving 
the  child  labor  problem  is  to  provide  adequate  educational 
facilities  and  require  children  to  attend  school.  In  fact,  a  pro- 
gram which  will  train  the  child  adequately  for  his  life  work 
will  probably  consume  his  time  up  to  the  sixteenth  year  and  thus 
eliminate  child  labor  by  simply  crowding  it  out  of  existence. 

In  the  second  place  poverty  must  be  attacked  with  additional 
vigor.  The  children  of  the  well-to-do  are  not  found  in  industry ; 
only  those  enter  who  are  poor  or  in  moderate  circumstances. 
As  long  as  poverty  pinches  so  long  the  child  of  14  will  be  forced 
into  the  gainful  occupations.  A  precarious  plane  of  living  with 
many  conveniences  and  comforts  almost  within  reach  is  a  great 
inducement  to  child  labor.  The  efficiency  and  wages  of  adult 
labor  must  be  increased  so  as  to  allow  a  reasonable  surplus  of 
income  over  expenditure  and  yet  make  decent  living  possible. 
Not  only  poverty  but  near-poverty  must  be  reduced  to  eliminate 
child  labor. 

The  development  of  ideals  is  a  third  consideration.  Parents 
must  become  more  foresighted  and  more  anxious  to  prepare 
their  children  for  life.  They  need  to  learn  that  the  future,  not  the 
present,  should  dominate  their  attitude  toward  the  child.  Igno- 
rance is  a  frequent  cause  of  the  failure  of  parents  to  do  justice 
to  their  children.  Tradition  and  custom  are  powerful  factors 
as  well  as  a  feeling  of  irresponsibility  for  the  family  obligations 
incurred.  Finally,  the  selfishness  of  parents,  which  leads  them  to 
sacrifice  their  children  for  the  sake  of  their  own  comfort  and 
pleasure,  is  a  far-reaching  evil.  When  parents  feed  on  the  pro- 
ceeds earned  by  their  underaged  and  untrained  children,  new 
ideals  are  necessary.  How  best  to  teach  parents  to  safeguard 
the  permanent  interests  of  their  children  is  an  unsolved  question, 
but  unless  they  have  better  hopes  and  higher  ideals  than  had 
their  forefathers,  no  progress  will  have  been  made. 

2.  Legislation. 

A  perfect  child  labor  law  is  not  even  a  theoretical  possibility, 
for  in  a  dynamic  society  no  absolute  adjustment  to  conditions 
can  be  made.  The  prevailing  standard  age  limit  is  an  arbitrary 
one;    for  example,  in  England  children  from  14  to  16  are  in- 


CHILD  LABOR  REFORM  321 

eluded  among  "young  persons."  A  law  must  therefore  be  suit- 
ably revised  from  time  to  time  to  meet  the  new  conditions  that 
arise.  The  recent  industrial  history  of  Europe  and  of  the 
United  States  illustrates  this  fact,  for  the  laws  of  to-day  are  so 
radical  that  they  could  not  even  have  been  considered  fifty 
years  ago.  Yet  few,  if  any,  American  child  labor  laws  are 
really  socially  adequate  at  the  present  time.  The  increasing 
complexity  of  our  social  relations,  the  changing  requisites  for  social 
and  industrial  survival,  and  the  ethical  necessity  of  adapting 
ourselves  to  the  needs  of  the  day  demand  a  rapid  evolution  in 
appropriate  legislation.  Existing  laws  will  probably  be  con- 
sidered quite  inadequate  within  a  shorter  time  than  has  elapsed 
since  the  first  serious  attempts  to  enact  child  labor  laws  were 
made. 

a.  Agencies  supporting  Legislation. 

The  majority  of  the  recent  child  labor  laws  of  the  different 
states  have  been  enacted  since  1895.  Before  that  time  the  prin- 
cipal legislation  against  the  employment  of  children  related  to 
certain  dangerous  and  immoral  occupations.  In  point  of  time 
we  have  lagged  far  behind  Great  Britain,  but  our  progress  has 
been  more  rapid,  and  some  of  our  states  have  excellent  laws  that 
are  far  superior  to  those  of  Great  Britain.  The  rapid  develop- 
ment of  industry  has  accentuated  the  problem,  consequently 
private  organizations  have  advocated  a  program  of  remedial 
legislation  and  with  favorable  results.  The  most  efficient  so- 
cieties of  this  kind  have  been  the  child  labor  committees.  The 
National  Child  Labor  Committee  was  organized  in  1904  and 
has  carried  its  propaganda  into  every  state  in  which  the  problem 
has  needed  attention.  Its  work  consists  of  investigating  the 
conditions  of  child  labor,  of  educating  the  public  through  pam- 
phlets, public  addresses,  etc.,  and  of  trying  to  secure  child  labor 
legislation,  especially  in  the  states  most  in  need  of  better  laws. 
It  has  therefore  redoubled  its  efforts  in  the  Southern  states. 
In  many  of  the  states  local  child  labor  committees  assist  the 
national  organization  in  its  untiring  fight  for  better  legislation, 
much  of  the  recent  progress  being  due  to  the  efforts  of  these  pri- 
vate societies. 

Y 


322  PROBLEMS  OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

Good  legislation  has  been  fostered  by  other  agencies,  notably 
labor  unions,  women's  trade  union  leagues,  consumers'  leagues, 
women's  clubs  of  various  kinds,  miscellaneous  associations,  and 
state  labor  bureaus.  The  consumers'  leagues  of  the  United 
States,  through  their  method  of  organizing  consumers  and  of 
insisting  on  the  manufacture  and  sale  of  products  under  good 
labor  conditions,  can  be  made  a  powerful  factor  in  raising  the 
standards  of  public  opinion.  In  fact,  the  National  Consumers' 
League  has  been  a  most  influential  agency  in  obtaining  better 
laws  for  children  and  women.  State  labor  bureaus  have  in 
a  number  of  instances  drafted  bills  for  presentation  to  the  state 
legislatures,  and  have  had  considerable  success  in  securing  their 
passage.  Unfortunately  they  have  not  always  stood  for  the  best 
and  most  modern  legislation,  and  therefore  the  results  of  their 
efforts  have  not  been  sufficiently  favorable.  Even  the  manu- 
facturers have  in  several  cases  passed  resolutions  favoring  some 
restrictions  on  child  labor,  and  have  thus  imposed  higher  stand- 
ards upon  themselves.  The  creation  of  sentiment  and  the  enact- 
ment of  satisfactory  child  labor  laws  depend  largely  upon  the 
work  of  special  organizations. 
b.  Uniformity  of  Laws. 

A  serious  handicap  to  adequate  legislation  in  the  United  States 
is  the  right  of  each  state  to  enact  its  own  child  labor  laws.  As 
a  natural  consequence  we  find  a  variety  of  laws,  a  condition 
which  enables  the  employers  affected  by  proposed  legislation  to 
threaten  to  abandon  the  states  in  which  their  establishments 
are  located  and  to  continue  business  elsewhere.  State  selfish- 
ness and  the  desire  to  build  up  local  interests  are  forces  of  such 
magnitude  that  the  state  hesitates  to  enact  legislation  which  may 
drive  capital  from  within  its  borders.  With  free  trade  among 
our  states,  uniform  laws  are  necessary  to  render  industry  stable. 
So  far  each  state  has  acted  independently,  hence  child  labor 
laws  have  not  been  highly  effective. 

Our  states'  rights  in  this  respect  are  very  unfortunate.  Most 
European  countries  are  able  to  legislate  for  the  entire  nation, 
therefore  the  various  sections  have  little  excuse  for  opposing 
proposed  legislation.     In  the  United  States  there  is  no  possibility 


CHILD  LABOR  REFORM  323 

of  uniform  laws  through  separate  state  action,  for  no  matter  how 
often  representatives  of  the  various  states  may  meet  and  decide 
upon  a  standard  child  labor  bill,  the  states  will  each  enact 
a  law  modified  to  meet  the  wishes  of  the  dominating  forces  in 
that  state.  Furthermore,  the  reform  forces  will  not  have  exactly 
the  same  program  in  each  state  and  the  proportionate  emphasis 
on  child  labor  laws  will  not  be  uniform.  The  formulation  of 
a  standard  bill  has,  however,  tended  to  unify  the  efforts  of 
friends  of  reform  and  will  do  much  toward  securing  uniformity 
in  the  laws. 

The  federal  government,  which  ought  to  establish  standards, 
has  been  negligent  in  its  legislation  against  child  labor.  Al- 
though it  has  supreme  control  of  the  District  of  Columbia,  it  is 
only  after  many  years  of  effort  that  a  good  child  labor  law  has 
been  enacted.  The  government  should  long  since  have  passed 
a  model  law  which  the  states  could  have  advantageously  copied. 
Uniformity  of  law  can  best  be  secured  by  a  federal  enactment 
applying  to  the  entire  United  States,  and  a  bill  introduced  in  the 
fifty-ninth  Congress  provided  that  interstate  commerce  in  prod- 
ucts in  the  manufacture  of  which  children  under  14  years  of 
age  participated,  should  be  illegal.  President  Roosevelt 
labored  to  secure  the  passage  of  this  bill,  but  in  vain.  The  op- 
position manifested  itself  largely  under  the  guise  of  unconstitu- 
tionality, while  the  friends  of  the  measure  defended  its  legality 
on  the  grounds  of  the  right  of  the  federal  government  to  regu- 
late interstate  commerce.  Had  this  measure  passed  and  been 
sustained  by  our  courts  as  constitutional,  it  would  at  once  have 
secured  a  large  degree  of  uniformity  of  child  labor  conditions 
throughout  the  United  States,  and  the  backward  states  would 
have  been  compelled  to  raise  their  age  limits  for  the  employment 
of  children. 

c.  A  Standard  Law. 

A  model  child  labor  law  for  all  time  cannot  be  proposed. 
Every  law  should  be  subject  to  revision  when  occasion  demands, 
and  no  piece  of  legislation  must  be  allowed  to  become  sacred. 
Several  important  requisites,  however,  are  fundamental 
in  an  acceptable  law.     Among  these  are :   first,  the  law  must 


324  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

be  clear  and  distinct  in  its  meaning,  so  as  to  permit  of  but  one 
interpretation ;  confusion  in  this  respect  is  often  a  ground  for 
its  non-enforcement ;  second,  it  must  be  enforceable  and  ma- 
chinery of  enforcement  must  be  provided ;  unless  the  law  can 
be  applied  in  an  expedient  manner  and  properly  enforced,  its 
very  presence  on  the  statute  books  may  prove  harmful ;  third, 
the  law  must  conform  to  the  requirements  of  the  social  interests 
which  are  involved.  A  new  plane  of  ideals  will  have  been  es- 
tablished, and  the  ethical  progress  evidenced  in  the  law  can  then 
be  generalized. 

A  standard  child  labor  bill  has  been  drawn  up  by  the  Na- 
tional Child  Labor  Committee,  with  the  hope  that  it  will 
crystallize  public  opinion  and  result  in  an  approach  to  uniform 
laws.  The  principal  provisions  of  this  bill  are,  in  brief,  as  fol- 
lows :  * 

Child  labor  under  14  years  is  prohibited  in  practically  every 
occupation  except  agriculture,  domestic  service,  and  the  street 
trades. 

Child  labor  under  16  is  prohibited  in  trades  dangerous  to 
life  and  limb ;  and  the  trades  must  be  specified,  with  power  in 
the  state  board  of  health  to  add  other  trades ;  a  similar  prohibi- 
tion is  established  against  specified  trades  injurious  to  health  and 
to  morals. 

Children  under  18  are  not  allowed  to  enter  certain  dangerous 
occupations  and  the  board  of  health  has  power  as  in  previous 
cases. 

Persons  under  21  are  prohibited  from  engaging  in  night  work 
in  connection  with  the  messenger  service  in  the  large  cities. 

Boys  under  16  and  girls  under  18  must  not  work  at  night  nor 
more  than  8  hours  per  day  or  48  hours  per  week. 

Employment  certificates  shall  not  be  granted  until  proof 
is  given  that  the  child  is  14  or  over,  in  good  health,  of  normal 
development,  able  to  do  the  work  expected,  and  has  completed 
the  fifth  grade  as  well  as  attended  school  for  a  full  term  pre- 
vious to  application  for  certificate. 

Employers  must  have  on  file  date  of  birth,  or  of  baptism,  an 

1  National  Child  Labor  Committee.     Child  Labor  Laws  in  all  States,  1912. 


CHILD   LABOR   REFORM  325 

affidavit  of  the  parent  as  to  the  child's  age,  the  school  record, 
and  an  official  statement  that  the  child's  application  was  ap- 
proved. 

Records  at  the  factory  must  be  open  to  inspection  by  the  desig- 
nated authorities. 

Employers  must  post  schedule  of  hours  and  time  of  employ- 
ment in  every  room  where  boys  under  18  or  girls  under  21  are 
employed. 

Persons  under  21  are  prohibited  from  working  in  connection 
with  any  saloon. 

Boys  under  12  and  girls  under  16  are  not  allowed  to  sell  papers 
in  cities  of  the  first  and  the  second  class. 

Boys  under  16  must  secure  badge  to  engage  in  selling  of  news- 
papers, or  work  as  bootblack,  or  in  other  occupations  performed 
in  the  street.  Badge  cannot  be  given  until  satisfactory  evidence 
of  age,  school  attendance,  and  physical  fitness  for  the  employ- 
ment is  given.  Badge  must  be  worn  conspicuously  by  the  child 
and  a  new  one  of  different  color  issued  each  year. 

No  child  under  16  shall  engage  in  the  street  trades  between 
8  p.m.  and  6  a.m.,  nor  during  school  hours. 

A  child  violating  the  street  trades  regulations  shall  be  deemed 
a  delinquent. 

A  penalty  shall  be  imposed  on  the  employer  for  violating  the 
law. 

Provision  is  made  for  the  inspection  of  workshops,  and  the 
detection  of  violations  of  law. 

This  standard  bill  does  not  set  an  unattainable  ideal.  It  is 
intensely  practical,  and  in  several  states  certain  provisions  of 
law  are  already  more  drastic  than  the  ones  given  in  the  standard 
bill.  The  most  advanced  child  labor  laws  in  the  United  States 
occur  in  the  North  and  West,  while  the  weakest  and  most  unsatis- 
factory are  found  in  the  Southern  cotton  mill  states.  Several 
Northern  states,  however,  have  been  compelled  to  fight  bitterly 
for  progressive  laws,  chief  among  which  is  Pennsylvania,  which 
still  permits  the  night  work  of  boys  of  14  and  over  in  the  glass  mills. 
On  the  whole,  the  states  with  advanced  laws  have  had  a  long 
history  of  industrial  development,  or  they  have  been  swept  by 


326  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

a  wave  of  reform  and  have  enacted  such  legislation  largely  as 
a  preventive  measure. 

d.  Age  Limits. 

One  of  the  most  important  considerations  in  a  child  labor 
law  is  the  age  limit  below  which  work  is  prohibited.  Reformers 
at  first  had  to  face  the  problem  of  tiny  children  at  work  and 
when  England  began  to  concern  itself  with  child  labor  reform,  five 
year  old  children  were  found  working  in  the  factories,  and  slightly 
older  ones  had  been  thrust  into  the  mines.  In  the  United  States 
the  worst  forms  of  abuse  have  never  existed,  but  nevertheless 
serious  conditions  have  come  to  light. 

In  certain  canning  factories  in  New  York  children  six  or  seven 
years  of  age  have  been  employed  in  preparatory  work,  such  as 
stringing  beans,  sorting  plums,  and  similar  work,  but  were  not 
carried  on  the  pay  rolls.  In  the  South  a  few  children  of  seven 
have  been  discovered  in  the  cotton  mills  and  children  of  no 
greater  age  have  worked  in  the  oyster  industry.  The  newsboy 
of  five  was  until  recently  a  very  common  sight.  Age  limits  are 
raised  gradually  and  the  presence  of  small  children  in  industry 
usually  prevents  drastic  legislation,  consequently  supplementary 
laws  must  be  passed  from  time  to  time.  The  proper  minimum 
age  limit  varies  with  changing  social  and  industrial  conditions. 
In  the  United  States  the  fourteenth  birthday  has  become  an 
accepted  age  limit.  Although  age  does  not  determine  physical 
and  industrial  efficiency  and  the  proper  educational  requirements, 
it  has  become  a  convenient  method  of  guessing  at  the  qualifica- 
tions of  a  child  for  gainful  employment.  Age  is  not  so  funda- 
mental as  fitness,  but  the  difficulty  of  developing  refined  methods 
of  measuring  the  latter  has  made  the  establishment  of  the  age 
limit  the  most  important  provision  of  a  child  labor  law. 

In  191 2,  32  states  had  adopted  a  14  year  limit  for  employment 
in  factories  and  mines ;  6  had  a  qualified  14  year  limit ;  7  states 
fixed  the  age  at  1 2  ;  2  had  a  qualified  1 5  year  limit ;  one  had 
practically  no  restriction ;  the  remaining  state  fixed  the  age  at 
13.  In  some  states  these  age  limits  are  not  made  to  apply  to 
labor  in  mercantile  establishments,  although  the  tendency  is 
distinctly  in  the  direction  of  the  more  sweeping  laws.     In  some 


CHILD  LABOR  REFORM  327 

states  children  of  12  are  allowed  to  work  in  certain  occupations 
during  the  summer  vacations,  but  this  practice  needs  to  be  care- 
fully watched.  In  several  Southern  states  poverty  exemptions 
for  children  under  12  are  allowed,  and  a  few  other  states  make 
similar  provision  for  children  between  12  and  14.  The  street 
trades  are  generally  being  subjected  to  regulation,  but  they  will 
be  discussed  in  a  later  section.  A  regular  provision  of  law  usu- 
ally requires  an  employment  certificate  for  children  under  16 
who  are  allowed  to  work.  This  guards  against  the  introduction 
of  persons  under  the  minimum  age  limit  and  protects  the  child 
who  enters  some  employment. 

e.  Physical  Qualifications. 

Education  and  physical  development  should  determine  the 
eligibility  for  an  employment  certificate.  These  are  basic  con- 
ditions, since  the  physical  effects  of  premature  child  labor  form 
one  of  the  chief  arguments  against  the  system.  No  child  should 
be  allowed  to  work  unless  he  can  meet  the  standard  physical  re- 
quirements, and  if  children  are  not  of  normal  weight  and  stature 
careful  medical  examination  should  determine  whether  they  are 
likely  to  suffer  because  of  physical  incapacity.  Standards  must 
be  developed  so  comparisons  can  be  made.  So  far  state  laws 
have  not  designated  any  standards,  contenting  themselves  with 
the  usually  meaningless  provision  that  children  must  be  physi- 
cally fit.  Actual  physical  examination  is  now  required  by  the 
laws  of  New  York  and  of  Rhode  Island,  while  in  some  states  the 
official  granting  the  employment  certificates  is  authorized  to  ask 
for  the  physical  examination  of  the  applicant  if  he  considers  him 
of  doubtful  health  and  strength.  Systematic  health  inspection 
is,  however,  confined  to  a  few  cities  in  the  United  States. 

The  City  of  New  York,  through  its  department  of  health,  ex- 
emplifies the  examination  of  applicants  for  work  certificates. 
It  has  established  a  standard  of  four  feet,  eight  inches  in  height, 
and  eighty  pounds  in  weight,  but  exceptions  are  made  in  the  case 
of  several  short  immigrant  races  if  after  careful  examination  the 
child  is  found  to  be  normally  developed.  More  than  40,000  ap- 
plicants are  passed  on  every  year.  In  1908,  11 1  children  were 
rejected,  but  in  191 1,  539  were  refused  work  certificates  —  about 


328  PROBLEMS  OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

one  case  in  eighty.  Many  untreated  physical  defects  are  dis- 
covered, and  if  these  threaten  the  health  of  the  child,  the  depart- 
ment insists  that  steps  to  remove  the  defects  be  taken.  Accord- 
ingly thousands  of  children  are  benefited  by  this  procedure. 

In  Boston  the  Bureau  of  Child  Hygiene  cooperates  with  the 
school  committee,  which  grants  the  certificates,  and  the  Bureau 
examines  all  children  desiring  working  papers.  The  child  must 
be  in  good  health,  but  the  physician  instead  of  measuring  cases 
by  established  standards  decides  them  on  their  apparent  merits. 
In  191 1,  out  of  2445  examinations  363  children  were  found  de- 
fective, but  only  30  were  refused  certificates.  Defects  of  the 
eye  and  throat  comprised  over  five-sixths  of  the  total  number. 

In  the  large  cities  two  agencies  are  available  for  the  examina- 
tion of  applicants— the  health  bureaus  and  the  boards  of  educa- 
tion. If  the  working  papers  are  granted  by  the  educational  au- 
thorities, and  they  make  medical  and  physical  examinations  of 
the  school  children,  then  they  should  also  apply  the  physical 
tests  to  the  applicants  for  working  papers.  Under  other  con- 
ditions it  will  be  better  to  require  the  bureau  of  health  to  do  the 
work,  and  in  the  smaller  towns  the  task  will  undoubtedly 
fall  upon  the  health  authorities. 
/.  Educational  Requirements. 

The  step  from  the  school  to  the  mill  is  seldom  retraced,  and  the 
child  gains  his  later  knowledge  entirely  in  the  school  of  experi- 
ence. Compulsory  education  until  the  child  may  enter  the 
gainful  occupations  is,  of  course,  necessary,  but  this  again  is  not 
the  vital  point  involved.  The  child  does  not  need  the  record  of 
a  certain  number  of  years  in  school,  he  does  need  a  record  of  at- 
tainment or  of  work  accomplished.  The  usual  type  of  educa- 
tional requirement  simply  demands  compulsory  education  and 
perhaps  a  record  of  a  full  year  of  school  attendance  immediately 
previous  to  the  application  for  working  papers.  But  even  such 
wholesome  legislation  does  not  guarantee  that  a  child  will  have 
completed  the  fourth  or  the  eighth  grade.  In  some  states  the 
number  of  weeks  of  attendance  required  is  deplorably  small, 
and  where  poverty  exemptions  are  allowed  the  child  is  neces- 
sarily excused  from  school  attendance. 


CHILD  LABOR  REFORM  329 

A  second  type  of  legislative  provision  requires  all  children 
before  they  enter  industry  to  have  acquired  a  certain  amount 
of  education.  The  state  of  Washington,  for  example,  permits 
children  of  14  to  work  on  condition  that  they  have  completed 
the  eighth  grade  of  school  work ;  otherwise  education  is  compul- 
sory until  the  fifteenth  year.  Theoretically  this  is  only  a  con- 
ditional educational  requirement,  as  it  does  not  reach  the  re- 
tarded children  who  are  fifteen  years  of  age  or  over.  New  Jersey 
requires  compulsory  attendance  up  to  the  sixteenth  birthday  ex- 
cept for  the  mentally  and  physically  incapacitated  and  for  chil- 
dren over  14  who  have  been  granted  a  schooling  certificate  by 
the  school  officials.  The  New  York  law  of  1913  provides  that 
children  must  have  completed  the  sixth  grade  before  they  may 
receive  working  papers. 

Ohio  has  made  a  definite  fifth  grade  requirement,  and  in  prac- 
tice if  not  in  law,  many  of  the  states  hold  to  this  standard. 
While  it  involves  a  familiarity  with  the  operations  of  arithmetic 
up  to  and  including  fractions,  this  is  altogether  too  meager  a 
knowledge  of  the  subject.  So  with  the  other  common  branches. 
It  is  difficult  to  see  how  anything  less  than  the  completion  of 
the  eighth  grade  work  is  sufficient  to  meet  the  ordinary  needs  of 
to-day.  A  child  with  less  education  has  but  few  opportunities 
for  advance. 

A  common  requirement  in  state  law  consists  of  the  provision 
that  children  above  the  compulsory  attendance  limit  but  under 
16  shall  attend  school,  if  they  are  not  regularly  employed ;  that 
is,  they  are  not  allowed  to  remain  idle.  Although  this  is  a  whole- 
some feature,  little  attention  has  been  paid  to  its  enforcement. 
When  working  papers  have  been  secured  the  child  is  usually 
forgotten  by  the  school  authorities,  and  he  may  not  even  be- 
gin work.  In  some  of  the  large  cities,  however,  methods  of  keep- 
ing in  touch  with  children  of  working  age  are  being  devised.  An 
additional  attempt  to  provide  a  certain  amount  of  actual  train- 
ing for  the  child  consists  in  the  requirement  that  boys  holding 
work  certificates  shall  attend  night  school.  This  is  a  feature 
of  the  New  York  law,  applying  to  cities  of  the  first  and  second 
class. 


330  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

This  law  was  amended  in  19 13  so  that  work  in  part-time  or 
continuation  courses  may  be  substituted.  In  fact,  where  such 
courses  are  established,  the  board  of  education  may  require  such 
attendance  on  the  part  of  working  children.  The  classes  are 
conducted  during  the  daytime  and  the  work  in  school  is  taken 
out  of  regular  working  time.  The  most  significant  child  labor 
legislation  of  19 13  dealt  with  requirements  for  attendance  at 
continuation  schools,  five  states  passing  such  laws.  The  plan 
of  compelling  working  children  to  supplement  their  education  by 
attending  evening  schools  has  proven  a  hardship  to  many  children 
who  could  not  undergo  the  strain  that  work  both  during  the  day 
and  at  night  involved.  The  continuation  school  is  proving  a 
superior  substitute,  because  it  does  not  increase  the  hours  of 
work  and  it  does  enable  the  child  to  pursue  studies  which  will  en- 
hance his  working  efficiency. 

g.  Hours  of  Labor. 

The  shorter  working  day  is  making  rapid  strides  in  the  United 
States.  In  191 2,  21  states  had  an  eight  hour  day  for  children  in 
factories,  and  some  of  them  also  apply  the  same  limit  to  work  in 
stores  and  in  mines.  The  remaining  states  allow  a  longer  day, 
most  of  them  adhering  to  a  ten  hour  limit,  but  five  still  allow  this 
to  be  exceeded.  In  some  states,  especially  in  New  England,  the 
number  of  hours  allowed  per  week  requires  a  shorter  day  on  Sat- 
urday or  a  shortening  of  the  regular  working  day.  For  example, 
Massachusetts  allows  ten  hours  per  day  but  not  more  than  54 
per  week  in  factories,  which  amounts  to  an  average  of  nine  per 
day.  The  present  tendency  is  distinctly  in  favor  of  substituting 
the  eight  hour  day  and  48  hour  week  for  the  ten  hour  day. 

Many  of  the  states  now  fix  the  limits  within  which  the  day's 
work  must  be  done.  In  New  York,  for  example,  with  an  eight 
hour  day  in  factory  work,  the  hours  of  the  children  must  fall 
between  8  a.m.  and  5  p.m.  and  time  for  dinner  must  also  be  al- 
lowed. Children  found  at  work  outside  of  these  hours  are  con- 
sidered to  be  violating  the  law  regardless  of  the  number  of  hours 
they  have  been  employed.  Such  regulations  facilitate  the  en- 
forcement of  law,  but  give  the  employer  no  opportunity  to  adapt 
the  labor  to  his  needs.     Illinois  is  an  example  of  another  method. 


CHILD  LABOR  REFORM  331 

Here  the  day's  work  of  eight  hours  may  be  done  between  7  a.m. 
and  7  p.m.  When  leeway  such  as  this  is  allowed,  the  enforce- 
ment of  law  becomes  more  difficult,  in  spite  of  the  requirement 
that  employers  post  the  schedule  of  hours  and  furnish  a  copy 
to  the  bureau  of  factory  inspection.  Few  factories  observe  this 
requirement  in  full,  and  the  number  of  inspectors  is  usually 
insufficient  to  detect  the  violations. 

An  eight  hour  day  is  quite  reasonable,  and  it  should  be  applied 
to  every  form  of  child  labor,  mercantile  establishments  needing 
the  restriction  quite  as  much  as  factories.  Underground  work, 
however,  requires  the  most  stringent  regulations. 

h.  Night  Work. 

Night  work  is  injurious  to  the  child  and  should  be  prevented. 
In  the  industries  frequently  exempted  from  child  labor  laws, 
such  as  the  canning  and  preserving  industry,  a  considerable 
amount  of  night  work  prevails.  Legislation  limiting  the  work 
of  children  to  daylight  hours  is  a  powerful  factor  in  the  preven- 
tion of  night  work  for  all.  The  dangers  of  late  hours  are  being 
so  rapidly  recognized  that  laws  on  this  subject  are  becoming 
popular,  and  37  states  now  have  some  regulations  affecting  night 
work.  Of  this  number  12  prohibit  work  after  7  p.m.  by  children 
under  16  and  two  by  children  under  14;  ten  states  have  fixed 
the  hour  at  6  p.m.  ;  the  others  have  adopted  a  later  hour  or  have 
no  fixed  limits  of  any  kind.  As  will  be  seen,  very  few  of  the 
states  have  established  the  limit  required  by  the  standard  child 
labor  bill.  In  a  number  of  states  where  night  work  is  still  al- 
lowed, powerful  employing  interests  have  prevented  legislation 
on  the  subject,  this  being  especially  true  of  Pennsylvania,  where 
the  glass  interests  are  the  chief  factor,  while  in  several  Southern 
states  the  prohibition  applies  only  to  children  under  14. 

New  York  has  enacted  an  advanced  law  which  prohibits  all 
persons  under  2 1  years  of  age  from  engaging  in  carrying  messages 
between  the  hours  of  10  p.m.  and  5  a.m.  In  addition  to  laws  pro- 
hibiting the  night  work  of  children  in  this  industry,  higher  age 
limits  for  entering  it  are  also  being  demanded. 

i.  Working  Papers. 

The  purpose  of  requiring  all  children  between  14  and  16  years 


332  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

of  age  to  obtain  working  papers  is  to  guard  against  the  admission 
of  applicants  who  are  not  suitably  equipped  to  begin  a  career  as 
wage  earners.  A  permit  when  granted  should  contain  satisfac- 
tory evidence  in  regard  to  the  age,  education,  and  physical  con- 
dition of  the  child.  Proof  of  age  should  depend  largely  upon 
certificates  of  birth  and  baptism,  supplemented  by  the  records 
of  the  school  which  the  applicant  has  attended.  The  statement 
of  the  parent  is  not  sufficient  in  itself,  as  perjury  is  not  uncommon 
in  the  localities  where  only  the  affidavit  of  parents  is  necessary 
to  obtain  certificates.  In  such  places  a  sort  of  traffic  in  working 
papers  is  carried  on  and  often  the  same  paper  descends  from  one 
member  of  the  family  to  another.  Children  frequently  lie  about 
their  age ;  for  no  matter  how  small  the  boy  or  how  tiny  the  girl,  on 
inquiry  the  interrogator  learns  that  the  child  is  14  years  of  age  ! 
In  eleven  states  the  affivadivit  of  the  parents  is  accepted  as  suffi- 
cient evidence  of  the  age  of  the  child.  North  Carolina  merely 
provides  that  the  parent  shall  furnish  the  establishment  with  a 
written  statement  of  the  age  of  the  child  and  a  certificate  of 
school  attendance.  Tennessee  only  requires  the  employer  to 
keep  on  file  the  sworn  statement  of  parent  or  guardian  as  to  the 
age  of  the  child,  and  Texas  does  not  require  a  certificate  of  any 
kind.  Under  such  conditions,  it  is  self-evident  that  child  labor 
laws  are  practically  meaningless. 

Apart  from  the  affidavit  system,  several  methods  of  granting 
working  papers  are  in  operation  in  the  different  states.  The 
certificates  may  be  granted  by  the  school  authorities,  by  factory 
inspectors,  by  boards  of  health,  or  by  judges  of  county,  munici- 
pal, or  juvenile  courts.  Most  of  the  states  which  require  written 
proof  of  the  age  of  the  child  place  the  duty  of  granting  certifi- 
cates in  the  hands  of  the  school  authorities.  The  very  efficient 
laws  of  Illinois  and  Massachusetts  make  this  provision.  School 
records  are  usually  faithful  and  reliable  sources  of  information, 
although  the  direct  record  of  the  birth  of  the  child,  if  that  can  be 
procured,  is  a  still  safer  proof  of  age.  In  New  York  the  papers 
must  be  signed  by  an  official  of  the  board  of  health,  who  shall 
not  approve  them  unless  a  properly  signed  school  record  of  the 
child  has  been  filed,  as  well  as  a  record  of  his  birth  or  baptism. 


CHILD  LABOR  REFORM  333 

In  default  of  the  latter  the  affidavit  of  the  parent  must  accom- 
pany the  evidence.  The  school  record  must  show  a  specified 
amount  of  school  attendance  during  the  fourteenth  year  of  the 
child  and  a  certain  educational  standing.  A  certificate  of  physi- 
cal fitness  is  required,  and  the  child  must  appear  in  person  before 
the  officer  granting  the  working  papers.  This  complex  system 
makes  the  issuing  of  papers  to  underaged  children  almost  im- 
possible. 

In  several  states  the  factory  inspectors  were  formerly  author- 
ized to  issue  the  certificates.  In  Wisconsin  this  right  has  been 
transferred  to  the  Industrial  Commission  and  to  local  judges; 
in  Missouri  to  the  school  authorities.  Few  states  now  cling  to 
the  old  method.  In  a  number  of  states  local  judges  and  magis- 
trates are  empowered  to  grant  papers,  and  when  this  is  the  case 
the  affidavit  of  the  parent  is  usually  the  only  information  re- 
quired. For  this  reason  considerable  objection  has  been  made 
to  this  policy,  which  is  now  being  superseded  by  vesting  the 
power  in  the  school  authorities. 

Much  depends  on  the  method  used  in  granting  working  papers. 
The  application  desk  is  the  place  where  the  first  sifting  occurs, 
and  if  well  done  many  children  will  be  rejected  and  required  to 
improve  their  minds  and  bodies  before  they  venture  into  the  gain- 
ful occupations.  The  consensus  of  opinion  now  favors  placing 
the  task  upon  the  board  of  education,  because  more  intensive 
work  will  be  done  and  fewer  unqualified  children  allowed  to  re- 
ceive certificates. 

j.  Dangerous  Trades. 

Some  industries  are  relatively  more  dangerous  than  others, 
and  from  these  in  many  states  children  are  excluded  by  law. 
No  child  under  16  years  of  age  should  be  allowed  to  enter  any 
occupation  which  is  dangerous  to  the  life,  limb,  health,  or  morals 
of  such  child.  The  moral  and  physiological  plasticity  of  the  child 
is  a  source  of  danger  when  exposure  to  bad  conditions  takes  place, 
and  certain  trades  should  therefore  be  specifically  forbidden  to 
all  persons  below  the  age  indicated.  Among  such  trades  are  the 
following  groups  :  first,  occupations  in  which  dangerous  machin- 
ery is  used,  for  the  young  boy  or  girl  is  much  more  liable  to  seri- 


334 


PROBLEMS  OF   CHILD   WELFARE 


ous  accident  on  account  of  the  absence  of  caution  and  judg- 
ment. Second,  occupations  which  require  the  use  of  poisonous 
acids,  paints,  colors,  or  injurious  chemicals,  such  as  white  lead, 
phosphorus,  and  others.  Third,  occupations  which  place  the 
safety  and  security  of  others  in  the  hands  of  the  worker;  for  ex- 
ample, the  operation  of  passenger  elevators,  and  equally  impor- 
tant occupations  connected  with  the  mining  industry.  Fourth, 
occupations  which  are  likely  to  affect  the  morals  of  the  child, 
such  as  the  liquor  trade,  occupations  which  occasion  contact  with 
houses  of  ill  fame,  and  the  manufacture  of  goods  produced  for 
immoral  purposes.  Fifth,  occupations  which  are  considered 
unhealthful.  A  limit  of  18  years  should  be  established  for  cer- 
tain extremely  dangerous  industries,  —  dangerous  either  to  the 
worker  or  to  the  public  that  is  served.  This  age  limit  should 
also  be  applied  to  all  persons  connected  with  the  manufacture 
or  sale  of  intoxicating  liquors. 

The  ordinary  blanket  laws  which  refer  to  dangerous  and  un- 
healthful occupations,  without  specifying  the  particular  occupa- 
tion or  industry,  have  no  value  whatsoever,  and  are  not  enforced. 
Our  legislation  should  therefore  be  patterned  after  the  English 
law,  which  places  power  in  the  hands  of  the  proper  officials  to 
determine  whether  an  occupation  is  dangerous  or  not.  Our 
states  have  begun  this  method  of  procedure.  In  Massachusetts 
the  state  board  of  health  is  authorized  to  investigate  occupa- 
tions and  declare  them  dangerous  or  injurious,  and  persons  under 
1 8  may  be  prohibited  from  employment  in  these  occupations. 
In  Oklahoma  the  commissioner  of  labor  may  determine  what 
occupations  not  forbidden  by  statute  may  be  open  to  children 
between  14  and  16,  while  in  Missouri  this  may  be  done  by  the 
state  factory  inspector.  The  better  plan,  no  doubt,  is  that  of 
empowering  and  requiring  the  board  of  health  to  pass  upon  the 
doubtful  and  unclassified  occupations,  and  this  is  especially  true 
in  respect  to  the  dangerous  and  unhealthful  forms  of  work. 
Furthermore,  each  state  should  provide  one  or  more  medical  in- 
spectors whose  chief  duty  should  be  to  ascertain  the  sanitary 
conditions  existing  in  selected  varieties  of  industries  and  to  sug- 
gest methods  of  improvement.    Probably  the  number  of  un- 


CHILD  LABOR  REFORM  335 

healthful  occupations  could  in  this  way  be  reduced,  and  undoubt- 
edly it  would  be  of  great  value  to  working  children,  because  the 
best  of  laws  are  too  lenient. 

k.  Industries  Exempted. 

Usually  child  labor  laws  have  not  been  applied  to  certain 
industries  of  which,  owing  to  its  peculiar  conditions,  agriculture 
is  the  most  conspicuous  example.  The  reasons  for  its  exemption 
are  so  valid  that  they  need  no  further  discussion.  Domestic 
service  is  also  usually  excluded,  although  the  argument  in  favor 
of  this  policy  is  hardly  tenable,  since  many  abuses  have  arisen 
in  connection  with  this  occupation,  and  some  form  of  regulation 
has  become  desirable. 

A  most  serious  factor  in  industry  is  the  problem  of  perishable 
goods.  These  include  various  fruits  and  vegetables  in  preparation 
for  preserving  and  canning,  certain  kinds  of  confectionery,  fresh 
oysters,  and  other  products  of  minor  importance.  The  canning 
and  preserving  industry,  however,  is  the  chief  manufacturing 
industry  which  in  some  states  is  granted  exemption  from  the 
provisions  of  the  law.  The  exemptions  are  of  several  varieties : 
the  absolute  exemption  of  the  industry  from  the  operation  of 
the  child  labor  law ;  the  right  to  use  child  labor  in  the  sheds 
where  no  machinery  is  used,  on  the  theory  that  this  is  quasi- 
agricultural  labor;  and  the  waiving  of  the  regular  age  limit 
for  children  during  the  vacation  season,  or,  as  in  Indiana,  for 
four  full  months.  These  exemptions  are  allowed  partly  because 
of  the  close  relation  of  the  industry  to  agriculture,  but  largely 
because  of  the  reputed  perishable  nature  of  the  product. 

English  experience  shows  that  insistence  on  the  regulation  of 
seasonal  industries  has  resulted  in  a  most  remarkable  degree  of 
conformity  to  the  limitations  imposed.  Many  of  the  long  hours 
and  much  of  the  night  work  were  found  unnecessary.  In  the 
United  States,  likewise,  many  industries  formerly  very  irregular 
in  their  operations  have  become  standardized  and  reduced  to 
definite  hours  of  work. 

A  large  group  of  industries  are  more  or  less  seasonal  in  their 
nature,  and  the  goods  produced  are  commercially  perishable  if 
not  subject  to  physical  deterioration.     Straw  hats  of  a  certain 


336  PROBLEMS  OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

style  cannot  be  carried  over  much  longer  than  goods  that  are 
physically  perishable;  Christmas  novelties  are  valueless  after 
the  holidays,  etc.  The  exemption  of  one  industry  will  tend  to 
open  the  way  for  the  escape  of  another,  and  in  a  short  time  our 
entire  code  of  labor  laws  will  be  in  jeopardy.  Human  values 
are  more  important  than  mere  property,  and  should  therefore 
receive  proper  recognition. 

Many  of  the  states  do  not  include  retail  stores  among  the  in- 
dustries in  which  child  labor  is  prohibited.  In  the  small  towns 
this  is  hardly  a  problem,  but  in  the  large  cities  much  exploita- 
tion of  children  is  possible  if  restraining  laws  do  not  exist.  Many 
stores  are  open  one  or  more  evenings  per  week,  and  consequently 
children  are  forced  to  work  long  hours  on  certain  days,  especially 
on  Saturdays  and  throughout  the  pre-holiday  season  in  Decem- 
ber. The  states  which  regulate  work  in  these  establishments 
do  not  all  insist  on  conformity  to  the  laws  throughout  the  year, 
but  several  of  them  allow  overtime  or  late  hours  for  a  definite 
period  shortly  before  Christmas ;  that  is,  make  exemptions  for  the 
Christmas  season.  The  number  of  days  on  which  the  law  was 
suspended  formerly  varied  from  4  to  20  but  exemptions  are  now 
usually  limited  to  one  week.  This  is  precisely  the  time  of  the 
year  when  children  in  mercantile  establishments  are  subjected 
to  the  most  exhausting  work  and  are  in  special  need  of  shorter 
hours.  Many  young  girls  collapse  during  this  season,  and  con- 
sequently lose  a  portion  of  their  working  time.  Under  no 
conditions  should  the  child  labor  law  be  suspended  during  the 
holiday  season.  The  health  of  the  child  is  too  valuable  to  be 
sacrificed ;  furthermore,  early  shopping  should  make  long  hours 
during  the  rush  season  unnecessary. 

/.  Street  Trades  Legislation. 

It  is  considered  necessary  to  legislate  separately  in  regard  to 
the  street  trades  since  the  ordinary  law  does  not  apply  to  them. 
Newsboys  are,  by  some,  considered  as  merchants  instead  of  em- 
ployees. Until  recently  they  practically  escaped  legislation,  but 
in  1913  fourteen  states  had  regulations  applying  to  all  or  part  of 
the  state.  The  New  York  law  applies  to  cities  of  the  first,  second, 
and  third  class,  and  excludes  boys  under  12  and  girls  under  16 


CHILD   LABOR   REFORM  337 

from  the  street  trades.  Boys  under  14  are  required  to  secure  a 
license  or  permit,  which  is  issued  by  the  school  authorities.  It 
must  show  that  the  boy  is  able  to  work  as  a  newsboy,  is  regular 
in  school  attendance,  and  of  the  required  age.  A  badge,  which  he 
is  expected  to  wear,  is  also  given  when  the  permit  is  granted. 
The  enforcement  of  the  law  rests  with  the  police  and  the  truant 
officers,  and  parents  may  be  punished  for  contributing  to  the  de- 
linquency of  their  children. 

Massachusetts  authorizes  its  local  school  boards  to  control  the 
employment  of  children  under  14  in  the  cities.  In  Boston  no 
boys  under  12  may  sell  papers,  nor  may  boys  under  14  sell  after 
8  p.m.  The  school  committee  has  developed  an  elaborate  set  of 
rules  pertaining  to  the  wearing  of  a  badge,  showing  badge  to  officer, 
surrender  on  demand  of  officer,  regular  school  attendance,  etc. 
The  law  is  enforced  by  the  supervisor  of  street  trades,  who  is 
under  the  direction  of  the  school  authorities.  This  method  has 
operated  very  successfully. 

The  Wisconsin  law  applying  to  Milwaukee  prohibits  news- 
paper selling  by  boys  under  12  and  girls  under  18.  The  issuance 
of  permits  was  transferred  in  191 3  from  the  state  factory  in- 
spector to  the  board  of  education.  Applications  for  permits 
must  be  signed  by  the  parent  or  guardian  of  the  child. 

A  number  of  cities  handle  the  problem  through  municipal 
action  or  ordinance ;  for  example,  in  St.  Louis  girls  under  16 
were  prohibited  from  selling  papers  by  police  order.  If  the  regu- 
lations are  made  by  the  cities,  state  officials  cannot  be  used  to 
enforce  the  law.  This,  however,  is  hardly  a  handicap,  inasmuch 
as  enforcement  will  in  any  case  rest  with  one  or  all  of  three 
groups  of  officials ;  the  police,  attendance  officers,  and  probation 
officers,  but  on  the  whole,  street  trade  laws — state  or  municipal  — 
have  suffered  from  non-enforcement.  Unless  boys  who  violate 
the  law  are  considered  delinquent,  and  neglectful  parents  are 
penalized  and  some  body  of  officials  is  definitely  instructed  to 
enforce  the  law,  it  will  do  little  good  to  enact  legislation  on  the 
subject.  Best  results  are  secured  by  placing  the  administration 
of  the  law  in  the  hands  of  the  school  officials.  Regulations  re- 
lating to  bootblacks  have  been  made  very  similar  to  those  affect- 


338  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

ing  newsboys,  but  there  is  a  tendency  to  impose  a  higher  age 
limit. 

m.  Minimum  Wage  Legislation. 

The  development  of  minimum  wage  legislation  will  no  doubt 
affect  both  the  standards  of  family  life  and  the  amount  and 
efficiency  of  child  labor.  In  191 2  and  1013  several  states  passed 
such  legislation,  the  laws  being  made  to  apply  to  women  and  to 
minors  in  eight  states,  but  in  the  ninth  "females"  only  are  af- 
fected. In  other  states  the  problem  is  being  studied  with  a  view 
to  the  enactment  of  similar  laws.  It  is  evident  that  the  wages 
of  child  workers  will  become  one  of  the  important  matters  of 
consideration  by  the  various  minimum  wage  boards  or  commis- 
sions, and  that  the  pitifully  small  wages  will  be  raised.  In  fact, 
many  establishments  have  already,  under  the  pressure  of  the 
publicity  connected  with  the  recent  investigations,  voluntarily 
increased  the  wages  of  the  children  in  their  employ.  Such  ac- 
tion will  increase  the  desire  of  children  to  enter  industry.  The 
more  likely  result,  however,  of  the  establishment  of  minimum 
wage  rates  will  be  a  reduction  in  the  number  of  child  workers 
and  the  substitution  of  adults.  Such  a  readjustment  is  emi- 
nently desirable  and  will  force  upon  the  child  the  necessity  of 
preparing  himself  sufficiently  to  enable  him  to  earn  the  minimum 
rate  fixed  for  the  different  industries. 

3.  Enforcement  of  Law. 

In  regard  to  the  enforcement  of  child  labor  laws  a  wide  diver- 
sity of  method  prevails.  The  principal  agencies  intrusted  with 
this  task  are :  departments  of  labor,  bureaus  of  factory  inspec- 
tion, the  police,  and  boards  of  health.  In  addition  truant  and 
attendance  officers,  and  sometimes  probation  officers,  aid  in  en- 
forcing the  law.  In  the  more  populous  manufacturing  states  the 
departments  of  labor  are  usually  composed  of  subdivisions,  of 
which  the  bureau  of  factory  inspection  forms  one  branch,  but 
sometimes  the  latter  is  made  a  separate  department.  In  either 
case,  the  enforcement  of  law  rests  with  the  factory  inspection 
organization.  New  York  is  an  example  of  the  former  type,  and 
Illinois  of  the  latter. 

The  states  are  gradually  merging  the  bureaus  that  are  closely 


CHILD  LABOR   REFORM  339 

allied  in  their  work.  In  the  industrial  states  the  tendency  to- 
ward division  of  labor  has  operated  to  create  a  special  department 
of  factory  inspection,  but  New  York  has  returned  to  the  plan  of 
subordinating  the  bureau  of  factory  inspection  to  the  depart- 
ment of  labor.  In  Massachusetts  the  inspectors  are  under  the 
direction  of  the  district  police.  A  separate  body  of  inspectors 
is,  however,  detailed  by  the  department,  and  these  resemble  in 
qualifications  the  inspectors  of  the  other  two  systems.  In  each 
of  the  states  mentioned  a  high  degree  of  efficiency  in  the  enforce- 
ment of  law  has  been  achieved.  Maryland  has  a  separate  corps  of 
child  labor  inspectors  working  under  its  Bureau  of  Statistics  and 
Information,  but  the  plan  has  not  proven  entirely  successful. 
Two  states  have  a  board  of  inspection  of  child  labor.  Until 
recently,  child  labor  in  mercantile  establishments  in  New  York 
was  controlled  entirely  by  the  boards  of  health.  The  results 
were  unsatisfactory,  and  the  work  of  inspection  in  cities  of  the 
first  class  has  been  transferred  to  the  departments  of  labor,  but 
elsewhere  the  old  law  still  holds.  This  condition  is  anomalous, 
and  the  task  of  inspection  should  be  transferred  to  the  factory 
inspection  department. 

A  few  states  empower  the  school  officials  to  enforce  the  law 
against  child  labor,  and  in  a  considerable  number  of  states 
truant  officers  are  authorized  to  assist  the  other  inspectors. 
These  officials,  however,  aim  primarily  to  compel  school  attend- 
ance rather  than  to  prevent  child  labor.  In  several  Southern 
states,  especially  those  in  which  the  child  labor  problem  is  a 
serious  one,  the  provisions  for  law  enforcement  are  extremely 
inadequate.  In  Alabama  the  inspector  may  prosecute  violators 
of  the  law  if  ordered  to  do  so  by  the  governor  !  Georgia  and  the 
Carolinas  have  practically  no  law-enforcing  machinery.  With 
extensive  violations  of  law  in  the  states  where  enforcement  is 
most  successful,  what  must  be  the  condition  in  a  state  having 
absolutely  no  means  of  enforcing  the  law  ! 

Few  if  any  of  the  states  possess  an  adequate  corps  of  inspec- 
tors. New  York  in  191 2  added  largely  to  its  corps  of  factory 
and  mercantile  inspectors  and  now  has  a  force  of  135.  Even 
this  large  body  has  been  declared  entirely  inadequate  by  the 


340  PROBLEMS  OF  CHILD  WELFARE 

prominent  social  workers  of  the  state,  and  a  recent  investigation 
of  conditions  in  New  York  justified  this  conclusion.  Pennsyl- 
vania has  41  inspectors;  Ohio  has  32  general  inspectors  besides 
several  men  who  limit  themselves  to  special  industries ;  Illinois 
has  but  18.  So  with  the  remaining  states ;  they  make  but  little 
effort  to  proportion  carefully  the  number  of  their  factory  inspec- 
tors to  the  amount  of  work  to  be  done.  A  number  of  states  now 
require  a  limited  number  of  women  on  their  inspection  force, 
many  persons  holding  that  women  will  detect  certain  violations 
more  easily  than  men  and  are  more  efficient  in  observing  condi- 
tions relating  to  the  employment  of  children ;  also  that  a  higher 
quality  of  woman  than  of  man  can  be  secured  for  the  salary 
paid.  Medical  inspection,  which  is  needed  so  badly,  is  still  in 
its  infancy,  although  New  York  and  Massachusetts  have  made 
a  beginning,  the  former  through  its  factory  inspection  depart- 
ment, the  latter  through  its  board  of  health. 

With  insufficient  inspectors  the  law  is  violated.  In  many 
states  four  or  five  years  are  necessary  for  the  inspectors  to  cover 
every  establishment  once,  and  in  no  state  are  there  enough  in- 
spectors to  visit  all  factories  and  workshops  more  than  once 
during  the  year.  Yet  adequate  inspection  requires  at  least  two 
visits,  and  probably  more.  Again  the  enforcement  of  child 
labor  laws  is  usually  only  one  of  many  functions  performed  by 
the  inspector.  Frequently  this  portion  of  his  task  is  passed  over 
hurriedly,  and  sometimes  the  neglect  is  intentional.  The  author 
knows  of  an  establishment  employing  a  large  force  of  children 
which  was  not  inspected  for  an  entire  year,  although  the  firm 
was  suspected  of  violating  the  law. 

Efficient  inspection  depends  in  part  upon  the  good  faith  and 
ideals  of  the  chief  factory  inspector,  and  the  energy  with  which 
violations  of  the  law  are  prosecuted.  Such  prosecutions  must 
become  deterrent  influences.  In  those  states  in  which  the  cost 
to  the  employer  of  a  violation  of  the  law  has  been  inconsiderable, 
efficient  enforcement  has  been  difficult  or  impossible.  Fre- 
quently the  employer  has  reduced  his  policy  to  a  financial  basis. 
Having  discovered  that  he  can  violate  law  for  a  certain  time  at 
a  very  moderate  cost  and  that  the  advantage  to  him  of  the  vio- 


CHILD   LABOR   REFORM  34 1 

Iation  is  greater  than  the  cost  in  fines,  he  defies  the  factory 
inspectors  and  refuses  to  obey  the  law.  In  some  cases  coopera- 
tion between  the  employer  and  the  factory  inspectors  for  the 
enforcement  of  the  law  has  been  followed  by  the  refusal  to  prose- 
cute firms  for  the  illegal  employment  of  children,  on  the  promise 
that  the  violation  would  not  be  repeated.  This  method  can  be 
successful  only  when  a  real  interest  is  evinced  by  the  employer 
of  child  labor  and  when  failure  to  comply  with  the  demands  of 
the  inspector  is  followed  by  prosecution.  The  courts  also  are 
a  considerable  factor,  since  in  some  localities  it  is  almost  impos- 
sible to  persuade  the  judge  that  violations  should  be  punished. 
Unsocial  courts  and  judges  are  a  great  handicap  to  the  enforce- 
ment of  factory  laws. 

Competent  officials  selected  through  civil  service  examinations 
are  badly  needed,  and  the  lack  of  these  has  been  a  severe  setback 
to  real  progress.  The  chief  offices  are  usually  political  plums, 
and  frequently  the  men  appointed  know  as  much  about  their 
duties  as  they  do  of  domestic  science.  Factory  inspection 
must  be  rescued  from  partisan  politics  and  placed  on  a  merit 
basis,  but  good  officials  cannot  be  procured  unless  an  adequate 
salary  is  paid  for  their  services  and  a  professional  career  is  opened 
to  them  as  is  the  case  in  Germany.  Strong  men  cannot  afford 
to  accept  poorly  paid  and  uncertain  positions. 

In  formulating  child  labor  laws,  legislators  should  be  guarded 
by  the  fundamental  principles  which  are  involved.  The  social 
interests  demand  that  such  a  protection  of  children  be  assured 
as  to  guarantee  to  an  oncoming  generation  a  physical,  mental, 
and  moral  capacity  which  will  enable  it  to  meet  successfully 
all  social  and  industrial  conditions. 


PART   V 
JUVENILE   DELINQUENCY 


CHAPTER  I 
CAUSES  AND   NATURE   OF   JUVENILE   DELINQUENCY 

i.  Evolution  of  the  "Juvenile  Delinquent." 

The  attitude  of  society  toward  the  juvenile  delinquent  has 
undergone  a  fundamental  change  within  a  few  decades.  Part 
of  this  change  is  due  to  revulsion  against  the  treatment  formerly 
accorded  to  children,  who  were  not  fully  responsible  for  the 
offenses  which  they  committed.  The  court  trial  in  Philadelphia 
of  a  little  child  of  eight  years  was  the  beginning  of  the  juvenile 
court  movement  in  that  city.  A  few  years  ago  a  boy  of  eleven 
in  the  state  of  Iowa  was  sentenced  to  imprisonment  for  life  on 
the  charge  of  murder !  Hundreds  of  little  children  have  been 
thrown  into  jail  in  company  with  vile  adult  criminals,  and  in 
England  little  children  were  formerly  sentenced  to  death  for 
offenses  too  petty  even  to  justify  the  mildest  forms  of  pro- 
bationary treatment  at  the  present  time.  In  1833  a  boy  of 
nine  was  sentenced  to  death  for  stealing  a  little  paint.  The 
penalty  was  not  inflicted  but  the  principle  remains  the  same. 
In  Chicago  boys  were  confined  with  the  men,  and  as  late  as  1899 
boys  were  sent  to  the  John  Worthy  School  to  work  out  fines  at 
fifty  cents  per  day. 

The  delinquent  child  suffered  from  the  older  or  classical  theory 
of  crime.  A  particular  offense,  quite  apart  from  the  motives 
that  prompted  it,  was  punishable  with  a  definite  penalty,  and 
individuals  were  punished  for  the  crime  they  committed,  not 
because  they  were  criminals.  At  first  no  discrimination  was 
made  between  persons  guilty  of  similar  offenses,  but  later  ex- 
tenuating circumstances  were  recognized.  Furthermore,  it 
was  held  that  every  person,  regardless  of  age,  was  fully  respon- 
sible morally  for  the  offense  committed.    The  little  child  had, 

345 


346  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

it  was  thought,  as  keen  a  sense  of  right  and  wrong  as  had  the 
adult  —  an  equal  knowledge  of  what  constitutes  an  infraction 
of  the  law.  This  atrocious  doctrine  has  been  entirely  over- 
thrown, for  recent  child  psychology  clearly  demonstrates  that 
the  morals  of  children  are  a  development.  Parents,  home,  and 
community  are  each  partly  responsible  for  their  children's 
morals.  Children  are  plastic  in  mind  and  body  and  their  moral 
standards  are  changeable. 

It  is  difficult  to  determine  the  exact  age  when  full  moral 
responsibility  should  be  demanded.  In  fact,  this  should  depend 
upon  mental  rather  than  physiological  age.  The  boy  of  twenty 
with  the  mind  of  a  boy  of  twelve  should  not  be  treated  as  an 
adult,  yet  in  the  face  of  this  psychological  principle,  juvenile 
delinquency  refers  legally  to  individuals  under  a  certain  age. 
Until  recently  no  adequate  psychological  test  has  been  avail- 
able. The  age  limit  now  established  differs  among  the  various 
states,  but  in  the  majority  of  cases  it  is  sixteen  years,  although 
a  number  of  states  have  raised  it  to  17,  and  in  several  the  limit 
for  girls  has  been  fixed  at  18. 

The  term  "delinquent"  has  been  slowly  expanding  in  mean- 
ing so  as  to  include  not  only  deliberate  acts  which  would  be 
punished  if  committed  by  adults,  but  also  wayward  tendencies 
of  a  serious  character.  <  Delinquency  should  refer  to  an  attitude 
of  mind  and  of  morals  rather  than  to  the  commission  of  some 
particular  offense.  It  is  necessary  to  reach  the  embryo  delin- 
quent —  the  prospective  criminal  —  and  in  many  cases  it  is  al- 
ready too  late  when  the  boy  is  brought  into  the  juvenile  court. 
Accordingly,  we  find  laws  such  as  the  Colorado  law  which 
includes  under  "delinquents"  persons  of  certain  age  who  are 
guilty  of  such  offenses  as  the  following :  violation  of  any  law  of 
the  state  or  any  city  or  village  ordinance ;  incorrigibility ;  asso- 
ciation with  immoral  persons ;  knowingly  visiting  houses  of  ill 
repute,  or  gambling  houses  of  any  description ;  visiting  saloons ; 
wandering  aimlessly  about  the  streets  at  night  or  about  railway 
yards ;  the  use  of  vile  and  obscene  language ;  immoral  conduct ;. 
jumping  on  moving  trains,  etc.  This  law  covers  almost  every 
species  of  conduct  which  is  likely  to  result  in  law-breaking  and 


CAUSES   AND   NATURE  OF  JUVENILE   DELINQUENCY      347 

criminality,  and  it  can  be  used  to  exercise  preventive  control 
over  the  child.  In  this  way  it  is  possible  to  reach  him  before 
he  actually  becomes  so  wayward  that  reform  is  impossible. 
Although  in  some  cases  the  legal  meaning  of  delinquency  is 
still  confined  to  direct  violation  of  law,  the  more  progressive 
states  in  the  revision  of  their  juvenile  court  laws  or  in  the  enact- 
ment of  new  laws  are  quite  universally  following  the  pattern 
of  law  described  above.  Effective  work  depends  upon  the  legal 
right  to  direct  and  control  the  prospective  offender. 

2.  Moral  Classification  of  Children. 

The  juvenile  court  idea  depends  upon  the  recently  developed 
consciousness  that  the  child  is  less  in  need  of  reformation  than 
he  is  of  the  formation  and  fixation  of  character.  A  little  habit 
forming  is  much  better  than  much  character  reforming.  The 
teachings  of  recent  psychology  and  ethics  have  forced  the  accept- 
ance  of  the  theory  that  conscience  is  developmentalj  therefore, 
the  problem  of  the  child  becomes  one  of  constructive  effort, 
not  of  repression  after  vicious  tendencies  have  developed. 

Youthful  misdeeds  are  recognized  to  be  largely  the  result  of 
the~~enVironmental'  influences  which  continually  impress  them- 
selves upon  the  child.  The  development  of  the  child  divides 
itself  into  three  quite  distinct  periods.  The  first  eight  years 
of  life  form  one  period,  and  many  children  of  this  age,  if  not 
immoral,  are  at  least  unsocial,  but  their  delinquency  is  almost 
wholly  due  to  the  neglect  of  their  moral  education  by  their 
parents,  and  they  should  be  treated  as  neglected  persons. 
The  delinquent  child  at  this  age  is  no  worse  in  his  fundamental 
proclivities  than  the  child  who  is  merely  neglected,  and  there- 
fore different  treatment  is  not  necessary.  A  full  knowledge  of 
the  underlying  causes  of  the  difficulty  will  shift  the  burden  of 
the  blame  to  the  parents.  There  is  but  little  difference  between 
the  delinquent  and  the  neglected  child  of  this  age. 

During  the  age  period  —  nine  to  thirteen  years  —  several 
characteristic  traits  of  childhood  appear.  Many  of  the  instinc- 
tive actions  of  earlier  life  have  vanished.  The  child,  however, 
has  not  yet  learned  to  correlate  cause  and  effect.  He  is  still 
deficient  in  prudence  and  foresight,  and  to  a  large  degree  uncon- 


348  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

scious  of  the  effects  of  his  acts  on  others.  He  is  self-centered, 
his  morals  are  still  in  process  of  development,  and  he  is  very 
susceptible  to  external  impressions.  The  formation  of  habit 
proceeds  at  a  very  rapid  pace  during  this  period,  and  the  moral 
habits  are  of  special  importance  because  they  later  develop  into 
the  morals  peculiar  to  adolescence.  The  religious  bias  is  also 
imparted  during  this  period  and  the  child  becomes  more  truthful. 

The  period  of  life  including  the  years  from  12  or  13  to  17  is 
marked  by  the  practical  completion  of  habit  formation,  and 
trains  the  child  for  success  or  failure.  This  period  witnesses 
the  culmination  of  fundamental  physiological  and  psychological 
changes  while  the  child  arrives  at  puberty  and  endures  many 
physical  and  emotional  disturbances.  It  is  significant  that  the 
religious  impulse  is  strongest  in  this  period,  and  that  conversions 
are  most  numerous.  Starbuck  has  well  shown  the  incidence 
of  emotionalism  both  for  boys  and  girls,  and  his  observations 
suggest  the  importance  of  properly  harnessing  this  psychical 
energy.  The  religious  impulse  also  has  its  counterpart  in 
the  wayward  and  criminal  instincts  of  the  boy.  Many  boys 
manifest  an  incorrigibility  which,  unless  properly  directed,  will 
lead  to  absolute  criminality.  Rapid  growth  and  the  failure  of 
the  child  to  understand  himself  lead  to  moral  aberrations  which 
require  the  most  careful  treatment,  affect  the  mental  equi- 
librium of  the  youth,  and  influence  the  attitude  of  the  two  sexes 
toward  each  other. 

3.  Conditions  underlying  Juvenile  Delinquency. 

a.  Changing  Social  Conditions. 

A  fruitful  cause  of  juvenile  delinquency  consists  of  the  chang- 
ing social  conditions  which  make  individual  acts,  harmless  in 
themselves,  a  menace  to  society.  The  exuberant  spirits  of  the 
boy  must  find  expression  in  activity  and  excitement,  and  sup- 
pression is  not  possible.  The  numerous  contacts  of  the  city 
require  a  limitation  of  individual  activity,  since  thoughtless 
acts  which  are  entirely  justifiable  and  even  desirable  in  the 
country  districts  may  be  a  constant  danger  to  property  in  the 
city.  Accordingly,  a  series  of  city  ordinances  have  been  enacted 
which  condemn  and  prohibit  such  acts.    Playing  ball  is  not 


CAUSES   AND   NATURE  OF  JUVENILE  DELINQUENCY      349 

inherently  a  punishable  offense,  but  to  obstruct  the  streets  or 
to  endanger  other  persons  who  are  using  the  street  is  distinctly 
anti-social,  and  is  therefore  prohibited  by  city  ordinances. 
Persons  may  be  injured,  windows  broken,  and  runaways  caused 
by  such  sports  conducted  on  the  streets.  Many  boys  are 
brought  into  some  juvenile  courts  for  offenses  not  more  serious 
than  playing  ball.  The  highly  valued  bonfire  belongs  to  the 
same  category.  Few  boys  can  restrain  themselves  at  the  sight 
of  a  fire,  and  an  even  greater  thrill  follows  their  participation 
in  a  bonfire  scene.  The  social  needs  of  to-day  therefore  inter- 
dict acts  which  boys  have  for  centuries  been  allowed  to  do,  and 
as  boy  nature  has  not  changed,  many  offenses  are  committed 
which  the  self-centered  and  thoughtless  boy  does  without  malice 
or  deliberation.  The  Philadelphia  girl  of  eight  who  set  fire  to  a 
house  did  so  to  see  the  fire  and  the  fire  engines,  not  to  commit 
arson.  If  children,  instead  of  being  cooped  up  in  treeless  and 
flowerless  slums,  had  opportunities  of  touching  nature  and  of 
using  up  their  pent-up  energies  in  parks  and  playgrounds  and 
in  other  wholesome  ways,  they  would  not  insist  on  committing 
acts  that  jeopardize  the  public.  The  boy  who  uses  the  streets 
for  play  is  not  more  criminal  than  the  community  which  declines 
to  furnish  him  with  proper  play  facilities.  Change  of  law  does 
not  change  child  nature,  but  changed  conditions  require  new 
adjustments. 

b.  Home  Conditions. 

The  incompetency  of  parents  is  a  prolific  source  of  juvenile 
delinquency,  for  the  home  environment  is  the  most  potent  factor 
contributing  to  the  formation  of  character  and  habit.  The 
force  of  social  heredity,  comprising  the  ideals,  morals,  religious 
impulses,  teaching,  discipline,  order,  personal  habits,  and  super- 
stition of  the  parents,  overpowers  the  child  by  its  almost  irre- 
sistible momentum.  Profane  parents  have  profane  children. 
If  the  father  lies,  the  son  will  not  be  truthful.  If  the  mother  is 
not  moral,  how  can  we  expect  the  daughter  to  be  !  Parents 
who  are  irreligious  will  find  that  their  children  scoff  at  religion. 
Slovenly  parents  raise  careless  children.  A  large  proportion  of 
the  child's  habits  are  formed  before  he  is  ten,  and  during  this 


350  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

time  the  one  constant  factor  in  his  training  is  the  environment 
of  the  home. 

A  recent  development  in  the  home,  especially  the  native 
American  home,  is  the  too  liberal  abandonment  of  the  discipline 
and  subordination  of  the  child.  We  are  not  ready  for  any  prin- 
ciple of  self-control  which  allows  the  child  to  decide  according 
•  to  his  own  likes  and  dislikes,  to  obey  or  disobey,  as  he  chooses, 
to  work  out  his  moral  code  on  the  basis  of  his  own  personal 
experience.  The  brutal  corporal  punishment  of  old  has  given 
way  in  many  cases  to  soft  effeminate  indulgence  by  parents  of 
the  idlest  humors  of  their  children.  Thus  selfish  and  imperious 
instincts  develop  at  the  expense  of  altruism  and  obedience,  and 
parents  are  unable  to  develop  appropriate  moral  and  social 
traits  in  their  children.  The  children  dominate  and  subdue 
instead  of  being  molded  into  moral  shape  by  their  parents.  If 
they  were  mentally  mature,  they  should  be  permitted  to  enjoy 
complete  self-direction ;  but  they  are  not,  and  unless  subjected 
to  the  proper  restrictions  and  discipline,  they  will  fail  to  reach 
the  full  level  of  human  moral  attainment.  Why  should  not 
the  experiences  of  parents  be  used  to  guide  and  limit  the  tend- 
encies of  children  ?  Corporal  punishment,  although  often 
undesirable,  cannot  be  totally  abandoned  either  in  the  home 
or  in  the  school,  except  at  the  cost  of  moral  development.  The 
growing  protest  against  its  total  abolition  is  not  without  sig- 
nificance. Is  it  not  surprising  that  native-born  children  of 
native-born  parents  should  form  so  large  a  percentage  of  the 
total  delinquency  in  our  large  cities  ?  We  are  not  yet  ready  for 
exclusive  control  by  moral  suasion.  Another  striking  instance 
of  the  importance  of  discipline  in  the  home  is  furnished  by  the 
high  rate  of  juvenile  delinquency  among  the  native-born  chil- 
dren of  immigrants.  These  children  are  sent  to  our  public 
schools,  where  they  learn  English  and  mingle  with  American 
children.  In  a  short  time  they  have  become  somewhat  veneered 
with  American  civilization.  Then  they  suddenly  awake  to  the 
apparent  discrepancy  between  the  culture  of  their  parents  and 
that  of  the  native  American.  A  break  then  occurs  in  the  home 
because  the  parents  have  lost  control  over  their  children.     They 


CAUSES   AND   NATURE   OF   JUVENILE   DELINQUENCY      351 

are  considered  mere  ignoramuses  and  are  practically  without 
influence.  The  environment  of  the  street  soon  weakens  the 
morals  of  the  child,  who  finally  is  brought  into  the  juvenile 
court.  With  the  discipline  of  the  home  gone,  the  child  easily 
succumbs  to  the  other  influences  that  surround  him. 

Parents  are  also  to  blame  for  their  failure  to  recognize  that 
the  life  of  to-day  requires  different  treatment  of  the  child  than 
did  the  conditions  of  their  own  youth.  What  may  have  been 
permissible  then  is  anti-social  now.  The  energy  of  the  child 
must  be  allowed  to  express  itself,  but  this  does  not  authorize 
unbridled  and  ruthless  methods  which  are  a  menace  to  life  and 
property.  The  great  majority  of  children  expend  their  enthu- 
siasm in  harmless  ways,  and  yet  reap  all  the  advantages  which 
such  excesses  afford.  Too  many  parents  have  so  little  regard 
for  the  rights  of  others  that  it  is  little  wonder  that  young  boys 
become  ruffians  and  bullies.  While  conditions  have  changed, 
so  have  parents.  When  properly  taught,  children  will  exhibit 
a  marvelous  amount  of  respect,  but  it  is  easy  to  make  them 
incorrigible.  Fathers  are,  in  many  instances,  actually  or  ap- 
parently so  busy  that  they  do  not  have  time,  or  take  time,  to 
make  friends  and  comrades  of  their  sons,  although  a  little  effort 
expended  in  this  direction  profoundly  affects  the  boy,  who  is 
ready  to  make  a  hero  of  his  father,  if  he  is  only  given  the  oppor- 
tunity. 

That  dishonesty  and  petty  larceny  is  a  result  of  the  failure  of 
parents  to  provide  their  children  with  a  reasonable  amount  of 
spending  money  is  amply  demonstrated.  Boys  engaged  in  the 
street  trades  usually  enjoy  small  sums  of  money,  but  this  is 
often  spent  in  improper  ways.  The  difficulty  of  entering  street 
life  without  money  tempts  the  boy  to  steal  and  dispose  of  the 
goods.  The  first  step  taken,  stealing  becomes  a  habit,  and  can 
with  difficulty  be  checked.  Many  boys  who  have  entered  some 
gainful  occupation  are  compelled  to  bring  home  the  entire  wage 
and  are  denied  the  use  of  the  smallest  portion.  Investigations 
have  shown  that  a  large  percentage  of  boys  do  not  report  to  their 
parents  the  increase  in  wages  which  they  receive.  The  differ- 
ence between  the  original  and  the  later  wage  represents  the  boy's 


352  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

spending  money.  Dishonest  habits  are  thus  ingrained  in  the 
moral  fiber  of  the  young  boy ;  yet  such  habits  are  the  natural 
result  of  the  parents'  failure  to  allow  him  any  spending  money 
from  his  hard-earned  wage. 

The  broken  home  is  probably  the  most  important  single  proxi- 
mate cause  of  delinquency.  There  is  convincing  evidence  of 
the  need  of  the  refining  and  chastening  influence  of  the  home. 
Homes  are  broken  up  in  many  ways,  of  which  the  most  important 
are  the  death  of  one  or  both  parents,  desertion,  and  divorce. 
The  last  two  causes  are  also  results  and  imply  delinquencies 
among  parents,  and  these  furnish  additional  reasons  for  the 
waywardness  of  children.  Many  homes  are  broken  by  death, 
and  orphan  children  often  are  left  without  adequate  care,  many 
being  brought  into  courts —  a  much  larger  number  than  their  pro- 
portion in  the  community.  The  half-orphans  are  more  numer- 
ous, however.  A  majority  of  these  have  lost  their  fathers, 
while  the  mothers  are  still  alive.  In  many  cases  the  surviving 
parent  marries  again,  but  the  step-parent  cannot  take  the  place 
of  the  deceased.  Accordingly,  the  children  in  such  a  home 
frequently  suffer  from  neglect  and  drift  into  delinquency.  The 
following  figures  are  very  significant :  Out  of  1307  delinquent 
children  concerning  whom  the  parental  conditions  were  known, 
and  who  entered  the  St.  Louis  courts  during  the  years  1908- 
1909,  48  per  cent  had  both  parents  living  together,  21.9  per 
cent  had  parents  separated  or  divorced,  18.9  per  cent  were 
orphans  or  half -orphans,  and  the  remainder,  or  11.2  per  cent, 
lived  in  homes  where  step-parents  had  been  introduced.  In 
all,  52  per  cent  of  the  children  did  not  live  in  normal  homes. 
More  cases  of  delinquency  were  reported  from  homes  where  the 
child  lived  with  the  surviving  mother  than  where  the  father 
had  survived.  Probably  the  control  of  the  father  is  superior 
to  that  of  the  mother.  On  the  other  hand,  widows  are  more 
numerous  than  widowers. 

The  federal  government,  in  its  investigation  of  child  wage- 
earners,  throws  additional  light  on  this  problem,  as  shown  in 
the  following  statistics : l 

1  Woman  and  Child  Wage  Earners  in  the  United  States,  Vol.  VIII,  p.  S3. 


CAUSES   AND   NATURE   OF   JUVENILE   DELINQUENCY      353 


Parental   Condition  of  Delinquent  Children 


Parental  Conditions 

Percentage  of 
Delinquent  Boys 

Percentage  of 
Delinquent  girls 

Working 

Non- 
Working 

Total 

Working 

Non- 
Working 

Total 

One   or   both    parents    living 
away,  orphaned,  or  deserted 

54-6 

25.2 

9.2 

II.O 

61. 1 
23.2 

7-5 

8.2 

57-5 

24-3 

8.5 

9-7 

32.2 

28.8 
11. 7 

27-3 
35i 

37-7 
26.5 
17.2 

18.6 

204 

34-2 

27.9 
13.6 

24-3 

2412 

1852 

4264 

555 

It  will  be  noticed  that  but  little  more  than  one-third  of  the 
girls  came  from  normal  homes  and  that  a  very  large  proportion 
were  orphaned  or  deserted.  On  the  other  hand,  the  table  shows 
that  out  of  4264  delinquent  boys,  57.5  per  cent  came  from 
normal  homes  and  only  42.5  per  cent  from  homes  broken  by 
death,  desertion,  or  separation.  But  for  both  boys  and  girls 
the  proportion  living  under  abnormal  home  conditions  is  so  large 
that  the  magnitude  of  the  problem  can  hardly  be  overestimated. 

Homes  broken  by  divorce  or  separation  lose  much  of  their 
moral  control.  According  to  Ellwood,  out  of  a  total  of  7575 
children  in  reformatories  in  the  United  States,  29.6  per  cent 
came  from  homes  broken  by  one  of  these  causes.1  The  propor- 
tion varies  among  the  different  training  schools,  the  usual  range 
being  from  25  to  35  per  cent.  These  figures  pertain  to  a  class 
of  serious  offenders,  and  the  average  among  all  delinquent  chil- 
dren is  much  lower. 

A  very  unfortunate  form  of  incomplete  home  is  that  of  the 
illegitimate  child.  The  father  is  generally  absent  and  the  child 
lives  with  the  mother,  or  with  relatives  or  strangers.  The  usual 
environment  of  the  illegitimate  child  conduces  directly  to 
criminality.  Drlihms  says  that  of  the  4838  juvenile  male  popu- 
lation in  the  reformatories  of  France  in  1896,  only  517  were  of 
legitimate  birth,  and  4321,  or  89.34  per  cent  were  illegitimate 


1  Sociology  and  Modem  Social  Problems,  p.  158. 


2  A 


354  PROBLEMS  OF   CHILD  WELFARE 

and  born  out  of  wedlock.1  Of  the  1095  girls,  246  were  legiti- 
mate, and  849,  or  77.53  per  cent,  were  illegitimate.  The  Ameri- 
can rates,  however,  are  very  low  compared  with  these. 

Neglect  of  the  home  is  a  frequent  result  of  the  drinking  habit 
or  of  the  indolence  and  indifference  of  the  father.  These  attri- 
butes are  easily  transmitted  to  the  child,  whose  vagrant  instincts 
need  only  the  slightest  encouragement.  Parental  begging  and 
stealing  leave  intricate  traces  on  the  minds  of  children,  and 
confirm  them  in  a  life  of  idleness  and  crime.  The  child  caught 
in  an  environment  of  this  sort  and  accustomed  to  wrong  and 
debased  standards  can  with  difficulty  recover  from  the  coercion 
of  social  heredity. 

Vicious  homes  are  also  important  factors.  A  large  number 
of  fathers  are  intemperate  and  set  a  bad  example  for  their  chil- 
dren ;  also  many  are  brutal  and  beat  other  members  of  the 
family.  The  boys  in  the  home  become  rough,  unruly,  revenge- 
ful, and  cruel,  while  many  run  away  from  home  and  become 
Bohemian  in  habit,  and  incorrigible  in  morals.  The  criminal 
father  practically  forces  his  child  into  crime.  Many  men  are 
irregular  in  their  work  and  consequently  do  not  provide  ade- 
quately for  the  family  wants.  Children  soon  absorb  their 
parents'  faults,  and  if  mothers  are  immoral,  daughters  must  be 
handled  by  the  courts.  When  children  acquire  bad  habits  and 
commit  petty  offenses,  frequently  parents  overlook  or  encourage 
the  delinquency,  so  when  the  boy  steals  coal,  the  parents 
burn  it ;  and  when  the  child  begs,  the  father  does  not  interfere. 
Boys  frequently  organize  marauding  expeditions  and  are  ac- 
tually encouraged  by  their  parents,  and  thus  a  career  of  crime 
is  begun. 

Cruel  forms  of  punishment  produce  delinquencies.  Vicious 
whippings  of  the  young  child  harden  him  and  keep  him  from 
responding  properly  to  the  chastening  effects  of  properly  ad- 
ministered punishment.  Many  immigrant  parents  in  this 
way  develop  a  spirit  of  defiance  in  their  children.  A  bad  home 
environment  will  produce  criminal  tendencies  which  are  often 
falsely  considered   instinctive,   but   which   are   really  due   to 

1  Drahms,  The  Criminal,  p.  285. 


CAUSES  AND   NATURE  OF  JUVENILE  DELINQUENCY      355 

cruelty  and  abuse.  Deliberate  neglect  throws  the  child  on 
his  own  responsibility,  and  his  undeveloped  moral  sense  leads 
to  his  downfall.  The  native  child  of  the  immigrant  also  suffers 
from  the  inability  of  his  parents  to  guide  him  aright.  They  do 
not  understand  America  and  its  temptations  and  possibilities 
of  crime  and  corruption,  so  they  cannot  protect  their  children 
from  demoralizing  influences. 

In  Indianapolis  a  study  of  the  apparent  causes  of  delinquency 
credited  lack  of  parental  care  with  42  per  cent,  bad  associations 
with  20,  criminal  tendency  with  5,  and  miscellaneous  causes  with 
the  remainder.  Usually,  of  course,  several  causes  cooperate 
to  produce  the  results. 

c.  Environment  and  Associations. 

The  environment  of  the  boy  outside  of  the  home  and  the 
character  of  his  associates  leave  their  definite  prints  upon  his 
moral  nature,  and  are  a  large  factor  in  producing  delinquents. 
The  child  who  must  spend  a  considerable  portion  of  his  time 
upon  the  streets  faces  many  temptations.  His  parents  have 
not  sufficiently  warned  him  against  the  pitfalls  to  be  encoun- 
tered, and  the  child,  because  of  lack  of  self-restraint,  speedily 
succumbs  to  the  influence  of  his  bad  associations.  More  than 
three-fourths  of  all  offenses  are  committed  in  the  evening  before 
eleven  o'clock.  Darkness  and  evil  companions  may  complete 
the  demoralization  of  a  boy,  and  one  plotter  or  mischief-maker 
will  ruin  an  entire  "gang."  It  is  here  that  the  pickpocket 
develops  and  the  petty  thief.  It  is  owing  to  his  street  associa- 
tions that  the  boy's  actions  degenerate  into  disorderly  conduct, 
disturbance  of  the  peace,  and  often  into  the  ruthless  and  wanton 
destruction  of  property.  The  bad  boy  is  ever  present,  and 
degrades  his  less  resolute  associates.  The  opportunities  for 
legitimate  sport  are  meager;  hence  a  greater  readiness  to  in- 
dulge in  the  forbidden  pleasures.  The  energies  of  the  boy 
result  in  spontaneous  boys'  clubs  conducted  in  forbidden 
places  and  under  most  unwholesome  conditions.  •  Such  clubs 
are  the  natural  development  of  the  organization  of  the  street 
gang,  and  their  work  is  equally  wanton  and  mischievous.  The 
many  fruitless  attempts  of  court  officers  to  reform  boys  placed 


356  PROBLEMS  OF  CHILD  WELFARE 

on  probation  in  their  natural  surroundings  are  an  eloquent  wit- 
ness to  the  inexorable  influence  of  a  bad  environment. 

The  native  instincts  of  the  boy,  molded  by  the  environ- 
ment of  the  home,  result  in  several  classes  of  delinquent  chil- 
dren after  exposure  to  the  associations  outside  the  home.  There 
are  the  morally  weak  who  easily  yield  to  temptation  but  who 
had  no  initial  bias  to  do  wrong.  Their  minds  are  open  to  sug- 
gestions of  good  or  evil,  and  easily  yield  to  vicious  influences, 
but  in  another  environment  they  would  have  escaped  all  moral 
taint.  Another  group  of  children  are  in  the  heroic  age;  for 
example,  the  vagrant  child  who  glories  in  remaining  away  from 
home  and  in  sleeping  in  box  cars  and  sheds.  He  delights  in  the 
joy  of  numerous  escapades,  but  he  is  becoming  the  criminal  of 
adventure.  His  roving  nature  transforms  him  into  the  pro- 
fessional tramp.  He  willfully  throws  stones  with  injurious 
intent ;  he  attempts  to  derail  cars  and  play  pranks  of  a  serious 
nature ;  and  he  outwits  the  teacher  and  the  attendance  officer. 
If  his  adventure  could  be  made  wholesome,  if  his  hero  worship 
could  be  made  inspiring,  then  all  this  wasted  energy  would  be 
used  in  developing  the  boy.  Again  we  find  children  vicious 
and  impulsive,  strong  minded  and  incorrigible,  demoralized 
at  home  and  made  criminal  by  the  unrestrained  associations 
elsewhere.  They  are  the  ones  who  will  commit  serious  offenses, 
organize  gangs  of  delinquents,  and  begin  a  career  of  crime.  It  is 
most  difficult  to  reform  them  because  criminal  tendencies  have 
become  so  deep-rooted. 

In  the  cities  many  boys  frequent  the  saloons ;  some  learn  to 
drink,  and  all  are  contaminated.  Besides,  the  use  of  tobacco 
is  almost  universal  among  delinquent  boys.  This  habit  has 
usually  been  acquired  on  the  streets,  and  helps  to  undermine 
the  child's  morals.  The  opportunity  for  gambling  and  the 
playing  of  vicious  games  also  frequently  presents  itself,  and  thus 
the  boy  rapidly  becomes  incorrigible. 

The  environment  of  the  girl  is  more  wholesome,  but  the  insid- 
ious influences  that  undermine  her  are  more  thorough  and  leave 
very  serious  consequences.  Partly  because  of  low  morals  in 
the  home,  but  largely  because  of  ignorance  and  low  ideals  taught 


CAUSES   AND   NATURE   OF  JUVENILE   DELINQUENCY      357 

elsewhere,  most  delinquent  girls  are  also  sexually  immoral. 
For  example,  out  of  224  girls  sent  in  two  years  to  the  Massa- 
chusetts State  Industrial  School,  154,  or  nearly  all  of  those  under 
17,  were  immoral,  and  of  these  more  than  one-half  were  prosti- 
tutes. 

d.  Criminal  Tendencies. 

In  spite  of  the  theory  that  the  child  of  the  juvenile  courts 
is  in  need  of  formation  instead  of  reformation,  it  is  plainly 
apparent  that  a  considerable  number  of  children  have  acquired 
criminal  tendencies.  To  what  extent  these  are  due  to  natural 
and  inherited  traits  and  instincts  and  what  importance  shall 
be  attached  to  the  contagion  of  an  early  vicious  environment 
are  still  unsolved  questions.  Instances  of  moral  perverts  are 
sufficiently  numerous.  Persons  are  born  with  the  innate 
tendency  to  develop  into  full-fledged  criminals.  Boys  who 
have  not  suffered  from  the  slightest  suggestion  of  larceny  have 
degenerated  into  thieves,  thus  indicating  that  their  criminality 
was  instinctive.  Many  children  commit  serious  crimes  such  as 
murder,  assault,  and  arson,  with  no  compunction  of  conscience, 
the  manner  of  committing  the  crimes  being  usually  suggested 
by  some  experiences  of  their  lives.  It  is  probable,  however,  but 
scientifically  undetermined,  that  the  majority  of  apparently 
degenerate  children  are  indebted  for  their  delinquency  to  the 
influence  of  parents  and  the  vicious  surroundings  of  their 
earliest  youth.  Many  of  these  children  are  precocious,  and 
form  habits  and  tendencies  sooner  than  is  usual.  It  has  been 
estimated  that  physical  heredity  is  responsible  for  about  10  per 
cent  of  all  delinquents. 

e.  Retardation  and  Defectiveness. 

Many  delinquent  boys  are  seriously  retarded  in  their  educa- 
tion. The  inmates  of  the  John  Worthy  School  in  Chicago 
range  in  age  from  12  to  18  years,  but  about  80  per  cent  are  not 
above  the  fourth  grade.  Out  of  1020  delinquents  handled  by  the 
juvenile  court  of  Indianapolis  in  the  years  1910-1912,  only  354 
had  reached  the  sixth  grade,  while  in  the  Massachusetts  State 
Industrial  School,  only  38  per  cent  of  the  girls  have  reached 
the  sixth  grade  or  passed  beyond.     The  great  majority  of  juve- 


358  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

nile  delinquents  have  little  practical  education,  and  most  of  them 
have  not  learned  to  appreciate  the  meaning  of  education  and 
therefore  are  more  easily  swayed  by  sinister  influences. 

The  application  of  the  recently  developed  Binet  test  promises 
to  give  good  results  as  to  the  backwardness  of  delinquents. 
One  such  test  indicates  that  out  of  107  delinquents,  53  were 
apparently  normal ;  that  is,  not  more  than  three  years  behind 
the  grade  which  their  age  justifies,  and  that  54  were  four  or  more 
years  behind,  almost  exactly  one-half  of  the  total  number  being 
seriously  defective.  Mental  defectiveness  is  a  prominent  cause 
of  delinquency  among  girls,  but  this  must  not  be  confused  with 
hereditary  criminality.  The  defective  girl  has  a  very  immature 
mind,  and  easily  becomes  the  prey  of  immoral  men ;  neverthe- 
less it  is  not  criminal  tendency  but  mental  weakness  that  is  re- 
sponsible for  this  misfortune.  How  much  of  this  retardation  and 
defectiveness  is  due  to  innate  defects,  and  how  much  to  ante- 
quated  and  impractical  methods  of  education,  remains  to  be 
learned.  At  any  rate,  mental  defectiveness  does  not  imply  moral 
defectiveness,  but  the  weak-minded  child  is  easily  influenced  by 
an  unfavorable  environment. 

Physical  defects  also  play  a  part.  Especially  is  this  true  of 
adenoids,  which  is  very  common,  being  found  among  more  than 
10  per  cent  of  the  children  in  the  public  schools.  It  affects  the 
brain,  causing  the  mind  to  become  sluggish  and  inactive,  and 
frequently  perverting  the  morals.  The  removal  of  adenoids 
has  in  many  instances  resulted  in  the  reclamation  of  a  boy  gone 
wrong.  Other  defects  also,  such  as  those  of  eye  and  ear,  some- 
times affect  the  disposition  of  children.  Their  removal  would 
undoubtedly  lessen  the  amount  of  juvenile  delinquency. 

/.  Child  Labor. 

Although  to  some  extent  a  result  of  poverty,  broken  homes, 
and  other  conditions,  child  labor  is  itself  a  cause  of  juvenile 
delinquency.  The  federal l  government  in  its  report  says, 
"working  children  showed  a  marked  excess  over  non- working 
children  both  of  delinquency  and  recidivism,  and  that  this 
appeared  in  offenses  of  every  grade."  "The  proportionate 
1  Woman  and  Child  Wage  Earners  in  the  United  Stales,  Vol.  VIII,  p.  62. 


CAUSES   AND   NATURE   OF   JUVENILE   DELINQUENCY      359 

excess  of  workers  is  large,  varying  from  two  to  nine  times  the 
ratio  of  non-workers."  As  other  factors  affecting  delinquency 
were  found  insufficient  to  account  for  these  conditions,  it  be- 
came evident  that  child  labor  must  be  one  of  the  direct 
causes.  It  was  discovered  that  "the  largest  number  of  delin- 
quent boys  were  found  in  those  occupations  or  industries  in 
which  the  nature  of  the  employment  does  not  permit  of  super- 
vision." The  principal  occupations  of  this  nature  are  news- 
paper selling,  errand  and  delivery  boys,  and  the  messenger 
service.  A  large  proportion  of  the  delinquent  girls  were  en- 
gaged in  domestic  service. 

That  the  street  trades  conduce  to  delinquency  is  well  known. 
Being  without  supervision  or  restraint,  boys  abandon  themselves 
to  the  constant  contacts  of  the  street,  with  their  hardening  influ- 
ences. Newsboys  and  errand  boys  furnish  a  large  proportion  of 
each  class  of  offenders,  but  the  messenger  boys  seem  to  lead  in 
immoral  conduct  and  assault  and  battery,  while  bootblacks 
lead  in  gambling,  and  office  boys  in  larceny.  Occupational 
conditions  are  responsible  in  part  for  the  tendency  to  commit 
certain  crimes,  but  the  environment  of  the  workers  helps  to 
demoralize  them. 

g.  Poverty. 

The  factor  of  poverty  cannot  be  accurately  weighed,  but  its 
importance  is  evident.  The  bulk  of  delinquent  children  come 
from  the  ranks  of  those  who  are  either  below  the  poverty  line 
or  are  resting  rather  insecurely  above  it.  The  poor  and  very 
poor  are  the  chief  victims,  and  children  especially  are  sufferers. 
Adults  are  often  responsible  for  their  poverty,  but  children  are 
not  to  blame.  The  statistics  l  of  juvenile  delinquency  in  Chi- 
cago for  the  years  1903-1904  show  that  out  of  584  boys  76.1  per 
cent  came  from  the  lowest  and  next  lowest  group  of  families, 
and  out  of  157  girls,  89.8  per  cent  came  from  the  same  groups. 
The  lowest  class  furnished  38  per  cent  of  the  boys  and  69  per  cent 
of  the  girls.  Poverty  means  inferior  homes,  bad  housing,  inade- 
quate recreation,  and  other  disadvantages.  The  resulting  lack  of 
opportunities  for  children  is  registered  in  increased  delinquency. 
1  Breckinridge  and  Abbott,  The  Delinquent  Child  and  the  Home,  pp.  73~74- 


360  PROBLEMS  OF  CHILD   WELFARE 

The  causes  of  delinquency  are  many,  but  without  doubt  the 
principal  underlying  conditions  are  broken  homes,  incompe- 
tency of  parents,  neglect  and  vice,  environmental  associations, 
retardation,  defectiveness,  physical  defect,  and  poverty. 

4.  Offenses  of  Delinquents. 

If  delinquency  is  largely  an  expression  of  wrong  relations  in 
the  home  and  on  the  street,  the  offense  committed  by  the  child 
is  of  secondary  importance.  In  some  courts  the  child  is  simply 
charged  with  delinquency,  no  special  offense  being  designated 
or  recorded.  This  is  an  extreme  application  of  the  theory  of 
the  non-responsibility  of  the  child.  Furthermore,  it  obscures 
somewhat  the  causes  of  the  delinquency,  for  without  exact 
knowledge  of  results,  causes  cannot  be  accurately  diagnosed. 
Certain  offenses,  however,  are  the  result  of  like  conditions,  and 
no  harm  will  follow  if  they  are  classified  together.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  major  groups  of  offenses  should  be  given,  but  certain 
minor  classifications  may  be  omitted. 

The  juvenile  courts  are  far  from  uniform  in  the  presentation 
of  their  statistics,  so  no  general  statements  are  possible  in  regard 
to  the  proportions  among  the  various  offenses,  but  partial  facts, 
such  as  the  following,  are  of  interest.  The  table  given  below 
shows  the  classification  by  offenses  of  probation  cases  in  New 
York  for  the  year  191 1  and  for  nine  months  of  191 2,  and  of 
children  committed  to  institutions  in  the  United  States  during 
the  year  1904. 

The  leading  offense  among  the  boys  is  larceny.  This  seems 
to  be  almost  universally  true,  and  applies  to  the  more  serious 
institution  cases  as  well  as  to  the  probation  cases.  More  than 
one-fourth  commit  this  offense,  and  in  some  localities  the  pro- 
portion is  still  higher.  In  its  special  investigation  of  juvenile 
delinquency  in  six  selected  cities  the  federal  government  dis- 
covered that  in  1908  out  of  8069  offenses  committed,  35.19  per 
cent  were  larceny.  In  191 1,  43  per  cent  of  the  boys  committed 
to  the  Lyman  School  for  Boys  in  Massachusetts  were  guilty  of 
larceny. 

Incorrigibility  frequently  comes  second.  Among  boys  this 
offense,  together  with  disorderly  conduct,  often  includes  acts  of 


CAUSES  AND   NATURE  OF  JUVENILE  DELINQUENCY     361 

Offenses  of  Juvenile  Delinquents  l 


Offenses 


Against  the  person     . 
Against  property  . 

Burglary .... 

Larceny  .... 

Other       .... 
Against  society      .     . 

Incorrigibility    .     . 

Disorderly  conduct 

Truancy  .... 

Other 

Improper  guardianship 
Other 

Number  of  persons     . 


Percentage  Among 


Children  Com- 
mitted to  In 
stitutions,  1904 


Boys       Girls 


3-6 
37-2 

8-5 

26.8 

1.9 

47-3 
17.6 

6-5 

"•5 

11. 7 

6-3 
5-6 


10,137 


11 

o 
10 

65 

35 

8 

3 
18 

13 
9 


i657 


Probation  Cases  in  New  York 


Boys 


1911         1912 


3-3 

42.9 

12.8 
30.1 

39-7 
15-0 
10.7 
14.0 

54 

8.7 


2187 


3-8 

36.7 
10.8 

25-9 

3i-3 
12.0 
13.6 

5-7 

16.7 
11.4 


435 


Girls 


lui 1         1912 


•7 

.0 
11.9 

35-i 

26.2 

.0 

8.9 

29.6 
22.7 


3347 


1.4 
6.4 
1.9 

4-5 

20.7 

19.4 

1.0 

6-3 

49.9 
15.6 


57i 


the  same  nature,  so  the  classification  is  somewhat  arbitrary. 
In  some  cities  truancy  ranks  second,  but  this  is  principally  due 
to  the  absence  of  a  well-developed  system  of  enforcing  the 
attendance  laws. 

The  offenses  committed  by  girls  differ  widely  from  the  pro- 
portions obtaining  among  the  boys,  the  principal  offense  being 
incorrigibility  or  waywardness.  In  the  case  of  girls  this  usually 
implies  immorality.  A  very  large  percentage  of  girls  are  also 
charged  with  improper  guardianship.  While  this  seems  to  indi- 
cate neglect  on  the  part  of  parents,  in  actual  fact  a  considerable 
proportion  of  these  girls  have  also  become  immoral.  In  fact, 
no  matter  what  the  specific  charge  against  the  delinquent  girl 
may  be,  the  majority  of  such  girls  have  practiced  immorality. 
A  study  of  delinquent  girls  in  Chicago  showed  that  18  per  cent 
were  afflicted  with  venereal  disease.  Out  of  500  consecutive 
admissions  to  the  Illinois  School  for  Girls  at  Geneva,  74  per 

1  Bureau  of  the  Census,  Prisoners  and  Juvenile  Delinquents,  p.  241.  Figures 
for  New  York,  from  Fifth  and  Sixth  Annual  Reports  of  the  Probation  Commission. 


362  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

cent  were  similarly  afflicted.  This  list,  however,  included  a 
large  number  of  girls  17  years  of  age  or  older.1 

5.  Number  of  Delinquents. 

The  number  of  children  in  the  United  States  delinquent  at 
any  one  time  cannot  be  ascertained,  but  the  number  in  reform- 
atories has  been  tabulated  by  the  Federal  Bureau  of  Education. 
According  to  its  report,  115  institutions  in  the  United  States 
in  1910-1911  enrolled  51,387  persons,  of  whom  77.8  per  cent 
were  males  and  22.2  per  cent  were  females.  Eleven  of  these 
institutions,  however,  handle  either  dependent  children  or  adult 
offenders.  If  we  subtract  their  enrollment  of  9550  from  the 
total  given  above,  we  find  41,837  delinquent  children  in  the 
industrial  schools  and  reformatories,  but  unfortunately  a  num- 
ber of  parental  schools  and  other  institutions  are  omitted.  The 
total  number  of  delinquents  in  institutions  of  all  kinds  in  the 
United  States  is  therefore  somewhat  larger  than  the  figures 
given  above. 

The  number  of  probation  cases  in  the  United  States  is  at  least 
equal  to  the  number  sent  to  institutions.  Besides  these 
some  are  fined,  others  are  merely  reprimanded,  while  many 
are  discharged  directly.  The  proportion  of  all  boys  reaching 
the  age  of  ten  who  have  juvenile  court  records  varies  from  about 
7  to  10  per  cent.  The  percentage  among  newsboys  and  other 
boys  of  the  street  is,  however,  much  larger.  In  the  country 
districts  there  are  few  delinquents,  partly  because  of  the  absence 
of  courts,  but  largely  because  of  the  favorable  environment. 
On  the  whole,  the  total  number  of  delinquent  children  varies 
from  two  to  three  times  the  number  in  our  reformatory  insti- 
tutions. 

1  The  Training  School,  Vol.  IX,  No.  3,  May,  1912. 


CHAPTER  II 
THE   JUVENILE   COURT 

i.  The  Juvenile  Court  Movement. 

The  first  official  juvenile  court  in  the  United  States  was  estab- 
lished in  Chicago  in  1899.  The  rapid  spread  of  the  juvenile 
court  idea  is  a  marked  instance  of  the  imitativeness  of  the 
American  mind.  Although  the  new  child  psychology  had  deeply 
permeated  the  minds  of  leaders  in  philanthropic  work,  the  court 
movement  made  but  little  headway.  The  public  was  not  ready, 
neither  were  the  politicians.  Social  workers  had  begun  to  em- 
phasize the  value  of  the  child,  but  their  efforts  were  not  appre- 
ciated. Children  were  still  the  victims  of  retributive  justice ; 
for  example,  in  Chicago  boys  were  being  thrown  into  the  police 
station  ;  in  Denver,  within  the  six  years  before  the  inauguration 
of  the  juvenile  court,  about  2000  boys  had  been  temporarily 
placed  in  jail ;  in  Indianapolis,  Buffalo,  and  elsewhere  the  large 
number  of  children  subjected  to  intolerable  conditions  caused 
a  revolt  which  needed  only  the  example  of  a  new  way  of  han- 
dling juvenile  cases.  The  states  which  practiced  the  most  ad- 
vanced methods  of  child  saving  did  not  lead  in  the  establishment 
of  the  juvenile  court,  for  their  need  was  less.  It  was  the  reaction 
against  antiquated  methods  of  handling  children  that  finally 
brought  the  court. 

In  1869  Massachusetts  had  granted  children  separate  trials, 
at  which  it  also  required  the  state  agent  for  children  to  be  present. 
Delinquent  children  were  also  placed  with  private  societies 
instead  of  being  held  in  jails  and  prisons.  Ontario  passed  a  law 
in  1893  which  made  provision  for  the  care  of  delinquent  children. 
This  was  very  similar  to  our  juvenile  court  laws.  Several 
years  of  agitation  preceded  the  successful  attempt  to  secure  a 
law  for  Illinois.     When  the  beginning  was  once  made  the  states 

363 


364  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

where  little  had  been  done  began  to  realize  their  shortcomings, 
and  adopted  the  juvenile  court  plan  with  great  enthusiasm. 
The  law  was  scattered  broadcast  and  became  a  basis  for  laws 
elsewhere.  In  Denver  a  court  was  established  prior  to  the 
meeting  of  the  Colorado  legislature  which  enacted  a  suitable 
juvenile  court  law;  Philadelphia  introduced  its  court  in  1901. 
The  Pennsylvania  law,  however,  was  declared  unconstitutional, 
but  a  new  law  was  passed  in  1903,  and  the  court  was  then  per- 
manently established.  New  York  City  followed  in  1902,  and 
the  cities  of  Brooklyn  and  St.  Louis  in  the  succeeding  year. 
The  efficient  Indianapolis  court  was  organized  in  1902,  and  in 
most  of  our  cities  of  50,000  or  more  juvenile  courts  have  now 
been  established,  or  methods  have  been  devised  of  granting 
children  separate  trials.  Everywhere,  the  establishment  of  an 
authorized  juvenile  court  has  depended  upon  action  by  the 
state  legislature.  This  is  true  whether  it  is  part  of  the  criminal 
court  or  is  organized  on  a  separate  footing.  The  states  have 
usually  applied  the  juvenile  court  system  first  to  the  large 
cities,  then  to  the  smaller  communities,  and  finally  some  of  them 
have  extended  it  to  the  entire  state. 

2.  Extension  and  Organization. 

The  general  extension  of  the  court  to  the  counties  and  the 
method  of  operation  has  become  a  problem  of  considerable 
concern.  A  goodly  proportion  of  the  inmates  of  the  state 
industrial  schools  are  committed  from  the  circuit  courts  of  the 
state.  These  children  have  been  handled  in  practically  the 
same  way  as  adults ;  they  have  been  confined  in  the  county 
jails  and  have  been  given  a  regular  trial,  waiting  for  their  turn 
according  to  court  docket.  The  chief  difficulty  of  extending 
the  juvenile  court  into  the  counties  has  been  the  discontinuous 
sessions  of  the  county  courts.  Many  circuit  court  districts 
comprise  a  number  of  counties,  in  each  of  which  the  judge  spends 
some  time  in  trying  criminal  cases.  Should  a  child  be  arrested 
in  a  county  in  which  court  is  not  being  held,  he  may  have  to 
be  confined  or  detained  for  several  months  before  he  can  get  a 
hearing,  and  as  there  is  usually  no  detention  home,  the  jail  is 
used. 


THE  JUVENILE   COURT  365 

Another  difficulty  consists  in  making  provision  for  the  child's 
probation,  so  children  have  either  been  sentenced  to  the  indus- 
trial school,  or  given  their  freedom.  The  juvenile  court  idea 
implies  probation  for  some  children,  but  the  number  of  such 
cases  in  the  country  districts  is  small,  and  they  live  at  consider- 
able distance  from  each  other.  Can  the  county  afford  to  pro- 
vide a  paid  probation  officer?  Can  it  arrange  for  the  care  of 
the  child  with  some  local  social  agency?  These  are  some  of 
the  problems  which  confront  the  county  courts,  and  which 
make  it  difficult  to  institute  a  new  system. 

The  fact  that  some  states  send  slightly  delinquent  children 
and  also  dependent  children  to  reformatories  makes  a  state- 
wide juvenile  court  system  necessary.  The  Indiana  and  Mis- 
souri laws  are  types  of  laws  providing  for  the  extension  of 
the  system.  The  Indiana  law  of  1913  provides  for  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  juvenile  court  in  any  county  desiring  one,  but 
makes  it  a  division  of  the  circuit  court.  The  law,  however, 
allows  separate  hearings  for  delinquents,  and  at  times  when  the 
circuit  court  is  not  in  session.  The  procedure  is  to  be  that  of 
the  regular  juvenile  court  and  the  jurisdiction  extends  to  ju- 
venile delinquents,  truants,  neglected  and  dependent  children, 
including  cases  brought  in  on  petition  of  the  board  of  children's 
guardians. 

The  Missouri  law  of  19 13,  which  extended  the  juvenile  court 
to  the  entire  state,  provides  that  delinquency  cases  may  be 
handled  in  the  probate  courts  in  the  counties  —  that  is,  in  the 
civil  courts.  Theoretically,  the  delinquent  is  no  more  criminal 
than  the  dependent  child.  The  position  taken  is  similar  to 
that  of  the  Oklahoma  court,  which  decided  that  a  child  under 
16  could  not  commit  a  crime,  or  to  that  of  the  New  York  law, 
according  to  which  a  child  under  16  may  be  guilty  of  a  delin- 
quency, but  not  of  a  crime.  The  Missouri  law,  if  placed  in 
operation,  would  insure  prompt  dealing  with  each  case  of 
delinquency.  Several  minor  courts  have,  however,  declared 
the  law  unconstitutional. 

In  the  majority  of  cases,  the  juvenile  court  merely  consists 
of  separate  sessions  of  the  circuit  court,  and  is  not  organized  on 


366  PROBLEMS  OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

an  independent  footing.  It  is  a  branch  of  some  other  court  and 
is  served  by  one  or  more  judges  from  that  court.  In  Denver 
and  Boston,  the  courts  are  separately  organized,  with  judges 
confining  their  judicial  work  to  the  business  of  the  juvenile 
court,  but  this  differentiation  has  only  recently  taken  place. 
New  Jersey  has  enacted  a  law  providing  for  separate  juvenile 
courts  for  all  cities  of  the  first  class  within  the  state.  The  es- 
tablishment of  children's  courts  entirely  separated  from  the 
other  forms  of  the  administration  of  justice  is  a  movement  in 
the  right  direction.  The  juvenile  court  must  be  thoroughly 
divested  of  its  criminal  taint  and  be  given  the  atmosphere  of  the 
civil  courts,  where  dependency  and  other  family  relations  as 
well  as  delinquency  are  handled. 

3.  Selection  and   Qualifications  of  Judges. 

The  rotation  of  judges  in  the  juvenile  court  is  one  of  the  glar- 
ing weaknesses  of  the  system.  The  act  of  presiding  over 
cases  that  merely  involved  children  used  to  be  regarded  as  be- 
neath the  dignity  of  a  judge,  and  a  burden  that  ought  to  be 
avoided.  Children's  cases  do  not  lead  to  a  great  career  as  a 
jurist,  so  the  time  spent  was  time  lost !  Consequently  short 
terms  became  the  rule,  especially  when  the  judges  themselves 
designated  one  of  their  number  to  serve,  although  there  have 
been  several  notable  exceptions  to  this  rule.  The  Chicago 
judges  selected  one  of  their  number  for  a  year,  but  continued 
the  same  man  for  several  years ;  consequently  Chicago  has  given 
several  well-known  juvenile  court  judges  to  the  world.  Recently 
Chicago  paved  the  way  for  another  excellent  reform.  A  woman 
was  appointed  as  assistant  to  the  judge,  and  she  handles  all 
the  female  delinquency  cases.  Girls  need  to  be  tried  before  a 
woman. 

The  term  of  office  among  judges  has  varied  from  two  months 
to  four  years :  the  short  term  has  been  the  outcome  of  a  vicious 
system  of  rotation ;  the  latter  the  result  of  election,  as  in  Denver, 
or  of  appointment  by  the  governor,  as  in  Boston.  Short  terms 
lessen  the  interest  of  the  judge  in  the  problems  of  juvenile 
delinquency.  However,  if  he  is  frequently  brought  back  his 
interest  may  revive  somewhat,  but  good  results  cannot  be 


THE   JUVENILE   COURT  367 

expected  if  the  juvenile  court  is  not  taken  seriously.  Satis- 
factory work  can  only  follow  experience,  and  this  requires  an 
extended  term  of  office  or  continuous  assignment  to  the  position. 
Judges  are  usually  selected  from  the  criminal  bench,  but  in 
Cleveland  they  are  taken  from  the  civil  courts.  Although  some 
of  our  judges  began  as  martyrs,  the  work  of  the  juvenile  court 
has  recently  received  a  greater  appreciation,  and  the  aversion 
to  the  work  has  declined.  Furthermore,  some  socially  minded 
men  have  found  the  court  an  opportunity  for  genuine  public 
service,  as  well  as  for  gaining  a  reputation.  The  growing  con- 
sciousness that  the  best  constructive  work  consists  in  dealing 
with  children  partly  accounts  for  this  changing  attitude. 

In  many  respects  the  children's  judge  must  possess  qualities 
which  may  be  absent  in  his  compatriots  in  the  criminal  court. 
He  should  possess  the  legal  knowledge  and  training  with  which 
every  judge  should  be  equipped,  as  training  should  only  enhance 
his  efficiency.  Other  qualities  are,  however,  more  essential  for 
successful  work :  first,  the  judge  must  have  a  definite  knowledge 
of  child  psychology.  He  must  be  able  to  know  and  interpret 
the  child,  to  see  the  limitation  of  the  child's  horizon,  and  to 
understand  the  natural  subjective  effects  of  external  influences. 
To  know  the  mind  of  the  child  is  the  first  step  toward  his  refor- 
mation. Behind  the  offense  stands  the  offender,  and  behind 
the  offender  stands  the  home.  However,  it  is  with  the  child 
that  the  judge  must  deal  and  must  deal  wisely.  Children  can- 
not be  handled  in  job  lots.  Successful  work  by  the  judge  also 
depends  upon  his  knowledge  of  social  problems  and  conditions. 
The  problem  of  juvenile  delinquency  is  a  social  question,  and 
its  legal  phases  are  only  the  vehicles  used  to  transport  the  child 
to  the  right  destination.  The  purpose  and  aim  of  the  work 
must  be  distinctly  understood.  The  social  as  well  as  the  indi- 
vidual causes  of  delinquency,  the  handicaps  of  bad  parentage, 
and  the  compulsion  of  environment  are  factors  which  every 
judge  must  consider  in  his  disposition  of  cases. 

Another  quality  with  which  the  judge  must  be  specially  en- 
dowed is  a  sympathetic  temperament.  The  so-called  judicial  tem- 
perament is  out  of  place  in  the  children's  court,  and  if  introduced 


368  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

will  only  multiply  the  mass  of  sin  and  suffering  which  already 
exists.  Although  the  functions  of  the  judge  and  the  probation 
officer  must  be  separated  (and  in  few  cases  is  it  possible  or  advis- 
able for  the  former  to  perform  any  of  the  work  assigned  to  the 
latter),  still  the  judge  must  plan  actively  for  the  full  reclamation 
of  the  child  —  a  task  which  cannot  be  effectively  performed 
without  human  sympathy  duly  tempered  with  prudence.  The 
proper  attitude  of  the  judge  is  summed  up  in  the  following 
extract  from  an  address  by  Julian  W.  Mack,  formerly  judge  of 
the  juvenile  court  of  Chicago:  "Unless  the  judge  be  really 
interested  in  philanthropy,  you  might  as  well  give  up  the  juve- 
nile court ;  unless  he  realizes  that  the  problem  before  him  is 
totally  different  from  the  problem  either  in  the  civil  or  the  crim- 
inal court,  that  the  question  which  he  has  to  determine  is  not 
—  has  the  child  done  a  certain  thing  and  should  a  certain  thing 
be  done  to  the  child  because  of  the  act  —  but  it  is  purely  and 
simply,  what  can  we  do  to  save  and  redeem  this  child ;  he 
might  as  well  abandon  his  position.  But  even  though  the  judge 
have  the  proper  conception  of  the  function  of  the  juvenile  court, 
he  must  gain  a  thorough  experience  in  order  to  be  able  to  deal 
with  the  problem.  It  takes  study  and  thought  and  patience 
and  above  all,  experience  .  .  .  ."  The  need  of  judges  fitted  to 
direct  the  lives  of  the  vast  numbers  of  erring  children  coming 
under  their  control  cannot  be  too  strongly  emphasized. 

4.  Appearance  of  the  Delinquent  in  Court. 

In  the  best  type  of  juvenile  courts  the  child  is  not  brought  in 
until  a  thorough  investigation  has  been  made  by  the  probation 
officer.  A  sociological  diagnosis  of  the  child  is  necessary  to  make 
a  wise  disposition  of  the  case.  The  investigation  should  include 
the  following  information :  the  charge  against  the  child ;  his 
family  history ;  the  habits  and  morals  of  parents ;  their  hered- 
ity ;  their  social  and  financial  conditions ;  the  child's  school 
attendance ;  his  habits  and  associations ;  the  steps  that  led 
to  the  delinquency ;  and  his  physical  and  mental  condition. 
The  probation  officer's  investigation  should  be  supplemented  by 
a  complete  physical  and  mental  examination  from  competent 
physicians.     A  psychopathic  clinic,  such  as  the  one  established 


THE  JUVENILE   COURT  369 

in  Chicago,  should  test  every  child  before  the  court  tries  the 
case.  The  physical  condition  of  the  child  may  make  a  physi- 
cian's care  the  next  step,  after  which  further  action  can  be 
taken  if  necessary.  In  some  states  the  child's  case  is  presented 
to  the  court  by  petition  instead  of  complaint  and  the  child 
comes  into  court  in  answer  to  a  "summons,"  and  warrants  are 
not  issued  except  as  a  last  resort.  Many  courts,  however,  still 
cling  to  the  old  forms  of  procedure. 

The  temporary  detention  of  the  child  pending  his  trial  in- 
volves some  difficulties.  In  the  majority  of  cases  the  child  is 
at  large  and  expected  to  answer  the  summons.  He  is  practi- 
cally under  the  care  of  a  probation  officer,  and  unless  absolutely 
necessary  he  is  not  detained,  but  is  allowed  his  liberty.  Other- 
wise the  detention  home,  or  rooms  used  for  detention,  or  even 
the  jail  are  used  to  hold  the  child  until  trial.  Many  states  have 
laws  prohibiting  the  placing  of  children  under  certain  ages  — 
usually  14  —  in  jail ;  other  methods  of  accommodation  must 
then  be  found. 

5.  Court  Hearings. 

The  publicity  of  children's  cases  has  been  a  problem  of  long 
standing,  and  was  not  solved  by  the  founding  of  the  juvenile 
court.  Newspapers  in  some  instances  have  agreed  not  to  pub- 
lish accounts  of  juvenile  delinquency  because  they  might  em- 
barrass the  youthful  offender  and  accordingly  promote  crime. 
Previously  they  had  often  exploited  some  spectacular  case  and 
caused  much  harm.  Separate  hearings  for  children,  some  of 
them  private,  also  preceded  the  court  proper  and  so  the  type  of 
hearings  now  conducted  in  the  juvenile  courts  were  gradually 
evolved.  Officially  the  hearings  are  of  two  kinds,  public  and 
private. 

Most  of  the  cities  retain  the  public  hearing,  but  their  methods 
have  been  so  developed  that  the  public  can  gain  but  little  through 
attendance  at  the  trials.  Few  people  seem  to  know  when  the 
children  are  on  trial,  and,  on  account  of  the  informal  method 
adopted,  those  who  do  attend  gain  no  advantage  from  their 
attendance.  The  judge  is  usually  seated  at  his  bench,  and  the 
defendants,  complainants,  witnesses,  officers,  and  others  directly 

2  B 


370  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

interested  crowd  about  him.  The  oath  may  or  may  not  be  ad- 
ministered, and  then  the  trial  proceeds.  The  parties  almost 
invariably  speak  in  low  tones;  after  a  short  trial  the  case  is 
concluded  and  its  disposition  ordered.  Persons  in  the  audience 
learn  little  or  nothing  of  the  merits  of  the  case,  and  the  interest 
which  is  excited  is  so  meager  that  few  spectators  consider  it 
worth  while  to  attend.  What  is  nominally  a  public  hearing 
consequently  becomes  one  which  is  in  practice  largely  private. 
The  chief  advantage  of  the  public  hearing  is  in  the  opportunity 
it  gives  to  philanthropic  persons  to  ascertain  whether  the  child 
secures  proper  and  humane  treatment.  Abuse  of  the  powers  of 
the  juvenile  court  is  also  impossible  under  such  an  arrangement. 
The  representatives  of  children's  societies,  of  orphans'  homes, 
and  persons  directly  interested  in  children  attend  the  hearings 
in  many  cities,  and  satisfy  themselves  concerning  the  justice  of 
the  disposition  of  cases. 

Private  hearings  are  in  vogue  in  a  number  of  cities,  of  which 
Boston  is  an  example.  According  to  this  system  spectators  are 
not  allowed,  and  no  one  is  present  except  the  parties  directly 
participating  in  the  trial  and  the  necessary  officials.  The 
children  are  entirely  saved  from  the  confusion  resulting  from  the 
presence  of  an  audience .  A  child  is  usually  embarrassed  on  meet- 
ing a  person  who  attended  his  trial  at  the  juvenile  court,  and  the 
avoidance  of  this  possibility  makes  his  reclamation  more  prob- 
able. Part  of  the  gain  resulting  from  private  hearings  is  coun- 
teracted if  children  and  witnesses  are  detained  together  in  some 
waiting  room.  On  the  other  hand,  the  secrecy  of  private  hear- 
ings invites  suspicion,  and  the  public  may  become  dissatisfied. 
Star  chamber  methods  are  hinted  at,  for  no  one  knows  of  the 
methods  employed  in  dealing  with  the  children.  Although  no 
harm  has  followed,  the  public  hearing  enjoys  an  advantage 
because  it  allays  suspicion.  It  allows  a  probing  of  method, 
but  secures  virtual  privacy  by  means  of  the  court  practices  that 
have  developed. 

The  juvenile  court  is  or  should  be  one  of  original  and  un- 
limited jurisdiction.  This  enables  the  judge  to  deal  adequately 
with  the  child.     In  exercising  the  parental  functions  of  the 


THE  JUVENILE  COURT  371 

state  the  delegated  authority  must  have  a  free  hand  to  govern 
the  situation,  otherwise  the  exercise  of  the  rights  will  be  useless. 
The  juvenile  delinquent  is  a  difficult  case ;  hence  efficient 
methods  must  be  authorized.  Jury  trial,  although  allowed 
almost  without  exception,  is  seldom  employed  by  the  court 
and  the  case  is  handled  by  the  judge  who,  guided  by  the  facts 
gathered,  disposes  of  the  case  directly.  The  judgment  of 
trained  officials  is  far  superior  to  that  of  the  jury  which  would 
be  secured,  and  in  theory  the  judge  is  regarded  as  the  friend 
and  protector  of  the  child.  Accordingly  the  interests  of  the 
child  will  not  suffer.  By  retaining  his  control  over  the  dispo- 
sition of  the  delinquent,  the  judge  can  facilitate  effective  refor- 
mation. 

6.  Disposition  of  Offenders. 

Juvenile  offenders  are  subject  to  several  forms  of  disposition, 
including  acquittal,  dismissal,  fines,  supervision,  probation, 
commitment  to  institutions  or  to  individuals,  and  the  require- 
ment of  restitution  for  property  destroyed.  Children  also  are 
sometimes  placed  out  in  family  homes.  In  disposing  of  an 
offender,  sentence  is  imposed  not  as  a  punishment  but  as  a  part 
of  a  program  of  upbuilding  character.  At  first  the  offense 
was  all-important  and  the  case  was  judged  accordingly.  Em- 
phasis was  later  shifted  to  the  child  and  less  attention  was  paid 
to  the  particular  offense  committed.  As  has  been  said,  in  some 
cities  the  charge  is  merely  "delinquency, "  and  the  officials  who 
supervise  the  case  do  not  know  the  nature  of  the  act  commit- 
ted. The  most  advanced  view  regards  the  child  as  a  social 
symptom  —  the  outgrowth  of  family  and  environmental  condi- 
tions. The  treatment  is  social  as  well  as  individual.  It  is  a 
mistake  to  suppress  the  facts  as  to  the  offense  committed, 
for  the  offense  throws  light  on  the  character  of  the  child  and 
on  the  influences  that  are  producing  that  character. 

Many  cases  are  everywhere  settled  out  of  court.  In  some 
cities  the  character  of  the  law  allows  complaints  on  flimsy  and 
unwarranted  charges,  but  on  investigation  many  of  these 
grievances  are  settled  amicably  without  judicial  intervention. 
A  considerable  percentage  of  the  defendants  are  discharged  or 


372  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

dismissed  after  hearing  in  court,  but  in  some  cases  even  the 
guilty  are  discharged,  especially  in  case  of  a  first  offense.  A 
reprimand  and  warning  from  the  judge  usually  accompanies 
such  a  disposition  of  the  case.  A  large  proportion  of  the  chil- 
dren in  New  York  City  were  formerly  handled  in  this  way,  since 
the  city  had  no  official  probation  system,  although  one  of  the 
private  societies  supervised  many  cases.  Naturally  commit- 
ments to  institutions  were  heavy. 

In  making  dispositions,  the  influence  of  local  conditions,  the 
presence  of  parental  schools  or  reformatories,  the  adequacy  of 
the  probation  system,  and  the  attitude  of  the  judges  toward 
the  problem  have  been  sharply  felt.  Some  judges  favor 
commitment  to  institutions,  others,  probation ;  and  the  pro- 
portions between  these  two  forms  of  disposition  are  constantly 
changing.  Some  cities,  such  as  Denver  and  Indianapolis,  place 
most  of  their  delinquent  children  on  probation,  but  send 
a  small  number  to  institutions.  Here  as  elsewhere  the  older 
and  more  hardened  offender  is  usually  sent  to  the  reform  school. 
Almost  without  exception  the  juvenile  courts  have  gradually 
increased  the  proportion  of  cases  given  a  probationary  treat- 
ment and  have  reduced  the  percentage  sent  to  institutions  for 
first  offenses.  The  more  degraded  the  home  and  the  environ- 
ment of  the  child,  the  greater  the  tendency  to  place  him  in  an 
institution. 

Girls  are  also  subject  to  a  different  disposition  from  boys. 
Owing  to  the  fact  that  a  great  proportion  of  the  delinquent  girls 
are  immoral,  it  is  necessary  that  many  be  removed  from  the 
home  and  be  given  treatment  elsewhere.  The  Chicago  records 
show  that  the  percentage  of  girls  sent  to  institutions  is  two 
and  one-half  times  that  of  the  boys.  Other  differences  depend 
upon  the  policy  of  the  particular  court  as  to  the  handling  of 
only  serious,  or  both  serious  and  minor,  cases. 

In  some  states  when  the  child  has  been  placed  in  the  custody 
of  the  court,  he  cannot  be  discharged  from  an  institution  or 
from  the  care  of  an  individual  except  with  the  court's  consent. 
In  other  states  this  decision  rests  with  agencies  handling  the 
children. 


THE   JUVENILE   COURT  373 

7.  Evolution  of  the  Juvenile  Court. 

When  first  organized  the  juvenile  court  was  merely  regarded 
as  an  institution  dealing  with  juvenile  offenders.  Separate 
detention  of  children,  separate  trials,  and  probationary  over- 
sight—  these  were  the  principal  functions  of  the  court.  The 
system,  however,  could  not  long  exist  on  the  theory  that  no  child 
is  a  criminal,  without  developing  preventive  methods.  The 
court  therefore  tends  to  become  a  constructive  force  in  the 
community,  and  cooperates  with  other  agencies  to  improve 
the  moral  and  social  environment  of  the  child.  Its  great 
function  is  the  moral  rehabilitation  of  the  family.  This,  how- 
ever, depends  in  part  on  the  social  and  economic  remaking  of 
the  home.  The  increasing  cooperation  with  attendance  officers, 
factory  inspectors,  school  physicians,  children's  societies,  settle- 
ments, churches,  and  charitable  societies  is  an  evidence  that 
this  view  is  being  rapidly  recognized. 

There  is  no  theoretical  reason  why  the  juvenile  court  should 
be  a  branch  of  the  criminal  court,  therefore  it  can  expand  its 
functions  so  as  to  include  the  disposition  of  every  variety  of 
case  involving  children,  —  delinquent,  neglected,  dependent, 
and  cruelty  cases.  Dependent  children  are  at  present  usually 
handled  in  the  probate  courts,  but  these  cases  could  very 
properly  be  transferred  to  a  children's  court.  This  is  precisely 
the  direction  which  the  evolution  of  the  juvenile  court  is  taking. 
As  soon  as  the  court  is  in  actual  practice,  as  well  as  in  theory, 
divested  of  its  criminal  taint,  so  soon  children's  cases  of  every 
variety  can  be  handled.  Many  courts  have  long  since  ex- 
panded their  functions  so  as  to  cover  cases  of  neglect.  The 
St.  Louis  juvenile  court  deals  with  delinquent  and  neglected 
children ;  the  Chicago  court  with  delinquent  and  dependent, 
but  classes  neglected  children  under  the  term  dependent ;  the 
Denver  court  recognizes  each  of  these  three  classes;  many 
courts  recognize  the  contributory  delinquency  of  parents; 
some  handle  non-support  cases.  A  real  children's  court  dealing 
with  every  variety  of  child  problem  that  requires  the  attention 
of  some  court  would  greatly  increase  its  own  importance  and 
add  to  its  dignity.     Judges  would  also  become  more  ambitious 


374  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

to  serve  in  this  capacity  and  would  study  the  social  problems 
of  child  life  more  intensively. 

The  expanding  functions  of  the  juvenile  court  do  not  insure 
its  permanency.  Advanced  methods  of  treatment  will,  of 
course,  remain,  but  what  agency  will  administer  the  law  is 
uncertain.  The  history  of  the  Indianapolis  court  is  interesting 
in  this  connection.  It  was  organized  in  1903,  and  dealt  with 
juvenile  delinquents,  truants,  and  neglected  children  on  petition 
of  the  board  of  guardians ;  in  1905  it  assumed  jurisdiction  over 
contributory  delinquency  cases ;  in  1907  it  was  empowered  to 
consider  cases  against  parents  for  abandonment,  non-support, 
and  neglect ;  to  take  children  away  from  vicious  parents,  and 
if  parents  were  separated,  to  decide  which  one  should  have  cus- 
tody of  the  child;  finally  it  was  given  charge  of  homeless, 
abandoned,  and  destitute  children.  In  191 1  the  court  changed 
its  name  to  the  Marion  County  Juvenile  and  Domestic  Rela- 
tions Court  because  it  had  been  dealing  with  every  variety  of 
case  handled  in  a  domestic  relations  court  except  divorce,  ali- 
mony, and  closely  allied  cases.  The  court  has  also  been  spend- 
ing about  one-half  of  its  time  with  adults,  but  usually  only  so 
far  as  they  affected  children.  We  are  recognizing  more  clearly 
than  in  earlier  years  that  delinquency  problems  are  essentially 
family  questions,  and  we  are  now  insisting  that  constructive 
work  shall  be  done  for  the  child  long  before  he  arrives  at  the 
court. 

We  are  learning  that  the  problems  affecting  children  in  the 
home  are  closely  interwoven ;  therefore  we  shall  work  for  the 
upbuilding  and  integrity  of  the  home.  In  other  words,  we  have 
begun  to  think  that  the  subject  of  domestic  relations  covers 
every  phase  of  the  delinquent,  dependent,  and  neglected  child 
problems.  Accordingly,  the  juvenile  court  must  either  expand 
or  contract  its  sphere  of  operations.  Several  large  cities  have 
each  recently  established  a  court  of  domestic  relations,  but  the 
immense  amount  of  work  that  needs  to  be  done  in  these  cities 
has  prevented  any  interference  by  this  court  with  the  juvenile 
court.  In  smaller  cities  this  would  not  be  the  case ;  so  it  seems 
that  here,  if  not  in  the  larger  cities  as  well,  these  courts  must 


THE  JUVENILE   COURT  375 

eventually  merge  and  handle  the  problems  now  covered  by 
both,  and  deal  with  them  from  a  thoroughly  social  point  of 
view. 

8.  The  Juvenile  Court  in  Other  Countries. 

The  juvenile  court  has  had  its  greatest  development  in  the 
United  States.  Canada,  however,  which  really  began  the 
system,  has  established  juvenile  courts  which  deal  very  effec- 
tively with  her  children.  There,  as  here,  the  courts  are  estab- 
lished separately  in  each  state  or  province.  South  Australia 
established  a  children's  court  in  1895,  and  New  South  Wales  in 
1905,  and  in  the  latter  state  a  system  of  probation  was  also 
established. 

The  German  government  has  projected  a  rather  elaborate 
plan  of  procedure  for  the  handling  of  juvenile  delinquents. 
Among  the  provisions  of  its  code  are  the  following : 

The  term  "juvenile"  is  applied  to  persons  under  18  years  of 
age. 

In  each  judicial  district  a  juvenile  court  is  to  be  established 
with  one  judge  and  two  laymen  in  charge. 

The  public  attorney  decides  whether  a  case  shall  be  prosecuted 
or  given  educational  treatment. 

The  accused  child  may  be  defended  by  a  lawyer. 

While  awaiting  trial  the  child  may  be  detained  in  a  reform- 
atory. 

Trials  are  separate  from  those  of  adults. 

The  child  may  be  placed  in  an  institution  or  on  probation. 

A  system  of  paid  probation  officers  has  been  established,  but 
it  is  maintained  largely  by  private  societies,  although  some 
cities  pay  the  officials  from  the  public  fund. 

The  greatest  advance  in  juvenile  court  legislation  in  Europe 
has  been  made  by  England,  where  the  institutional  care  of  juve- 
nile delinquents  has  long  been  considered  a  superior  form  of 
treatment.  The  Children  Act  of  1908,  which  is  an  elaborate 
code  covering  many  phases  of  child  protection,  devotes  one  of 
its  six  parts  to  the  juvenile  offender.  The  principal  points  in 
the  procedure  of  the  law  are  as  follows : l 

1  Children  Act,  1908,  8  Edw.  7,  Ch.  67,  pp.  55-66. 


376  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

Children  apparently  under  16  are  included  under  the  law. 
The  officials  may  release  the  accused  on  a  recognizance  for 

such  an  amount  as  will  secure  his  attendance  at  court. 
Detention  homes  must  be  provided. 
Parents  or  guardians  of  children  must  attend  court. 
In  case  of  guilt  the  following  punishments  are  provided : 

Fines  may  be  imposed  on  children  or  on  the  parents  of  the 

offenders. 
The  child  may  be  placed  under  the  supervision  of  a  proba- 
tion officer  or  committed  to  some  other  fit  person. 
He  may  be  sent  to  an  institution  or  a  detention  home. 
He  may  be  whipped. 
He  may  be  discharged  provisionally. 

The  parent  may  be  required  to  give  security  for  the  behavior 
of  his  child. 
Juvenile  court  hearings  must  be  held  in  a  different  building  or 

room  than  that  in  which  the  court  ordinarily  meets. 
Children  while  detained  for  trial  are  not  allowed  to  associate 

with  adults. 
Private  hearings  are  provided  except  that  representatives  of  the 

press  may  be  present. 
The  imprisonment  of  children  is  abolished. 

The  provisions  of  the  English  law  took  effect  in  1909  except 
the  part  relating  to  imprisonment,  which  was  put  in  operation 
in  1910.  The  law  itself  embodies  most  of  the  features  common 
to  the  American  laws.  The  probation  system,  however,  is 
still  in  its  infancy,  for  the  tradition  of  institutional  treatment  is 
hard  to  overcome. 

France  and  the  Latin  countries  are  practically  without  juve- 
nile courts,  but  in  Paris  children  may  be  placed  under  the  pro- 
bationary care  of  private  societies.  Some  advance  has  also  been 
made  in  Italy,  and  children  are  being  treated  with  more  humane- 
ness in  the  ordinary  courts. 


CHAPTER  III 
THE   PROBATION   SYSTEM 

i.  Development  of  the  Probation  System. 

The  probation  system  has  been  called  the  "keystone"  of 
the  juvenile  court,  and  with  reason,  because  it  alone  makes  the 
success  of  the  court  possible.  The  court  itself  is  little  more 
than  the  disposing  agency  directing  what  shall  be  done  with 
the  child,  but  the  probation  officer  is  the  arm  of  the  law  which 
deals  with  the  child  directly.  These  children  are  the  wards  of 
the  state  and  it  is  the  probation  officer  who  makes  the  state's 
guardianship  effective. 

The  probation  system  antedated  the  juvenile  court  by  many 
years,  Massachusetts  having  introduced  it  in  1869;  and  several 
other  states  used  it  before  they  established  the  juvenile  court. 
With  the  rise  of  the  court,  however,  the  probation  system  sprang 
into  greater  prominence.  While  the  juvenile  court  itself  dates 
only  from  1899,  at  least  38  states  have  enacted  probation  laws 
and  are  using  the  new  method  of  dealing  with  the  youthful 
delinquent.  All  the  states  containing  large  cities  are  included 
among  this  number.  In  1898  Rhode  Island  passed  a  law  pro- 
viding for  the  temporary  supervision  of  delinquents;  the  Illi- 
nois law  was  passed  in  1899;  and  a  number  of  states  made 
provision  for  probation  in  1903.  Since  then  the  system  has 
been  rapidly  extended.  The  probation  system  is  being  grad- 
ually brought  under  state  supervision ;  already  1 2  states  have 
adopted  a  partial  or  complete  system  of  such  supervision. 
Rhode  Island  was  again  the  pioneer,  and  in  1899  placed  the 
general  direction  of  the  work  under  the  authority  of  the  state 
board  of  charities,  which  also  appoints  the  officers  and  fixes 
their  salaries.  The  small  size  of  the  state  renders  this  function 
an  easier  one  than  would  otherwise  be  the  case.     Other  agen- 

377 


378  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

cies  to  which  some  states  have  given  the  control  of  the  probation 
system  are :  State  Board  of  Prison  Commissioners,  Prison 
Association,  Board  of  Control,  and  State  Probation  Commis- 
sion. Several  states,  including  Massachusetts  and  New  York, 
have  adopted  the  last  method  of  control.  State  control  in 
Colorado  permits  the  rejection  of  local  appointments  to  the  posi- 
tion of  probation  officer.  The  state  of  Utah  allows  its  commis- 
sion to  appoint  and  fix  the  salaries  of  both  juvenile  court  judges 
and  probation  officers.  Other  states  limit  the  functions  of  the 
state  bodies  to  inquiries  into  the  methods  and  results  of  pro- 
bation work,  to  suggestions  for  its  improvement,  to  the  gathering 
of  statistics,  and  to  attempts  to  secure  a  unification  of  policy 
throughout  the  state. 

2.  Probation  Officers  and  their  Duties. 

The  primary  duties  of  the  probation  officer  are  well  expressed 
in  the  Illinois  statute:  "It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  probation 
officer  to  make  such  investigation  as  may  be  required  by  the 
court ;  to  be  present  in  court  in  order  to  represent  the  interest 
of  the  child  when  the  case  is  heard ;  to  furnish  the  court  such 
information  and  assistance  as  the  judge  may  require ;  and  to 
take  such  charge  of  the  child  before  and  after  trial  as  may  be 
directed  by  the  court."  In  some  cities  a  chief  probation  officer 
is  appointed  who  has  charge  of  the  other  officers.  In  the  larger 
cities  the  work  of  the  officers  is  usually  specialized  and  some 
are  detailed  to  confine  themselves  to  the  investigation  of  cases 
to  be  brought  into  the  court.  Probationary  work  may  be 
carried  on  directly  by  the  following  classes  of  individuals : 

i.  Paid  officers  confining  their  efforts  to  probationary  care  of 
the  child. 

2.  Unpaid  volunteer  workers  whose  duties  are  limited  to  super- 
visory work. 

3.  The  judge  acting  in  the  capacity  of  probation  officer. 

4.  The  police  serving  as  probation  officials. 
a.  Investigating  Officials. 

The  delinquent  child  may  be  summoned  into  court  after 
complaint  by  some  citizen  or  official  or  he  may  be  brought  on 
warrant.     Before  the  case  of  the  child  is  settled  by  the  court, 


THE   PROBATION   SYSTEM  379 

a  preliminary  investigation  is  made  by  the  probation  officer, 
or  in  the  large  cities  by  the  officers  detailed  for  the  work  of 
investigating  the  cases  of  children  against  whom  charges  have 
been  preferred.  Such  official  attempts  to  present  sufficiently 
complete  information  to  enable  the  judge  to  dispose  of  the  case 
without  further  evidence.  This  information  is  secured  in  part 
from  the  child  and  his  parents  directly,  but  is  supplemented  and 
corroborated  by  neighbors  and  acquaintances,  while  school 
records  and  employment  records  are  used  when  necessary.  The 
chief  probation  officer  bases  his  judgment  on  the  facts  presented 
and  the  judge  in  most  cases  follows  the  suggestions  made.  Un- 
less he  is  skillful  in  his  task,  the  investigating  officer  will  fail 
to  collect  many  of  the  most  important  facts  about  the  child. 
A  trained  worker  is  most  necessary  for  this  work,  and  consider- 
able skill  is  necessary  to  extort  the  truth  from  the  unwilling 
subjects  of  investigation.  By  giving  his  entire  time  to  investi- 
gation the  worker  acquires  a  high  degree  of  skill  and  increases 
the  efficiency  of  the  probation  force.  It  is  also  desirable  to 
place  the  child  under  the  probationary  care  of  some  other 
officer  than  the  one  who  made  the  investigation  of  the  case. 
Better  results  are  usually  accomplished. 

b.  Officials  engaged  in  Probationary  Work. 

The  work  of  the  judge  is  less  important  than  that  of  the 
probation  officers,  who  carry  out  the  instructions  of  the  court. 
The  judge  can  only  determine  what  shall  be  done  with  the 
delinquent;  the  probation  officer  must  endeavor  to  restore 
him  to  a  normal  moral  status.  In  the  first  place  the  probation 
officer  sometimes  brings  the  child  to  the  detention  home,  al- 
though in  most  cases  the  police  do  so  if  the  child  is  arrested  for 
the  first  time.  If  relieved  of  the  task  of  making  preliminary 
investigations,  the  probation  officer  must  still  be  familiar  with 
the  facts  that  have  been  obtained,  in  order  to  supervise  the  child 
efficiently,  for  his  duties  then  have  just  begun.  When  a  child 
remains  in  his  old  environment  —  and  in  a  majority  of  cases 
the  environment,  including  the  home,  has  been  responsible  for 
the  delinquency  —  the  probation  officer  must  become  familiar 
with  the  influences  that  surround  the  delinquent.     Although 


380  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

not  a  spy  nor  detective,  he  must  acquaint  himself  with  the  daily- 
routine  of  the  child's  life,  and  if  he  is  an  efficient  friend  of  delin- 
quent children,  he  will  take  such  steps  as  will  lessen  the  tempta- 
tion to  repeat  offenses,  and  will  strengthen  children  in  their 
purpose  to  remain  law-abiding.  To  supervise  the  activities 
of  the  child  in  order  to  prevent  degeneration,  to  turn  his  atten- 
tion to  wholesome  sports  and  amusements,  to  interest  him  in 
better  companionship,  to  surround  him  with  elevating  influences, 
to  discourage  any  proclivity  toward  truancy,  to  persuade  and 
enable  parents  to  give  their  children  proper  care  and  guardian- 
ship, to  make  the  child's  home  his  opportunity  instead  of  his 
stumbling  block ;  in  short,  to  build  up  his  character  —  these  are 
some  of  the  duties  which  the  probation  system  imposes  upon  its 
officials. 

The  probation  officer  should  do  considerable  field  work  as 
well  as  require  the  child  to  report  in  person  at  stated  intervals, 
although  reports  need  not  always  be  made  at  the  court,  especially 
in  the  case  of  girls.  These  conferences  should  cover  the  work 
and  conduct  of  the  child  since  the  time  of  the  last  report  and 
contain  suggestions  for  the  future.  Written  reports  are  also 
filed.  These  consist  of  reports  made  out  by  the  delinquent 
himself,  reports  from  the  school  which  he  attends,  reports 
from  parents  or  guardians,  and  perhaps  employers,  and  occa- 
sionally from  others.  The  probation  officer  also  files  his  own 
report  of  the  conduct  of  the  child,  and  his  official  record  should 
be  a  reliable  history  of  the  moral  advance  of  the  child.  Success 
can  be  best  obtained  by  securing  the  cooperation  of  those 
agencies  that  are  able  to  work  permanently  for  the  reclamation 
of  wayward  children  and  to  surround  them  with  good  influences 
after  they  have  been  released  from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  proba- 
tion officer. 

The  officers  must  deal  with  two  kinds  of  delinquents :  those 
who  are  released  and  simply  placed  under  the  care  of  some 
official,  and  the  children  who  are  conditionally  released  from 
some  institution  and  who  are  said  to  be  "on  parole."  Two 
distinct  classes  of  offenders  are  represented  in  these  types  and 
the  methods  of  supervision  must  be  made  to  correspond. 


THE   PROBATION   SYSTEM  38 1 

At  the  beginning  of  the  juvenile  court  movement,  probation 
officers  in  many  cities  were  designated  by  the  court  to  serve 
without  pay  and  were  not  considered  professional  workers.  The 
Pennsylvania  law  of  1903,  for  example,  provided  for  the  appoint- 
ment by  the  court  of  one  or  more  discreet  persons  of  good  char- 
acter to  serve  as  probation  officers  during  the  pleasure  of  the 
court,  said  probation  officers  to  receive  no  compensation  from 
the  public  treasury ;  and  it  further  required  that  the  probation 
officers  make  such  investigations  as  the  court  might  demand, 
that  they  be  present  in  court  when  the  case  was  heard,  that 
they  furnish  the  court  such  information  and  assistance  as  might 
be  required,  and  that  they  take  such  charge  of  the  child  before 
or  after  trial  as  the  court  might  direct.  Volunteers  had  to  be 
discovered  to  do  this  work. 

Social  workers  recognized  almost  immediately  the  necessity 
of  granting  compensation  to  the  probation  officers  in  order  to 
secure  enough  competent  officials  for  the  work.  The  burden  of 
providing  salaries  was  sometimes  borne  by  women's  clubs,  some- 
times by  churches,  and  sometimes  by  settlements  and  other 
organizations  interested  in  social  betterment.  It  is  needless 
to  say  that  the  compensation  given  under  this  system  was  far 
from  adequate.  This  fact,  together  with  the  justice  and  pro- 
priety of  salaries  paid  from  the  public  treasury,  hastened  the 
advent  of  a  system  of  public  compensation. 

Exceptions  still  occur.  For  example  Brooklyn  has  regularly 
had  three  officers  —  a  Catholic,  a  Protestant,  and  a  Jew  —  each 
supported  by  those  of  his  own  faith.  Practically  every  state 
with  probation  laws  has  provided  public  compensation  for  its 
probation  officers,  although  in  many  cases  very  meager  salaries 
are  being  paid. 

c.  Volunteer  Workers. 

The  relation  of  the  volunteer  worker  to  the  court  system  is 
somewhat  different  from  that  of  the  appointed  unpaid  worker. 
The  volunteer  deliberately  undertakes  without  compensation 
part  of  the  work  falling  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  probation 
officials,  and  is  expected  to  do  faithfully  the  work  assigned  to 
him.    In   Germany  under  the  Elberfeld  system  such  honor 


382  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

attaches  to  unpaid  work  as  to  make  the  office  a  stepping  stone 
to  a  public  career.  Only  an  incentive  of  this  kind  can  insure 
successful  results  from  unpaid  work,  but  in  the  United  States, 
as  yet,  no  such  incentive  has  been  developed.  The  volunteer 
is  not  drafted  into  the  service,  but  is  appointed  only  after  signi- 
fying his  desire  to  assist  in  the  work  of  the  probation  office. 
Therefore  it  might  be  supposed  that  only  persons  sincerely 
interested  in  the  work  would  apply  for  appointment.  In 
actual  practice,  volunteer  work,  which  is  most  commonly 
carried  on  by  women,  is  handicapped  by  the  following  dis- 
advantages : 

1 .  Frequently  the  volunteer  has  only  a  short-lived  interest  in 
probation  work  —  an  interest  excited  by  a  sudden  contact  with 
the  fascinating  features  of  the  problem.  After  a  few  reverses 
in  attempting  to  reform  delinquent  children,  her  ardor  cools, 
and  as  she  does  not  feel  the  responsibility  borne  by  a  paid 
official,  her  efficiency  rapidly  declines. 

2.  Volunteer  work  is  often  in  danger  of  becoming  fashionable. 
When  this  is  true  it  is  less  the  spirit,  than  the  popularity,  of 
service  which  dominates  the  volunteer. 

3.  It  can  never  be  regarded  as  more  than  a  mere  avocation, 
and  this  can  often  be  conveniently  slighted,  when  other  interests 
absorb  the  mind.  The  needs  of  the  child  are  not  made  para- 
mount, and  therefore  do  not  receive  sufficient  attention. 

On  the  other  hand,  capable  volunteers  for  probation  work  are 
frequently  secured  from  the  general  body  of  social  workers  in 
any  community.  The  principle  of  volunteer  service  must  be 
maintained,  but  whether  such  service  shall  be  given  in  con- 
nection with  the  juvenile  court  or  with  some  other  form  of 
philanthropic  endeavor  depends  upon  the  results.  Some  tem- 
porary harm  may  be  tolerated  if  the  undoubted  result  would 
be  an  increased  voluntary  interest  in  social  conditions.  Social 
progress  depends  upon  a  widened  area  of  intelligent  interest 
in  the  welfare  of  humanity. 

The  most  extensive  experiment  with  volunteer  probation 
officers  in  the  United  States  was  tried  in  Indianapolis  where, 
since  only  two  regular  probation  officers  were  at  first  available, 


THE   PROBATION   SYSTEM  383 

it  was  necessary  to  rely  in  part  upon  volunteer  help.1  During 
the  first  year  of  the  existence  of  the  juvenile  court  in  that  city, 
nearly  190  men  and  women  offered  their  services.  A  large 
percentage  of  the  volunteers  were  men  of  affairs  full  of  practical 
suggestions.  The  philanthropic  organizations  and  societies 
also  contributed  some  efficient  workers.  About  80  of  the  vol- 
unteers were  employed,  and  240  children,  or  an  average  of  three 
each,  were  assigned  to  them.  At  first  the  system  in  Indianapolis 
met  with  considerable  success,  but  its  efficiency  gradually  de- 
clined. 

The  city  of  Buffalo  depends  largely  upon  a  corps  of  volunteers 
for  its  probation  work.  The  court  is  assisted  by  many  such 
persons,  the  majority  of  whom  are  connected  with  educational, 
religious,  or  philanthropic  work.  In  many  of  the  larger  cities 
volunteers  have  been  accepted  and  a  number  of  cases  assigned 
to  each  officer,  but  the  practice  is  being  discouraged  in  favor  of 
a  working  corps  of  paid  officials. 

d.  The  Judge  as  Probation  Officer. 

In  a  few  cases  the  judges  partially  assume  the  function  of 
probation  officer,  and  compel  delinquent  children  to  report  to 
them  as  well  as  to  other  officials.  The  principal  cities  in  which 
this  system  has  found  favor  are  Denver  and  Washington.  Its 
success  depends  largely  upon  the  concurrence  of  two  factors: 
a  judge  with  a  strong  personal  influence,  and  a  city  of  small  or 
medium  size,  such  as  the  cities  named  above.  Judge  Lindsey  of 
the  Denver-  juvenile  court  originated  the  system  ;  boys  report 
to  him  at  regular  intervals,  and  come  into  direct  touch  with 
his  personality ;  common-sense  talks  are  given,  and  loyalty  to 
the  court  and  to  law  is  inspired  in  the  boys.  When  this  system 
began,  a  class  of  voluntary  delinquents  developed  —  that  is,  a 
class  of  boys  who  voluntarily  confessed  to  the  court  that  they 
had  been  violating  the  law.  Many  of  these  boys  wished  to 
mend  their  ways,  but  found  it  difficult  to  do  so  without  being 
placed  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  court. 

Although  several  cities  have  adopted  in  part  the  method  of 

1  Children's  Courts  in  the  United  States,  58th  Congress,  2d  Session.  House  of 
Representatives,  Document  No.  701,  p.  143. 


384  PROBLEMS  OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

the  Denver  court,  the  majority  have  delegated  the  work  of  pro- 
bation to  their  probation  officers.  Unless  the  judge  understands 
children  thoroughly  and  has  the  proper  temperament,  he  cannot 
inspire  the  delinquent  boy  with  uplifting  motives,  but  loses  his 
dignity  and  falls  into  contempt.  Under  ordinary  conditions 
this  plan  should  not  be  attempted. 

e.  The  Police  as  Probation  Officials. 

Little  needs  to  be  said  about  the  police.  It  would  be  better 
if  regular  probation  officials  could  be  secured  in  sufficient  num- 
bers to  do  all  of  the  work  required.  Often  this  is  not  the  case, 
and  policemen  are  detailed  to  assist  the  probation  officers  in 
their  work. 

3.  Qualities  of  Probation  Officers. 

Since  probation  officers  are  the  most  important  adjunct  of 
the  juvenile  court,  their  qualities  will  determine  the  success  of 
the  system.  They  must  have  a  comprehensive  understanding 
of  child  psychology  and  know  how  to  deal  with  children ;  they 
must  have  personal  touch  and  know  the  secret  byways  to  the 
child's  heart ;  they  must  be  able  to  influence  their  wards  and 
rouse  in  them  moral  and  noble  ambitions,  and  they  must  pro- 
mote the  development  of  the  child's  moral  qualities.  This 
they  cannot  do  without  an  unlimited  fund  of  patience.  They 
must  be  sympathetic,  but  not  sentimental,  and  they  require  a 
quality  of  firmness  which  will  give  the  child  resolution.  This 
is  urgently  needed,  for  the  absence  of  firmness  in  the  home  is 
responsible  for  much  serious  delinquency.  The  probation  offi- 
cer must  have  a  good  knowledge  of  family  standards,  be  able 
to  deal  with  parents,  and  know  how  to  develop  proper  respon- 
sibility in  them.  Finally,  he  must  be  never  ceasing  in  his  vigils, 
for  the  time  allowed  him  to  mold  the  child's  character  is  all  too 
short. 

4.  Selection  of  Probation  Officers. 

Probation  officers  have  usually  been  appointed  by  the  judges, 
although  there  is  no  good  reason  why  this  method  should  be 
made  permanent.  Where  this  method  of  appointment  is  not 
used  there  is  usually  some  form  of  state  control.  The  appoint- 
ing power  should  be  required  to  make  the  selection  from  a  certi- 


THE   PROBATION   SYSTEM  385 

fied  list  of  names  chosen  by  civil  service  examination.  Politi- 
cal considerations  should  not  be  allowed  to  enter,  and  applicants 
ought  to  have  had  some  social  service  training.  The  examina- 
tion should  include  a  written  test  covering  the  field  of  social 
service  as  related  to  children,  an  oral  test,  and  an  estimate  of 
the  applicant's  personality.  The  written  test  should  have  a 
value  of  at  least  50  per  cent  out  of  the  total  number  of  points. 
Such  a  test  will  exclude  the  bookworm  as  well  as  the  person 
who  relies  on  his  personality  alone.  The  increased  emphasis 
on  personality  as  demanded  by  some  is  fraught  with  serious 
dangers,  as  it  opens  the  way  for  the  manipulation  of  results.  By 
giving  due  weight  to  the  written  work  as  well  as  to  personality, 
the  evils  of  the  original  civil  service  selections  are  obviated. 
The  merit  system  is  gradually  being  introduced,  Missouri 
cities,  Chicago,  and  Buffalo  having  led  the  way. 

5.  Probation  Districts. 

Two  different  methods  of  assigning  cases  to  the  probation 
officers  are  in  operation.  According  to  one,  the  city  is  divided 
into  districts,  to  each  of  which  a  different  officer  is  assigned,  who 
cares  for  all  the  cases  in  this  district.  The  advantage  of  this 
plan  lies  in  the  fact  that  the  territory  to  be  covered  by  the  offi- 
cial is  so  compact  that  he  is  able  to  become  acquainted  with  the 
conditions  and  can  therefore  plan  more  successfully  the  program 
for  each  child.  On  the  other  hand,  the  acceptance  of  every 
variety  of  case  prevents  such  specialization  as  would  conduce 
to  the  most  intelligent  methods  of  treatment.  The  district 
plan  may  be  somewhat  modified  by  increasing  the  size  of  each 
district  and  placing  two  officers  therein.  One  of  these  should 
be  a  woman  having  charge  of  delinquent  girls  and  the  smaller 
boys.  Philadelphia  and  Chicago  furnish  examples  of  the  dis- 
trict method. 

According  to  the  second  method,  each  probation  officer  has 
charge  of  special  types  of  cases  throughout  the  city.  Colored 
children  are  cared  for  by  a  colored  official ;  white  girls  by  a 
white  woman ;  and  cases  of  very  serious  delinquency  by  a  man 
trained  in  the  art  of  handling  this  type  of  boys.  This  plan, 
while  it  may  enable  the  official  to  acquaint  himself  with  the 

2C 


386  PROBLEMS  OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

details  of  a  case,  does  not  allow  him  to  understand  thoroughly 
the  community  in  which  the  delinquent  lives.  It  likewise 
compels  him  to  cover  a  large  territory,  and  occasions  a  consid- 
erable loss  of  time,  as  well  as  lessens  the  opportunity  of  the  pro- 
bation officer  to  identify  himself  with  a  community  in  a  positive 
and  constructive  manner.  Its  chief  virtue  lies  in  the  advantage 
which  specialization  in  types  of  delinquency  affords.  St.  Louis 
and  Brooklyn  are  the  principal  examples  of  this  method  of  as- 
signing probation  cases. 

6.  Length  of  Probation. 

Courts  occasionally  grant  a  suspension  of  sentence  without 
submitting  the  offender  to  probation,  but  ordinarily  juvenile 
delinquents  are  placed  on  probation  for  a  limited  time.  The 
average  length  of  probation  in  several  leading  cities  is  shown  in 
the  following  table,  taken  from  the  report  of  the  Juvenile  Court 
of  St.  Louis  for  1908. 


Cities 

Length  of  Probation 

Boston 

6  to  18  months  (average  10  months) 

Average  4  months 

6  to  18  months  (average  9  months) 

Denver 

Average  1  year 

Average  3  months 

From  6  months  to  3  or  4  years 

6  months  to  2  years 

These  figures  show  great  variety  in  the  average  length  of  pro- 
bation, as  well  as  uncertainty  on  the  part  of  some  of  the  courts 
as  to  the  approximate  average  which  their  statistics  would 
yield.  The  tendency  is  clearly  away  from  short  probation 
periods,  and  the  New  York  State  Probation  Commission  has 
recommended  a  minimum  period  of  six  months  for  practically 
all  delinquent  cases.  It  should  be  evident  that  if  permanent 
cures  are  to  be  effected,  a  reasonable  length  of  time  must  be 
allowed  to  enable  the  probation  officer  to  perfect  a  program  of 
reform  for  each  child  under  his  control,  and  an  average 
of  nine  or  ten  months  is  none  too  long  for  this  purpose.    Pro- 


THE  PROBATION  SYSTEM  387 

bation  officers  are  usually  so  overburdened  with  work  that 
delinquents  are  released  before  they  should  be. 

7.  Number  of  Cases  per  Official. 

Volunteer  officers  do  not  usually  care  for  more  than  two  or 
three  cases  each,  but  regularly  paid  officials  each  handle  a  large 
number.  The  different  cities  vary  widely  in  this  respect,  the 
number  of  probationers  per  official  rising  as  high  as  130.  The 
number  which  can  be  conveniently  handled  depends  principally 
on  the  character  of  the  offenders,  for  this  determines  the  time 
necessary  for  each  delinquent.  Serious  cases  cannot  be  given 
too  much  attention.  The  care  of  75  delinquents  is  sufficient 
work  for  the  average  probation  officer  and  if  this  number  is 
exceeded,  unsatisfactory  results  are  likely  to  follow.  In  some 
cities  neglected  children  are  also  placed  under  the  supervision 
of  probation  officers.  Extreme  instances  are  known  of  more 
than  200  such  children  in  charge  of  a  single  official,  but 
without  doubt  this  is  too  many  for  one  person  to  supervise 
properly. 

8.  County  Probation. 

With  the  extension  of  the  juvenile  court  to  the  counties  and 
rural  districts,  a  county  probation  system  is  gradually  develop- 
ing. Experience  in  the  states  where  a  state-wide  juvenile  court 
law  has  been  enacted  indicates  that  it  is  unwise  to  appoint  pro- 
bation officers  whose  duties  are  limited  to  service  in  a  single 
town.  Usually  the  number  of  cases  handled  in  any  town  is  so 
small  that  the  official  devotes  only  a  small  part  of  his  time  to 
the  work,  so  he  naturally  becomes  neglectful  of  his  duties. 
Again  the  compensation  paid  under  these  conditions  is  small 
and  expert  service  is  not  secured.  The  better  plan  consists  of 
the  appointment  by  the  county  authorities  of  a  probation  officer 
who  carries  on  his  work  throughout  the  county  and  who  handles 
all  juvenile  delinquents  placed  on  probation.  A  full  time  worker 
must  then  be  secured,  more  attention  will  be  paid  to  the  quali- 
fications necessary  for  success,  and  a  reasonable  salary  can  be 
paid.  The  official  will  be  compelled  to  do  much  traveling,  but 
this  must  be  done  to  insure  proper  supervision  of  the  children. 
He  can  also  take  charge  of  the  children  who  have  been  paroled 


388  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

by  the  reformatory  institutions  and  returned  to  their  homes. 
In  this  way  much  of  the  expense  incident  to  the  after  care  of 
paroled  delinquents  can  be  avoided. 

In  some  counties  and  states  the  work  with  children  may  be 
combined  with  adult  probation  and  thereby  insure  full  time  em- 
ployment for  the  officer.  County  probation  work  will  lessen 
the  proportion  of  delinquents  now  sent  to  institutions  and  will 
also  insure  court  supervision  for  a  group  of  children  who  are 
otherwise  unmolested  because  they  are  not  regarded  as  institu- 
tion cases.  Unfortunately,  the  plan  of  volunteer  officials  in 
towns  and  counties  has  been  tried  in  imitation  of  the  original 
system  in  many  cities,  but  gradually  the  sentiment  in  favor 
of  paid  county  probation  officers  is  gaining  ground. 

9.  Results  of  Probation. 

The  precise  results  of  the  new  system  of  handling  children 
cannot  be  determined,  as  the  method  has  not  been  in  operation 
long  enough  as  yet.  It  will  first  be  necessary  to  ascertain  to 
what  extent  penitentiary  convicts  as  well  as  vagrants,  mendi- 
cants, and  inefficient  workingmen  are  recruited  from  the  ranks 
of  former  juvenile  delinquents.  English  reformers  have  been 
somewhat  skeptical  about  the  probation  system  and  have  op- 
posed it  on  the  theory  that  we  cannot  expect  favorable  results 
by  leaving  the  child  in  the  environment  which  produced  the 
delinquency.  Yet  the  system  measured  by  such  tests  as  can 
be  applied  has  accomplished  much.  Unfortunately  we  do  not 
know  much  about  the  number  reformed  according  to  char- 
acter of  offense  committed. 

The  proportion  of  children  who  are  brought  into  court  on  a 
second  or  third  charge  are  an  indication  of  the  effects  of  proba- 
tion. The  Chicago  records  for  eight  years  show  that  67.9  per 
cent  of  the  boys  and  79.7  per  cent  of  the  girls  were  brought  into 
court  but  once;  18.3  per  cent  of  the  boys  and  17  per  cent  of 
the  girls  appeared  twice,  and  smaller  proportions  appeared 
of tener.  According  to  these  figures  about  two-thirds  of  the  boys 
and  four-fifths  of  the  girls  appeared  but  once  in  court.1  Pro- 
fessor Thurston,  however,  also  writing  for  Chicago,  states  that 

1  Breckinridge  and  Abbott,  The  Delinquent  Child  and  the  Home,  pp.  41-42. 


THE   PROBATION   SYSTEM 


389 


up  to  July,  1909,  only  55  per  cent  of  the  delinquent  girls  appeared 
but  once.1 

In  St.  Louis  out  of  1397  delinquent  children  before  the  court 
during  one  year,  37.5  per  cent  had  appeared  before,  the  percent- 
age of  reappearances  among  the  boys  being  higher  than  that 
among  the  girls.  On  the  whole,  we  find  that  a  considerable 
proportion  of  delinquents  —  from  20  to  30  per  cent,  must  be 
dealt  with  a  second  time  or  oftener.  We  have  no  information 
on  the  relation  of  recidivism  to  character  of  offense,  although 
German  statistics  indicate  that  offenses  against  property  are 
repeated  more  often  than  assault  and  forms  of  violence  against 
the  person.  It  is  likely  that  probation  succeeds  better  when 
certain  offenses  have  been  committed  than  in  the  case  of  some 
others. 

The  New  York  State  Probation  Commission  has  attempted 
to  weigh  the  effects  of  probation  in  that  state  and  presents  the 
following  table  to  indicate  the  results : 2 

Results  of  Probation 


Results 


Discharged  with  improvement 

Discharged  without  improve- 
ment       

Committed 

Removed  with  permission,  to 
other  localities 

Absconded  or  lost  from  over- 
sight       

Unstated  results 

Total 


Boys 


Number        Per  Cent 


2263 

66 
476 

30 

IS 

177 

3027 


75-2 

2.0 
15-7 


■4 

5-8 

100. o 


Girls 


Number         Per  Cent 


S12 

10 

90 


3 

28 

648 


79.0 

i-5 
13-9 

.8 

•5 

4-3 

100. o 


According  to  this  table  about  three-fourths  of  the  boys  and 
a  slightly  larger  percentage  of  the  girls  were  discharged  with 
improvement.  Most  of  the  remainder  were  either  sent  to  insti- 
tutions or  failed  to  improve,  and  were  discharged,  but  probably 

1  The  Survey,  February  5,  1010,  p.  658. 

2  Fifth  Annual  Report  of  the  State  Probation  Commission,  p.  66. 


39©  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD  WELFARE 

a  large  proportion  of  the  group  for  which  results  were  not  given 
also  failed  to  improve. 

Information  as  to  the  proportion  of  juvenile  delinquents  who 
later  enter  penal  institutions  is  very  meager,  statistics  from 
Chicago  showing  that  in  1908,  4.5  per  cent  of  the  probation 
cases  were  in  prison.  This  is  a  very  small  number,  but  again  is 
based  on  the  cases  of  minor  delinquency.1 

The  claims  for  probation  when  it  was  first  instituted  were  most 
sanguine.  It  was  insisted  that  in  Denver  95  per  cent  of  the 
cases  resulted  favorably,  and  more  recently  Winnipeg  has  made 
a  similar  claim.  Conservative  figures  of  to-day  show  that  such 
results  are  not  being  achieved,  although  the  possibilities  of  pro- 
bation, however,  have  not  been  reached.  In  no  American  city 
has  the  system  been  perfected,  and  in  some  cities  the  juvenile 
court  hardly  accepts  the  theories  of  modern  psychology  but 
flagrantly  disregards  the  fact  that  the  delinquent  child  is  not 
a  criminal.  Neither  the  juvenile  court  nor  the  probation  system 
has  accomplished  what  was  claimed  for  them,  but  they  have 
proved  superior  to  the  methods  they  supplanted.  The  problem 
must  be  faced  in  an  entirely  unbiased  manner,  and  if  these 
institutions  can  be  perfected,  we  should  strive  to  do  so,  but  if 
better  substitutes  can  be  found,  we  should  not  hesitate  to  use 
them. 

10.  Probation  and  Cooperating  Agencies. 

The  effects  of  probation  are  profoundly  modified  by  the  exist- 
ence of  adequate  supplementary  agencies,  aiming  to  fill  the  life 
of  the  child  with  forms  of  activity  which  tend  to  develop  his 
better  nature.  The  success  of  probation  in  the  parts  of  Chicago 
supplied  with  small  parks  is  an  example,  while  the  Chicago 
Juvenile  Protective  Association,  which  constantly  watches 
amusement  places,  dance  halls,  and  picture  shows  is  another 
valuable  cooperating  agency.  Attendance  officers  can  do 
much  to  make  the  probation  system  successful.  Settlements 
and  other  philanthropic  agencies  should  also  be  powerful 
agencies. 

Although  the  juvenile  court  carries  on  preventive  work,  its 

1  The  Survey,  February  5,  1910,  p.  658. 


THE   PROBATION   SYSTEM  391 

function  in  this  direction  is  comparatively  limited,  and  it  remains 
for  other  agencies  to  develop  the  constructive  work  in  a  com- 
munity so  that  delinquency  may  be  prevented.  The  test  of 
probation  is  to  perform  with  a  maximum  of  efficiency  the  task 
of  reforming  delinquent  children. 


CHAPTER  IV 
OTHER  REFORMATORY  AGENCIES 

i.  Detention  Homes. 

The  detention  home  is  a  temporary  shelter  for  the  child  about 
to  be  brought  into  the  juvenile  court.  When  the  child  is  ar- 
rested he  is  taken  to  this  home  or,  in  certain  cases,  allowed  his 
liberty  if  reasonable  assurances  are  given  that  he  will  appear 
in  court  at  the  proper  time.  The  detention  homes  seldom 
provide  for  a  large  number  of  children.  They  take  the  place 
of  police  stations,  but  must  not  be  connected  with  them  or  with 
jails.  Children  are  usually  held  here  for  a  short  time  only,  but 
separate  accommodations  should  be  provided  for  the  two  sexes, 
also  playrooms,  lounging  rooms,  classrooms  for  teaching  pur- 
poses, a  library,  etc.  Detention  homes  should  not  be  made  so 
attractive,  however,  that  they  fail  to  develop  a  proper  respect 
for  law  and  order. 

In  the  smaller  cities,  where  court  convenes  but  once  through- 
out the  week,  a  child  may  be  detained  for  a  period  of  six  days, 
and  toward  the  approach  of  court  day  the  home  is  often  filled 
with  prospective  delinquents.  In  the  larger  cities,  where  the 
court  holds  its  sessions  three  or  more  times  per  week,  the  day  of 
trial  arrives  sooner  and  the  problem  of  the  detention  home  is 
less  acute.  After  the  conclusion  of  the  trial  the  child  is  re- 
moved from  the  home  and  the  court's  decision  is  carried  out. 
In  a  limited  number  of  instances,  children  are  sentenced  for  a 
short  time  to  the  home,  and  frequently  they  are  detained, 
pending  their  transferal  to  some  institution. 

2.  Disciplinary  Schools. 

According  to  the  new  theory  it  is  the  duty  of  the  school  to 
educate  the  bad  boy  as  well  as  the  good  one,  but  they  should 
not  be  educated  together.     The  semi-delinquent  children  form 

392 


OTHER  REFORMATORY  AGENCIES        393 

a  special  group  who  need  particular  attention  and  who  must  be 
trained  in  special  classes ;  otherwise  they  will  hamper  the  prog- 
ress of  normal  children.  Furthermore  by  receiving  special 
care  they  may  be  saved  from  the  juvenile  court,  and  therefore 
the  special  day  school  for  incorrigible  children  has  arisen.  This 
school  varies  its  curriculum  somewhat  from  the  normal  and 
emphasizes  manual  training  and  handicraft  work  in  order  to 
hold  the  interest  of  the  child  and  keep  him  busy. 

New  York  City  has  projected  five  such  disciplinary  schools, 
to  which  children  are  sent  for  truancy,  theft,  insubordination, 
and  immorality.  The  oldest  of  these  schools  claims  55  per 
cent  of  cures  in  seven  years.  Chicago  has  four  divisions  in  its 
regular  schools  for  truants  and  violators  of  rules  who  are  not 
sufficiently  grave  offenders  to  be  sent  to  the  parental  school. 
When  the  school  authorities  find  it  impossible  to  retain  a  child 
in  the  regular  classes,  parents  are  notified  and  directed  to  send 
the  child  to  the  truant  school. 

The  first  special  school  of  this  class  in  the  United  States  was 
established  in  Philadelphia  in  1898,  and  nine  such  schools  are 
now  conducted  in  that  city.  The  experience  here  has  also 
demonstrated  that  a  close  relation  exists  between  truant  and 
backward  children.  Most  large  cities  have  opened  disciplinary 
schools,  usually  with  good  effects  ;  truancy  and  insubordination 
have  been  greatly  reduced  and  a  better  spirit  has  developed 
among  the  large  body  of  pupils.  Transferal  to  these  schools 
depends  on  the  order  of  the  principal  or  school  superintendent, 
although  in  Cincinnati  certain  juvenile  court  children  also 
attend. 

3.  Institutional  Care. 

Institutional  care  represents  the  original  form  of  care  provided 
for  delinquent  children.  Most  states  are  equipped  with  at  least 
one  reformatory  for  youthful  offenders,  and  usually  with  two, 
since  the  sexes  cannot  well  be  cared  for  in  the  same  institution 
or  in  the  same  town.  A  majority  of  these  institutions  are  public, 
but  there  are  a  number  of  private  industrial  schools,  one  of  which, 
located  in  New  York,  has  from  2500  to  3000  inmates,  but  most 
private   homes   are   comparatively   small.     The   states   differ 


394         PROBLEMS  OF  CHILD  WELFARE 

widely  in  the  proportion  of  delinquent  children  cared  for  in 
institutions.  New  York,  for  example,  places  an  excessive  pro- 
portion of  her  delinquent  children  in  institutions  and  now  has 
three  times  as  many  cared  for  in  this  way  as  has  any  other 
state.  In  the  Southern  states,  on  the  other  hand,  the  number 
of  children  in  reformatories  is  low,  due  largely  to  the  absence  of 
well-developed  systems  of  child  care. 

a.  Evolution  of  Institutional  Care. 

Adequate  care  of  delinquent  children  cannot  be  given  with- 
out the  aid  of  reformatory  institutions  of  various  kinds.  At 
each  stage  of  their  adolescence  children  must  be  subjected  to 
forms  of  treatment  appropriate  to  their  psychological  and 
physiological  needs.  Probation  may  be  best  for  one  child ; 
institutional  care  for  another.  The  former,  however,  has  limi- 
tations which  cannot  at  present  be  overcome,  hence  the  reform- 
atory is  a  necessary  supplement.  The  age  of  the  child  often 
determines  the  type  of  institution  best  fitted  to  benefit  him. 

The  social  attitude  toward  the  proper  function  of  an  institu- 
tion for  delinquent  children  has  undergone  a  very  interesting 
change,  and  is  reflected  in  the  names  given  to  such  institutions. 
Originally  they  were  named  "Houses  of  Refuge"  —  a  name 
which  still  clings  to  a  number  of  reform  schools  throughout  the 
country.  The  name  is  a  relic  of  the  day  when  the  chief  object  of 
institutional  care  was  to  provide  a  means  of  escape  from  temp- 
tation, but  such  an  object  is  wholly  foreign  to  the  enlightened 
methods  of  to-day.  The  first  House  of  Refuge  in  the  United 
States  was  established  in  New  York  City  in  1825  and  the  Lyman 
School  in  Massachusetts,  opened  in  1848,  was  the  first  reforma- 
tory institution  placed  under  the  exclusive  control  of  the  state.1 

As  long  as  venerable  notions  of  human  depravity  and  the  full 
responsibility  of  children  for  their  delinquencies  prevailed,  the 
modern  view  was  quite  impossible.  The  idea  of  reformation, 
however,  took  root,  and  soon  "Reform  School"  became  an 
appropriate  name  for  these  institutions.  The  method  of  reform 
was  crude  and  unscientific  because  the  essential  elements  of 
child  nature  were  not  understood.     Reform  meant  the  complete 

1  National  Conference  of  Charities  and  Correction,  igoi,  p.  245  S. 


OTHER  REFORMATORY  AGENCIES        395 

subjugation  of  the  boy,  which  often  resulted  in  the  development 
of  a  malevolent  spirit,  owing  to  cruel  treatment  and  too  frequent 
corporal  punishment.  Repression  instead  of  development  was 
the  keynote  of  the  earlier  attempts  to  care  for  children,  and  the 
reform  school  is  the  legacy  of  this  period  of  effort. 

The  growing  belief  that  children  were  largely  untrained  in- 
stead of  criminal  led  to  the  idea  of  the  training  school.  Accord- 
ingly, training  was  seized  upon  as  the  remedy  for  youthful 
criminality.  The  need  of  filling  the  mind  of  the  boy  with  good 
wholesome  thoughts  and  of  preparing  him  for  a  useful  career 
was  recognized  in  the  program  of  the  institution.  In  assum- 
ing this  position  the  men  in  charge  of  reformatories  applied  the 
correct  principle.  Experience  has  shown  that  the  most  suc- 
cessful reformation  has  been  accomplished  by  means  of  trade 
training,  and  therefore  some  of  the  institutions  have  assumed 
the  name  of  "Industrial  Schools,"  thus  recognizing  not  only 
the  need  of  training  but  the  character  of  training  necessary  to 
meet  the  demands  of  the  present  industrial  world.  That 
truancy  and  dissatisfaction  with  the  kind  of  instruction  re- 
ceived in  schools  are  important  causes  of  delinquency  is  a  note- 
worthy fact.  That  industrial  training  is  far  more  agreeable 
than  literary  education  to  this  class  of  persons  is  equally  true. 
Accordingly,  the  introduction  of  industrial  training  becomes  the 
logical  outcome  of  the  attempt  to  use  effective  reformatory 
measures. 

The  last  step  in  the  evolution  of  institutional  treatment  con- 
sists of  the  attempt  to  realize  within  the  walls  of  an  institution 
the  advantages  which  a  good  home  affords.  No  institution  can 
rival  our  best  homes  in  their  possibilities  of  making  good  citi- 
zens ;  and  the  average  home  is  better  than  most  institutions. 
Accordingly,  the  tried  methods  of  millions  of  homes  must  be 
imitated  as  far  as  possible  in  the  treatment  of  delinquents  placed 
in  industrial  schools.  In  order  to  preserve  or  reproduce  this 
home  life  the  "Cottage  System"  was  introduced.  Although 
this  system  was  begun  in  1833  in  Hamburg,.  Germany,  it  is  not 
yet  fully  developed  and  does  not  properly  supplement  the  indus- 
trial training  which  the  institution  child  now  receives.     The 


396  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

term  "Home"  is  now  applied  to  some  training  schools  in  recog- 
nition of  their  purpose.  They  should  be  homelike  as  well  as 
preparatory  for  industrial  life. 

b.  Present  Functions  of  Institutions. 

Institutions  are  needed  for  several  reasons :  first,  the  incor- 
rigible and  dangerous  child  must  be  definitely  segregated  from 
his  erstwhile  associates  in  order  to  prevent  their  ruin.  Proba- 
tion, even  though  it  should  prove  ultimately  successful  with  the 
incorrigible,  would  be  too  costly  in  view  of  the  numbers  who 
would  be  led  astray  meanwhile.  Social  quarantine  is  necessary 
to  prevent  the  outbreak  of  an  epidemic  of  delinquency.  Sec- 
ond, many  children  cannot  be  reformed  outside  of  institutions, 
and  training  schools  furnish  the  only  safeguard  to  society. 
The  rigid  discipline  which  the  institution  enforces  cannot  be 
supplied  elsewhere,  and  the  habits  which  must  be  formed  can 
only  be  acquired  under  close  surveillance.  Some  judges  hold 
that  the  first  offender  gains  a  very  wholesome  lesson  if  he  is 
permitted  to  serve  several  months  in  the  training  school.  The 
majority  of  judges,  however,  do  not  commit  the  first  offender 
except  in  the  more  flagrant  cases.  It  is  wrong  to  place  a  child 
in  an  industrial  or  training  school  until  milder  methods  of  reform 
have  failed,  since  first  offenses  are  not  usually  so  serious  as  to 
endanger  society  to  any  great  extent. 

Third,  commitment,  or  its  prospect,  has  a  deterring  influence, 
and  the  effectiveness  of  the  probation  system  would  be  reduced 
but  for  the  fear  of  the  reformatory.  Fourth,  children  suffering 
from  evil  homes  can  be  given  a  much  better  environment  and 
more  homelike  surroundings  in  model  institutions  such  as  are 
arising  at  the  present  time.  Probation  is  doomed  to  failure 
from  the  outset  if  bad  boys  are  allowed  to  remain  in  some  of 
the  homes  from  which  they  came.  A  change  of  residence 
or  the  "placing-out"  of  the  boys  is  often  impracticable  or 
unwise,  so  the  only  remaining  course  is  commitment  to  an 
institution. 

4.  Types  of  Institutions. 

Roughly  speaking,  institutions  may  be  subdivided  into  the 
following  types : 


OTHER  REFORMATORY  AGENCIES        397 

The    parental  school  —  for  minor  offenders  and  children    of 

school  age. 
The  industrial  school  —  established  by  cities  or  counties  for 

various  classes  of  offenders. 
Reform  schools  —  for  the  more  serious  delinquents. 
Republics  —  partly  self-governing  groups  of  delinquent  children. 

a.  Parental  or  Truant  Schools. 

It  has  usually  been  necessary  for  local  boards  of  education  to 
receive  special  authority  from  the  state  to  enable  them  to  estab- 
lish parental  schools,  the  original  limitation  being  based  on  the 
theory  that  school  funds  must  be  used  for  educational  purposes 
only.  It  was  not  clear  that  the  building  and  operation  of  a 
parental  school  came  within  the  meaning  of  the  original  right, 
but  nevertheless  the  schools  sprang  up  in  many  cities.  They 
stand  intermediate  between  the  disciplinary  school  and  the 
industrial  or  reform  school. 

The  parental  school  receives  children  on  commitment  by  the 
juvenile  court.  Its  function  is  theoretically  to  reclaim  the 
wayward,  incorrigible,  and  truant  children  who  defy  the  school 
authorities ;  but  in  practice  it  usually  receives  children  sent  by 
the  court  for  minor  offenses,  whether  connected  with  school  or 
not.  The  parental  school  is,  however,  essentially  a  part  of  the 
educational  process.  Children  should  not  be  sent  unless  they 
are  ten  years  old  or  over,  but  rigorous  discipline  is  often  neces- 
sary for  the  boy  in  the  upper  grades,  and  this  can  best  be  provided 
through  a  short  term  in  the  school.  The  Chicago  school, 
comprising  eight  cottages  with  a  capacity  of  40  children  each, 
is  situated  on  a  farm  of  70  acres.  The  average  stay  of  the 
children  is  a  little  less  than  seven  months,  and  over  400  boys 
are  committed  annually.  The  per  capita  cost  of  maintenance 
in  1910  was  $273.  40.  About  20  per  cent  of  the  children  return 
for  the  second  time. 

In  the  New  York  Parental  School  the  average  stay  is  almost 
five  months,  while  in  its  Truant  School  it  is  only  two  months.  It 
is  apparent  from  these  facts  that  short  terms  are  common; 
in  fact  complaint  is  often  made  that  time  for  reformation  is  not 
really  given.     The  parental  school  should  restore  the  child  to 


398  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

normal  life  so  as  to  make  his  reappearance  in  court  unneces- 
sary. He  is  under  watchful  care,  receives  instruction  along 
both  literary  and  industrial  lines,  and  special  emphasis  is  laid 
on  decorum  and  behavior.  Food,  clothing,  bedding,  medical 
care,  and  other  services  are  usually  supplied  by  the  school, 
although  part  of  the  burden  should  in  many  cases  be  borne  by 
the  parents.  In  1910,  24  cities  operated  parental  schools;  ten 
of  these  were  in  the  North  Atlantic  States,1  but  the  proportion 
of  large  cities  having  such  institutions  was  largest  in  the  West. 

b.  Training  and  Industrial  Schools. 

Many  cities  or  counties  containing  large  cities  have  estab- 
lished an  institution  for  the  more  serious  or  chronic  offenders. 
Most  of  these  schools  have  been  independently  established,  but 
they  may  be  merely  a  branch  of  the  local  penal  institution,  as 
in  the  case  of  the  John  Worthy  School  in  Chicago.  The  term 
of  commitment  to  such  schools  is  usually  a  short  one,  although 
in  some  places  children  remain  until  their  majority.  They 
should  not  be  released  until  they  give  evidence  that  their  recom- 
mitment will  not  be  necessary,  and  when  released  they  should 
usually  be  placed  on  parole  for  a  limited  time  under  the  super- 
vision of  a  parole  officer. 

In  addition  to  public  institutions  of  this  class  a  considerable 
number  of  public  and  semi-public  training  schools  exist.  These 
receive  children  from  the  courts,  care  for  them  and  educate 
them,  and  frequently  place  many  of  them  in  good  family  homes. 
They  generally  confine  themselves  to  the  less  serious  offenders, 
however,  unless  religious  considerations  enter  very  strongly. 
The  New  York  Juvenile  Asylum  is  an  example  of  this  type  of 
school.  The  courts  are  able  to  dispose  of  many  children  in  this 
way  who  would  otherwise  become  serious  problems.  In  many 
states  the  public  does  not  pay  these  institutions  for  the  han- 
dling of  delinquent  children. 

All  training  schools  should  be  connected  with  the  local  educa- 
tional system,  since  in  theory  they  are  merely  training  schools 
dealing  with  a  class  of  very  difficult  cases.  The  logical  sequence 
of  the  theory  demands  that  the  school  become  an  integral  part 

1  United  States  Bureau  of  Education,  Bulletin,  1911,  No.  14,  p.  33. 


OTHER  REFORMATORY  AGENCIES        399 

of  the  educational  work  of  the  community,  and  managers  of 
such  schools  are  beginning  to  recognize  the  fact.  Boards  of 
education,  however,  have  been  slow  to  appreciate  their  respon- 
sibility for  the  education  of  the  delinquent  child.  The  work  of 
an  industrial  school  is  essentially  educational,  although  men 
with  social  training  are  needed  to  manage  the  institutions. 

c.  State  Reform  Schools. 

The  state  reform  schools  differ  somewhat  from  the  group  of 
institutions  just  discussed.  Most  states  maintain  two  schools 
each  —  one  for  boys,  the  other  for  girls.  Cities  maintaining 
industrial  schools  usually  send  to  the  state  institution  those 
children  who  have  committed  what  would  be  a  penitentiary 
offense  if  perpetrated  by  an  adult,  and  these  reformatories, 
therefore,  receive  the  worst  class  of  juvenile  offender.  But  the 
sparsely  settled  districts  have  no  educational  institutions; 
consequently,  if  a  child  is  committed,  he  must  be  sent  to  the 
reform  school.  The  less  serious  offenders  from  the  rural  districts 
and  the  more  depraved  classes  from  the  cities  are  brought  to- 
gether —  an  evil  that  cannot  be  easily  corrected. 

Many  state  reform  schools  admit  children  up  to  the  age  of 
eighteen  years  and  then  classify  the  inmates  so  as  to  make  the 
associations  as  wholesome  as  possible,  since  the  less  serious 
offenders  and  the  hardened  cases  cannot  be  allowed  to  mingle 
with  each  other.  Offenders  are  sent  to  these  institutions  to 
remain  there  a  considerable  period  of  time ;  consequently  one 
of  two  forms  of  commitment  is  usually  employed,  either  an 
indeterminate  sentence  or  commitment  during  minority.  In 
practice  these  differ  but  little,  for  the  indeterminate  sentence 
applied  to  children  ends  with  their  coming  of  age.  Several 
states,  such  as  Illinois,  Ohio,  New  York,  and  Pennsylvania, 
usually  follow  the  indeterminate  sentence  plan,  but  most  western 
states  commit  during  minority  only.  In  the  latter  case  the 
sentence  can  usually  be  suspended  when  in  the  judgment  of 
the  proper  authorities  the  case  justifies  such  action.  In  the 
two  Massachusetts  schools,  the  actual  length  of  stay  before  the 
child  is  placed  on  probation  for  the  first  time  is  about  iS 
months. 


400  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

d.  Republics. 

A  novel  experiment  in  the  treatment  of  delinquent  children 
has  been  attempted  by  the  so-called  "Republics."  The  George 
Junior  Republic  at  Freeville,  New  York,  was  begun  in  1895, 
and  is  practically  a  farm  colony  of  children  who  exercise  very 
extensive  powers  of  self-government.  The  enforcement  of 
rules  is  accomplished  largely  through  the  efforts  of  "citizens," 
and  the  arrangements  in  regard  to  work  and  leisure  are  made 
in  a  similar  way.  The  children  receive  regular  instruction  from 
public  school  teachers,  but  gain  most  from  actual  practice  in 
industrial  operations.  Although  founded  on  the  principle  of 
self-government,  the  institution  cautiously  limits  the  powers 
of  the  children.  The  inmates  may  be  delinquents  ordered  to 
the  institution  by  the  courts,  or  volunteers  who  consider  the 
Republic  an  opportunity  for  self-development,  or  children  in 
need  of  training  who  are  sent  by  parents  or  guardians.  Both 
boys  and  girls  are  admitted. 

Seven  junior  Republics  have  been  established  in  six  states, 
and  others  are  being  contemplated.  A  National  Association 
of  Junior  Republics  has  been  formed,  in  order  to  promote  the 
idea  on  which  the  institutions  are  based. 

5.  Principles  of  Institutional  Care. 

a.  Separation  of  the  Sexes. 

The  number  of  boys  committed  to  public  institutions  for 
delinquent  children  is  about  four  times  that  of  girls.  One 
essential  of  successful  control  is  the  separation  of  the  sexes, 
either  through  the  establishment  of  separate  institutions  or  of 
separate  departments  in  the  same  institution,  so  conducted  that 
no  communication  will  be  possible.  Separate  institutions  entail 
a  considerable  duplication  of  equipment,  but  insure  the  neces- 
sary separation  of  the  sexes.  As  the  schools  for  girls  are  usually 
small  there  is  danger  that  they  will  have  incompetent  heads, 
but  this  difficulty  is  partly  overcome  when  the  two  sexes  are 
placed  in  separate  departments  of  the  same  institution.  The  de- 
linquent girl  is  a  most  serious  problem  and  cannot  have  too  much 
attention.  Regardless  of  the  specific  offense  for  which  they  have 
been  committed,  a  large  majority  of  these  girls  are  immoral  and 


OTHER   REFORMATORY  AGENCIES  401 

their  moral  rehabilitation  will  tax  the  energies  of  the  most  capa- 
ble superintendents.  Separate  and  well-equipped  schools  yield 
the  best  results. 

b.  The  Cottage  System. 

The  cottage  system  is  most  necessary  to  meet  the  need  of 
delinquent  children,  most  of  whom  lack  the  uplifting  and  steady- 
ing influence  of  good  family  life.  Certain  virtues  almost  de- 
pend upon  the  home  for  their  perpetuation ;  for  the  develop- 
ment of  these  virtues,  home  life  must  be  restored  as  far  as 
possible.  In  the  parental  schools  to  which  the  younger  chil- 
dren are  sent,  the  need  of  the  cottage  system  is  less  apparent. 
Such  children  are  sent  for  stated  periods  of  time,  usually  not 
more  than  six  months,  and  the  chief  purpose  to  be  accomplished 
is  submission  to  authority  and  the  enforcement  of  discipline. 
The  essential  features  of  the  cottage  plan  are  these :  separate 
buildings  for  each  family  of  children ;  families  not  exceeding  25 
in  number  (the  best  results,  however,  cannot  be  achieved  unless 
the  size  of  the  group  is  reduced  to  about  15) ;  a  house  father 
and  mother  for  each  cottage ;  separate  dining  rooms ;  and  a 
home  life  distinct  from  that  of  the  other  cottages.  The  per- 
sonnel of  each  cottage  should  consist  of  varied  but  congenial 
individuals,  so  as  to  reproduce  typical  home  conditions.  The 
children  of  a  family  are  not  of  like  ages,  neither  should  those  of 
a  cottage  be,  unless  the  different  age  groups  are  liable  to  con- 
taminate each  other. 

The  progress  of  the  cottage  system  has  been  considerably 
retarded  by  its  great  cost.  The  institution  type  of  building  is 
so  much  cheaper  that  the  cottage  plan  has  been  unpopular  on 
account  of  the  added  expense.  And  where  the  system  has  been 
nominally  adopted,  the  number  of  persons  per  cottage  has 
usually  ranged  from  about  40  to  60.  The  hoped-for  individual 
contacts  have  therefore  failed  of  realization.  Institutions  within 
the  borders  of  a  large  city  seldom  hold  a  sufficient  amount  of 
land  to  attempt  the  plan  at  all.  The  greater  the  approximation 
to  the  family  ideal,  the  surer  will  be  the  hope  of  reformation. 
The  modified  cottage  plan,  on  the  other  hand,  is  better  than  the 
old  institution  type  of  building,  for  with  this  system  come 

2D 


402  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

pictures,  decorations,  and  other  forms  of  beautification,  all  of 
which  serve  to  inspire  and  uplift  the  delinquent.  The  number 
of  children  in  reform  schools  is  not  so  large  but  that  our  public 
agencies  can  properly  develop  a  fairly  successful  system  based 
upon  the  cottage  plan. 

c.  Physical  Training. 

A  very  large  percentage  of  delinquents  are  subnormal  physi- 
cally and  mentally.  This  is  shown  from  the  measurements 
made  in  such  institutions  as  the  John  Worthy  School  of  Chicago, 
the  Philadelphia  House  of  Refuge,  and  the  Elmira  Reformatory. 
An  undoubted  effect  upon  morals  is  caused  by  these  subnormal- 
ities,  and  something  must  be  done  to  overcome  them.  Com- 
plete reformation  is  not  usually  accomplished  without  two 
important  requisites ;  sufficient  good  wholesome  food  and  abun- 
dant physical  exercise.  Much  of  the  success  of  Elmira  Reform- 
atory is  due  to  the  emphasis  which  is  placed  on  physical  train- 
ing, and  the  experience  of  other  reformatories  also  verifies  this 
principle.  After  the  body  has  been  restored  to  normal  condi- 
tions, the  child  becomes  more  susceptible  to  the  moral  influences 
with  which  he  is  surrounded.  Strength,  desirable  mental  attri- 
butes, and  discipline  are  promoted  by  exercise,  gymnastics,  and 
military  drill.  Every  well-equipped  school  is  provided  with  a 
gymnasium,  the  use  of  which  for  purposes  of  physical  relaxation 
and  moral  stimulation  cannot  be  too  highly  recommended,  and 
stress  should  be  laid  upon  this  feature  in  the  schools  for  each 
sex.  So  large  a  proportion  of  delinquents  suffer  from  misfeeding 
that  a  carefully  supervised  dietary  is  also  necessary.  This  will 
result  in  better  physical  conditions  and  increased  mental  alert- 
ness. The  training  school  is  a  moral  hospital,  and  good  physique 
conduces  to  good  morals. 

d.  Industrial  and  Literary  Training. 

Training  schools  should  without  exception  be  located  in  rural 
districts  where  an  abundance  of  pure  air  can  be  secured  and 
where  ample  room  is  not  too  costly.  Furthermore,  the  schools 
should  be  provided  with  extensive  farming  facilities ;  sufficient 
buildings  can  then  be  erected,  farming  can  be  successfully  carried 
on,  and  ample  instruction  given  in  trade  and  industry.     The 


OTHER   REFORMATORY  AGENCIES  403 

precise  value  of  the  practice  in  farming  depends  upon  the 
personnel  of  the  inmates  of  the  institution.  If  the  children 
have  been  largely  gathered  from  the  rural  districts,  it  is  reason- 
ably certain  that  a  considerable  proportion  will  return  to  the 
farm  or  small  town,  and  a  better  knowledge  of  farming  methods 
will  be  a  distinct  gain.  If  the  great  majority  of  the  boys  are 
from  the  large  cities,  with  no  knowledge  of  farming,  nor  incli- 
nation to  study  it,  practice  along  this  line  must  be  regarded  as 
discipline  rather  than  as  an  attempt  to  prepare  the  child  for  his 
life  work.  The  probability  that  a  boy  will  migrate  to  the  farm 
and  become  successful  there  is  quite  remote.  The  importance 
of  the  farm  for  purposes  of  industrial  training  has  been  over- 
emphasized, but  its  value  for  the  promotion  of  good  physique 
and  right  living  cannot  be  overestimated. 

In  addition  to  farming  and  gardening,  the  schools  aim  to  give 
instruction  in  such  trades  as  the  following  :  carpentering,  paint- 
ing, shoemaking,  tailoring,  sewing,  baking,  bricklaying,  plas- 
tering, and  printing.  Very  properly  many  institutions  are 
almost  entirely  supplied  by  their  own  inmates  with  the  neces- 
sary clothing,  bedding,  and  agricultural  produce ;  buildings  are 
repaired  by  their  own  labor;  and  the  laundry,  kitchen,  and 
print  shop  are  operated  by  the  delinquents.  The  training 
which  the  average  inmate  receives  equips  him  for  successful 
competition  with  other  members  of  his  trade  when  he  is  released 
from  school.  Industrial  training,  by  making  a  livelihood 
possible  for  every  inmate,  lessens  the  incentive  to  continue 
a  career  of  lawlessness.  Furthermore,  the  great  majority  of 
these  children  are  intensely  interested  in  the  manual  arts  to  the 
exclusion  of  literary  education.  In  the  old  disciplinary  school 
in  New  York  City  a  majority  of  the  boys  are  unable  to  carry  the 
regular  course,  a  condition  ascribed,  not  to  dullness,  but  to  lack 
of  interest  in  the  literary  side  of  education.  The  boys  do  enjoy 
the  shop  work,  and  frequently  they  forget  their  mischievous 
tendencies.  Inadequate  facilities  for  practice  along  these  lines 
handicap  many  of  our  institutions. 

The  literary  training  provided  is  similar  to  such  training  else- 
where.    Many  of  the  children  are  woefully  lacking  in  this  re- 


404  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

spect,  but  every  progressive  school  grants  ample  means  for  the 
child's  education,  and  in  fact  insists  upon  his  literary  develop- 
ment. Industrial  training  is  usually  given  precedence,  but  the 
combination  of  the  two  is  necessary  in  the  outside  world  if  the 
child  is  to  hold  his  own.  Music  plays  an  important  part  in  the 
life  of  an  institution ;  especially  is  this  true  of  schools  for  boys. 
The  band  is  not  only  an  educative  force,  but  a  disciplinary  power, 
and  conduces  to  the  moral  elevation  of  the  members  of  the 
school.  Many  of  the  children  show  considerable  talent  and 
inclination  in  the  direction  of  musical  education. 

It  is  more  difficult  to  train  girls  than  boys  because  of  two  very 
grave  considerations :  ignorance  and  immorality,  both  of  which 
are  more  prevaleht  among  the  girls  than  among  the  boys.  Ex- 
periments in  preparing  them  for  such  high-grade  occupations  as 
stenography  and  typewriting  have  been  comparatively  unsuc- 
cessful, and  professional  work  is  in  most  instances  an  absolute 
impossibility.  Trade  training  is  attempted  at  present  in  such 
departments  as  sewing,  millinery,  ironing,  and  occasional  forms 
of  factory  work,  but  the  girl  in  industrial  establishments  is 
almost  wholly  without  supervision,  and  therefore  is  in  a  danger- 
ous position  morally.  Special  stress  is  now  being  placed  on 
preparation  for  household  work  and  such  other  occupations  as 
will  probably  give  the  girl  immediate  supervision.  In  these 
occupations  personal  relations  can  be  established  between  em- 
ployer and  employee.  Accordingly  an  interest  in  the  girl's 
welfare  may  be  developed,  but  the  high  rate  of  immorality 
among  domestics  necessitates  the  most  cautious  work  in  plac- 
ing the  girls.  The  practice  of  holding  them  until  appropriate 
situations  can  be  found  for  them  is  a  wise  one ;  for  unless  the 
utmost  care  is  taken  reform  will  have  failed.  The  difficulties 
are  evident  from  the  statistics  of  the  Massachusetts  Industrial 
School  for  Girls  —  an  excellent  institution  and  which  during 
the  years  1891-1911  had  a  total  number  of  7739  inmates.  Of 
the  entire  number  discharged,  57.9  per  cent  were  found  to  be 
living  respectably ;  the  remainder  were  classed  as  doubtful,  bad, 
or  conditions  unknown,  while  some  defectives  were  unclassified. 
The  figures  indicate  a  large  number  of  failures. 


OTHER  REFORMATORY  AGENCIES        405 

e.  Discipline. 

Present  methods  of  discipline  differ  widely  from  those  in  opera- 
tion some  years  ago.  The  recognition  of  the  fact  that  the  chil- 
dren are  not  fully  responsible  for  their  misdeeds,  and  that  their 
minds  and  morals  are  still  growing,  serves  to  throw  emphasis 
upon  the  positive  upbuilding  of  character.  To  lead  them  to  do 
right  and  to  interest  them  in  things  worth  while  rather  than 
to  defy  them  to  do  wrong,  represents  the  principle  on  which 
proper  discipline  is  based.  A  premium  is  placed  on  the  act 
of  doing  right  and  a  system  of  rewards  for  good  conduct  insti- 
tuted, but,  if  necessary  for  the  reformation  of  the  child,  punish- 
ment is  not  withheld.  Corporal  punishment  is  seldom  used. 
Segregation  in  a  disciplinary  cottage  or  the  curtailment  of  privi- 
leges constitutes  the  form  of  punishment  enforced  in  many 
cases.  Inmates  come  to  value  the  slightest  privileges  and 
their  removal  is  not  only  a  hardship  but  a  weighty  deterring 
influence.  The  increased  use  of  the  indeterminate  sentence 
practically  grants  the  inmate  the  power  of  releasing  himself 
whenever  his  conduct  justifies  his  freedom.  An  institution 
should  be  as  free  as  possible  from  prison  features,  even  though 
an  occasional  boy  should  escape.  Modern  discipline  rightly 
accommodates  itself  to  this  condition,  and  the  gain  to  the  in- 
mates in  self-respect  is  immeasurable. 

6.  Placing  in  Family  Homes. 

This  form  of  treatment  must  be  confined  to  mild  cases,  and 
to  those  delinquents  whose  probationary  care  has  resulted  so 
successfully  that  they  can  now  be  thrown  on  their  own  respon- 
sibility with  comparatively  little  oversight.  Even  the  best 
institutions  cannot  prevent  children  from  contaminating  each 
other,  and  if  many  institution  cases  could  be  isolated  in  a  good 
home,  the  chances  of  improvement  would  be  greatly  enhanced. 
Consequently  when  a  child  must  be  rescued  from  his  own  home 
because  of  its  viciousness,  a  good  home  elsewhere  is  often  much 
better  than  an  institution.  An  increasing  number  of  children 
are  receiving  this  form  of  care,  and  states  are  making  provision 
for  such  treatment.  Virginia  recently  authorized  its  state  board 
of  charities  to  place  certain  delinquent  groups  in  family  homes. 


406  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

Pennsylvania  has  begun  the  system,  while  Massachusetts  has 
been  doing  such  work  for  many  years.  Other  states  are  copying 
the  plan,  and  even  private  institutions  recognize  the  principle. 
The  New  York  Juvenile  Asylum,  for  example,  has  kept  delin- 
quent children  for  a  while,  then  placed  many  of  them  in  homes, 
some  of  them  being  sent  to  the  West.  Here  they  have  been 
supervised  by  western  aid  and  home-finding  societies. 


CHAPTER   V 
MEASURES   OF   CHILD   PROTECTION 

i.  Introduction. 

The  essential  unity  of  the  problems  of  delinquency  and  neglect 
makes  a  program  of  preventive  work  applicable  to  both.  In 
dealing  with  these  subjects  it  is  recognized,  of  course,  that  the 
existence  of  poverty  is  a  prime  factor  in  the  problem,  and  that 
its  removal  would  mean  education,  better  surroundings,  and 
more  wholesome  life,  but  it  would  not  altogether  abolish  delin- 
quency. Meanwhile  practicable  methods  of  child  protection 
must  be  instituted. 

One  of  the  needed  steps  in  a  program  of  child  protection 
is  to  ascertain  additional  information  in  regard  to  both  the 
immediate  and  fundamental  causes  of  neglect.  A  knowledge 
of  the  comparative  importance  of  various  precipitating  causes 
would  be  most  important  in  developing  methods  of  preventive 
work.  It  would  determine  what  particular  program  of  ac- 
tion should  be  emphasized,  for  the  effects  of  immediate  causes 
can  be  largely  nullified  by  protective  measures.  Again  we  may 
learn  the  extent  to  which  broken  homes  are  a  factor,  yet  broken 
homes  are  themselves  a  result  of  causes  that  must  be  removed. 
Our  knowledge  of  causes  must  likewise  be  supplemented  by  the 
careful  study  of  the  results  of  the  present  methods  of  handling 
delinquent  children,  so  that  we  may  be  properly  guided  in  our 
work. 

2.  Contributory  Delinquency  and  Non-support  Laws. 

One  method  of  lessening  juvenile  delinquency  is  by  the  enact- 
ment and  enforcement  of  adult  or  contributory  delinquency  laws. 
The  purpose  of  such  laws  is  to  force  the  responsibility  of  caring 
for  the  child  upon  the  rightful  authority  —  the  parents.  While 
the  interests  of  the  child  must  be  safeguarded,  if  possible,  this 

407 


408  PROBLEMS  OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

should  be  done  by  the  parents  rather  than  by  the  state.  Accord- 
ingly, if  a  child  becomes  a  delinquent,  and  the  parents  have  aided 
or  encouraged  such  delinquency,  both  child  and  parents  should 
come  within  reach  of  the  law.  The  parent  should  be  punished 
in.  order  to  encourage  him  to  care  properly  for  his  children. 

Contributory  delinquency  laws  consist  of  three  principal 
provisions ;  first,  a  parent,  guardian,  or  other  person  having  the 
custody  of  a  child,  who  encourages,  aids,  and  contributes  to  the 
delinquency  of  such  child,  is  guilty  of  a  misdemeanor.  Second, 
the  guilty  person  is  subject  to  fine  or  imprisonment  or  both. 
Fines  usually  range  from  purely  nominal  sums  to  $1000,  and 
imprisonment  may  be  allowed  in  the  county  jail  for  a  term  not 
exceeding  one  year.  Third,  the  judge  may  suspend  the  sen- 
tence, provided  the  guilty  party  complies  with  the  conditions 
imposed  upon  him  by  the  court.  In  a  few  states  the  jurisdiction 
has  been  placed  with  the  juvenile  courts,  but  in  most  cases  the 
regular  criminal  procedure  is  followed.  Some  courts  have 
given  these  laws  real  vitality  by  compelling  the  misdemeanant 
to  pay  a  small  part  of  the  fine  imposed  upon  him  or  to  spend 
several  days  in  jail  as  a  reminder  of  his  duties  and  then  suspend- 
ing the  remainder  of  the  sentence.  Thereafter  the  guilty  par- 
ents have  seldom  neglected  to  discourage  delinquency  among 
their  children.  Most  states,  however,  have  done  but  little  to 
enforce  such  laws,  the  success  of  which  has  been  hampered  by 
the  difficulty  of  fastening  responsibility  upon  the  parent  or 
guardian.  It  is  not  purposeful  neglect,  but  ignorance  and  even 
helplessness,  that  frequently  accounts  for  the  appearance  of 
complicity. 

Colorado  was  the  first  state  to  enact  a  contributory  delin- 
quency law,  but  similar  laws  have  since  been  enacted  in  about 
one-half  of  the  states.  The  provisions  of  the  different  laws  are 
much  alike,  but  in  some  states  they  apply  to  the  larger  cities 
only.  The  English  law  of  1908,  although  inspired  by  American 
legislation,  is  far  more  drastic  in  that  it  provides  that  parents 
may  be  compelled  to  pay  fines,  damages,  and  costs  charged 
against  delinquent  children  and  to  give  security  for  the  be- 
havior of  their  children. 


MEASURES   OF   CHILD   PROTECTION  409 

An  additional  method  of  enforcing  parental  responsibility 
consists  of  compelling  the  persons  legally  responsible  for  the 
child  to  pay  part  or  all  of  the  cost  of  maintaining  the  latter  in 
an  industrial  or  training  school.  Such  a  provision  of  the  law 
should  not  be  mandatory,  but  its  application  be  left  to  the  dis- 
cretion of  the  court.  If  parents  have  been  deliberately  neglect- 
ful, charges  for  maintenance  may  be  justifiably  required  of 
them,  but  if  they  have  exhausted  their  resources  in  training  their 
children,  such  additional  costs  will  tend  to  make  them  harsh 
and  brutal  in  the  treatment  of  the  children.  On  the  other  hand, 
free  care  of  children  in  parental  schools  sometimes  enables 
parents  to  shirk  the  responsibility  of  training  difficult  boys,  the 
parents  themselves  being  foremost  in  their  efforts  to  have  the 
children  committed.  Cases  have  been  reported  of  parents 
who  were  unwilling  to  pay  for  the  temporary  placing  of  their 
children  in  foster  homes,  who  finally  succeeded  in  having  them 
sent  to  industrial  schools.  Judges  have  occasionally  found  it  ex- 
pedient to  place  parents  under  an  order  to  contribute  a  weekly 
sum  to  the  support  of  their  children  in  truant  schools.  In  our 
treatment  of  the  juvenile  offender,  we  have  almost  neglected 
the  parents,  and  this  is  one  reason  why  we  have  not  been  more 
successful.  If  delinquency  becomes  costly,  parents  will  develop 
greater  responsibility  and  delinquency  will  be  reduced. 

Laws  punishing  parents  for  neglecting  and  failing  to  support 
their  children  are  equally  important,  as  child  neglect  easily 
ripens  into  dependency  and  delinquency.  Instead  of  waiting 
until  children  must  be  brought  into  court,  we  should  require 
parents  to  exercise  a  proper  guardianship  over  their  children. 
Frequently  when  the  father  refuses  to  support  his  family,  the 
mother  is  compelled  to  work  away  from  home,  while  the  chil- 
dren are  left  alone.  In  many  instances  this  proves  most  disas- 
trous to  the  children,  especially  to  the  girls,  who  become  restive 
and  sink  into  immorality.  Again,  our  laws  are  so  inadequate  or 
are  so  poorly  enforced  that  a  brutal  husband  is  seldom  reached ; 
therefore  the  wife  and  mother  frequently  finds  it  necessary  to 
desert  her  husband.  If  this  is  done,  she  has  no  redress,  since  she 
is  the  actual  deserter,  although  the  blame  should  rest  upon  the 


410  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

man.  Furthermore,  our  desertion  and  non-support  laws  do  not 
adequately  protect  the  children,  a  large  number  of  whom  are 
on  the  verge  of  poverty  and  neglect. 

3.  Age  of  Consent  Laws. 

By  the  age  of  consent  is  meant  that  age  at  which  a  girl  can 
legally  consent  to  sex  relations.  Any  male  who  has  such  rela- 
tions with  a  girl  under  this  age  with  or  without  her  consent  is 
guilty  of  a  crime.  The  purpose  of  such  a  law  is  to  protect 
innocent  girls  against  the  wiles  and  deceptions  of  vicious  men. 
Formerly  the  age  of  consent  was  ridiculously  low,  the  laws  of 
some  states  having  fixed  it  at  seven  years  !  The  gradual  recog- 
nition of  the  helplessness  of  the  girl  and  of  the  direful  conse- 
quences of  illicit  sex  relations  has  resulted  in  a  series  of  laws 
raising  the  age  of  consent,  but  the  legislation  of  the  different 
states  still  varies  widely,  the  age  limit  fixed  by  statute  ranging 
from  10  to  18  years,  although  the  majority  of  states  now  fix 
the  age  at  14  or  16  years.  In  some  states  the  law  provides  a 
qualified  age  of  consent,  as  in  Missouri,  where  the  limit  fixed  is 
15  years  and  where  girls  from  15  to  18  can  also  be  protected 
provided  they  are  able  to  prove  that  they  were  previously  of 
chaste  character.  As  this  is  an  exceedingly  difficult  thing  to 
do,  the  portion  of  the  law  relating  to  the  older  girls  is  practically 
inoperative.  In  every  state  the  age  of  consent  should  be  made 
to  correspond  with  the  age  limit  of  juvenile  delinquency,  which 
is  usually  16  or  17  years.  If  this  were  done,  it  is  probable  that 
adequate  protection  to  girls  would  be  afforded. 

In  some  states  the  law  presents  a  curious  anomaly,  in  allow- 
ing common  law  marriages  by  girls  of  12,  while  the  age  of  con- 
sent is  from  two  to  four  years  higher.  This  makes  temporary 
marriages  with  young  girls  possible  and,  while  such  instances 
are  comparatively  rare,  it  tends  to  defeat  the  purpose  of  an  age 
of  consent  law. 

4.  Neighborhood  Activities. 

Among  the  most  valuable  forms  of  work  for  children  are  the 
various  activities  of  settlements,  neighborhood  centers,  institu- 
tional churches,  and  clubhouses.  These  agencies  provide  boys 
and  girls  with  opportunities  for  the  wholesome  use  of  leisure 


MEASURES  OF  CHILD   PROTECTION  41 1 

through  their  clubs,  entertainments,  classes,  and  other  activities. 
The  organization  of  boys  requires  time,  thought,  and  energy, 
but  it  is  one  of  the  most  useful  methods  of  preventing  them  from 
doing  mischief.  The  club  operates  to  attract  the  boy  from 
the  street ;  to  give  an  honorable  outlet  to  his  surplus  vitality ; 
and  to  socialize  him  as  well  as  to  prevent  his  moral  decay.  Boys 
will  associate  with  each  other  and  enjoy  themselves  whether 
under  good  auspices  or  not.  They  will  gather  in  the  most 
inconceivable  places,  and  frequently  in  the  very  shadow  of  vice 
and  crime.  The  street  gang  tends  to  organize  itself  uncon- 
sciously into  a  club,  and  if  without  proper  leaders,  establishes 
itself  in  a  degrading  environment.  It  usually  consists  of  boys 
of  similar  ages  who  differ  but  little  in  race  and  religion ;  there- 
fore it  can  easily  furnish  the  raw  material  for  successful  organiza- 
tion. A  gang  usually  develops  a  leader  whose  authority  becomes 
well-nigh  despotic  and  who  is  able  to  develop  an  orderly  club 
or  to  complete  its  demoralization.  It  is  very  important  there- 
fore to  capture  this  type  of  boy,  as  he  can  be  of  great  service  in 
a  neighborhood  center. 

The  homes  of  many  prospective  delinquents  are  so  disrep- 
utable, and  their  parents  so  degraded  and  incompetent  that  vari- 
ous activities  must  be  introduced  to  give  the  boy  an  opportunity 
for  wholesome  leisure,  for  games,  for  sport,  for  reading,  for  liter- 
ary training,  for  high-minded  social  intercourse,  and  for  proper 
physical  development.  Settlements  and  clubs  must  provide 
advantages  which  homes,  as  existing  in  thousands  of  instances, 
can  in  nowise  afford.  Some  happy  antidote  is  necessary  for 
the  squalor  and  wretchedness  of  these  homes  in  order  to  prevent 
boys  from  passing  to  the  sinister  environment  of  the  street  or 
to  other  questionable  associations.  Neighborhood  work  is 
not  only  a  hopeful  preventive  of  juvenile  delinquency,  but 
promises  to  uplift  home  conditions  themselves.  Eventually 
the  home  may  become  so  attractive  that  boys  will  not  be  anxious 
to  seek  amusements  elsewhere. 

There  are  two  principal  types  of  clubs  into  which  boys  may 
be  organized :  the  large  club  which  they  join  without  the  expec- 
tation of  meeting  weekly  in  an  organized  capacity;    and  the 


412  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

small  club,  limited  to  perhaps  not  more  than  25  members, 
which  generally  acts  as  a  body.  The  former  has  in  a  number  of 
instances  achieved  a  marked  success.  Its  chief  purpose  is  rec- 
reation, and  the  boys  may  come  and  go  when  they  please,  their 
chief  delights  being  games  and  gymnastic  advantages.  Excel- 
lent examples  of  this  kind  of  club  are  the  three  downtown 
Chicago  Boys'  Clubs,  which  out  of  an  enrollment  of  approxi- 
mately 1500  members  contributed  only  three  boys  to  the 
juvenile  court  in  191 2. 1  The  library,  gymnasium,  playroom, 
employment  bureau,  and  other  facilities  —  all  lessen  the  tend- 
ency to  roam  the  streets  and  to  commit  misdemeanors. 

Although  some  settlements  encourage  the  formation  of  this 
type  of  clubs,  in  the  majority  of  instances  they  develop  the 
smaller  one  conducted  by  a  resident  or  volunteer  worker.  These 
clubs  are  normally  organized  on  an  age  basis ;  otherwise  much 
discord  prevails.  The  smaller  boys  usually  indulge  in  games 
and  sports,  intellectual  pursuits  being  quite  completely  ex- 
cluded; but  boys  of  14  or  more  can  more  profitably  combine 
debating,  dramatics,  current  topics,  and  varied  literary  pro- 
grams with  amusement  and  social  intercourse.  To  be 
successful  the  leader  must  grant  the  club  the  greatest  possible 
amount  of  self-government,  in  order  that  patience,  self-control, 
orderliness,  and  other  desirable  qualities  may  be  developed. 
Responsibility  is  increased  by  a  policy  of  requiring  initiation 
fees  and  regular  dues,  neither,  of  course,  being  prohibitive  in 
amount.  These  clubs,  although  they  do  not  reach  so  many 
individuals,  are  thoroughly  effective  in  restraining  juvenile 
excesses. 

Neighborhood  work  has  also  given  rise  to  the  Big  Brother 
and  Big  Sister  Movement,  which,  although  it  has  accomplished 
but  little  as  yet,  has  the  inherent  capacity  of  doing  much  good. 
The  idea  behind  this  movement  is  simply  that  of  the  value  of 
friendship.  Men  and  women  are  asked  to  become  the  depend- 
able friends  of  the  boys  and  girls  in  need  of  counsel  and  advice. 
The  big  brother  or  sister  selects  one  or  more  children,  becomes 
interested  in  them,  learns  of  their  home  conditions,  confers 

1  Witter,  J.  H.,  The  Child,  July,  1913. 


MEASURES   OF   CHILD   PROTECTION  413 

with  them  regularly,  aids  them  in  finding  positions,  develops 
their  capacity  for  work,  advises  them  in  their  choice  of  pleas- 
ures and  amusements,  counsels  them  in  regard  to  personal 
habits,  and  proves  helpful  in  every  possible  way.  Constructive 
friendship  carried  on  in  this  way  should  develop  the  boy  or  girl 
into  a  good,  capable,  self-respecting  individual. 

The  chief  obstacle  to  the  development  of  such  a  movement 
is  the  self-centered  life  of  the  man  or  woman  capable  of  befriend- 
ing the  poor.  The  number  of  volunteers  is  too  few,  and  many 
who  begin  to  serve  in  this  capacity  soon  tire  and  withdraw  their 
assistance.  Yet  unless  personal  interest  is  aroused  and  people 
come  in  direct  contact  with  the  poor,  the  seriousness  of  their 
problems  will  not  be  appreciated  and  complete  sympathy  for 
the  work  of  reform  will  not  be  given. 

5.  Parks  and  Playgrounds. 

Playgrounds  are  a  factor  in  reducing  juvenile  delinquency. 
Play  facilities  which  will  draw  the  boy  between  the  ages  of  12 
and  16  —  the  years  of 'greatest  delinquency  —  necessarily  lessen 
the  opportunity  of  such  boys  to  give  vent  to  their  surplus 
energies  in  unlawful  ways.  Wholesome  sport  soon  becomes 
attractive  and  employs  the  energies  of  the  boys.  The  recency 
of  the  playground  movement  makes  it  impossible  to  judge  of 
its  exact  moral  effects ;  and  the  relative  value  of  playgrounds 
for  small  children  and  of  those  for  larger  boys  has  not  been 
determined.  To  be  successful  the  playground  must  attract 
the  boy  of  juvenile  court  age.  The  small  child  may  be  influ- 
enced, but  the  effects  cannot  be  easily  measured.  For  the 
older  children,  however,  the  rate  of  juvenile  delinquency 
furnishes  a  good  test  of  the  moral  values  of  the  playground. 

The  influences  exerted  on  a  community  by  a  playground  have 
been  definitely  studied  in  Chicago.  Here  the  establishment  of 
recreation  centers  was  shown  to  have  a  decisive  effect  in  reduc- 
ing juvenile  delinquency  in  the  neighborhoods  contributing 
to  these  centers.  Furthermore,  in  those  districts  where  the 
population  was  comparatively  stationary,  the  greatest  reduction 
in  delinquency  occurred,  and  the  percentage  of  successful  pro- 
bation cases  was  much  increased.     In  a  similar  way  these  civic 


414  PROBLEMS  OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

centers  have  reduced  the  number  of  saloons  and  dance  halls 
in  their  territory.  They  have  furnished  opportunities  for  pleas- 
ure under  good  conditions,  so  have  reduced  the  profits  of  doubt- 
ful commercial  amusements. 

Although  little  is  definitely  proven  on  the  subject,  it  is  cur- 
rently believed  that  in  the  large  cities  a  smaller  proportion  of 
delinquents  come  from  the  neighborhood  of  parks  and  play- 
grounds than  from  the  districts  without  such  facilities.  The 
experience  of  teachers  and  probation  officers  shows  that  bad 
boys  frequently  yield  to  reformatory  treatment  when  oppor- 
tunities for  play  and  exercise,  or  club  work  are  provided. 
Without  doubt,  play  facilities  are  a  considerable  factor  in  the 
development  of  moral  fiber  and  in  the  reduction  of  juvenile 
delinquency. 

6.  Prevention  of  Idleness. 

That  idleness  is  a  cause  of  mischief  has  been  well  expressed 
in  adage  and  epigram.  While  idleness  produces  crime  and 
delinquency,  it  is  also  a  cause  of  many  lesser  evils,  which  are 
not  usually  charged  against  it.  It  makes  people  irregular  in 
habits,  undermines  their  character,  develops  a  spirit  of  indolence, 
and  saps  the  vigor  and  ambitions  of  its  victims.  Child  idle- 
ness is  a  curse  which  in  our  cities  blights  the  homes  of  both  the 
wealthy  and  the  poor.  One  of  the  great  character-developing 
agencies  in  the  rural  districts  is  farm  life  with  its  steadying  effect 
upon  mind  and  morals.  The  country  child  attends  school  and 
uses  part  of  the  day  in  play,  but  almost  without  exception  he  is 
charged  with  some  small  responsibilities  about  the  house  or 
farmyard,  and  is  expected  to  perform  some  regular  piece  of 
work.  In  the  evening  he  may  be  required  to  gather  the  eggs, 
feed  the  pigs,  or  assist  in  milking  the  cows  —  work  that  does 
not  unduly  tax  his  energies,  but  which  is  useful  labor  and 
lightens  the  burdens  of  father  and  mother.  Better  yet,  it 
develops  habits  of  industry  which  are  responsible  for  the  many 
successes  which  country  boys  have  attained. 

These  considerations  do  not  justify  child  labor  in  its  tech- 
nical sense.  On  the  contrary,  they  condemn  it,  for  the  labor  of 
children  in  factory  and  store  does  not  develop  the  good  habits 


MEASURES   OF   CHILD   PROTECTION  415 

mentioned.  The  child  idleness  that  prevails  in  the  cities  with 
all  its  attendant  evils  must  be  prevented.  The  boy  suffers 
from  this  handicap  much  more  than  does  the  girl,  who  can  assist 
her  mother  in  the  home  and  perform  many  useful  duties  which 
will  develop  habits  of  industry  and  regularity.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  boy  often  finds  little  to  do  and  parents  refuse  to 
permit  him  to  do  the  tasks  which  he  might  perform.  This  is 
especially,  true  among  the  well-to-do,  who  employ  servants  and 
laborers  for  the  performing  of  all  necessary  work  about  the 
house  and  yard,  yet  young  boys  could  receive  no  better  training 
than  to  be  given  the  responsibility  for  a  limited  amount  of  daily 
work.  During  the  spring  and  fall  months  when  the  gardens 
can  be  used,  such  opportunities  should  always  be  available. 
Many  of  the  worthless,  idle  rich  of  to-day  owe  their  uselessness  to 
the  folly  of  their  parents,  who  have  pampered  them  and  spoiled 
them  for  the  regular,  industrious  life  necessary  for  useful  service. 

The  poor  boy  in  the  city  faces  actual  difficulties.  Probably 
he  can  neither  have  a  workshop  nor  any  other  special  facilities 
for  the  practice  of  handiwork,  and  a  garden  is  usually  beyond 
his  reach.  Perhaps  a  number  of  household  duties  may  remain 
for  him  to  perform,  and  if  so,  it  will  be  to  his  advantage.  If  not, 
then  the  community,  through  its  social  agencies,  should  seek  to 
provide  him  with  a  regular  routine  of  action.  Some  of  his 
time  may  well  be  spent  in  organized  play ;  some  must  be  given 
to  practice  in  developing  the  qualities  that  are  needed  to  make 
successful  men.  How  this  shall  be  done  is  an  open  question, 
but  is  one  that  must  be  considered  and  solved.  The  school 
garden  and  vacation  school  in  summer,  the  opportunities 
afforded  by  churches  and  social  agencies  in  winter  offer  some 
advantages,  but  are  only  a  step  in  the  right  direction.  Prob- 
ably the  schools  will  find  it  necessary  to  control  a  larger  portion 
of  the  daily  life  of  the  older  children,  the  additional  hours  to  be 
used  in  a  manner  consistent  with  the  development  of  character 
and  habits  of  industry. 

7.  The  Training  of  Parents. 

The  failure  of  parents  to  become  big  brothers  and  big  sisters 
to  their  children  is  one  cause  of  the  low  ideals  of  many  children. 


41 6  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

It  is  parents,  not  volunteer  workers,  who  should  counsel  and 
guide  and  befriend  their  children.  The  better  education  of 
parents  for  the  duties  that  accompany  parenthood  is  a  prof  our  d 
necessity,  and  if  such  instruction  cannot  be  given  to  the  bov 
and  girl  in  school,  then  settlements  and  other  social  agencies 
must  perform  the  service.  It  is  clear  from  the  evidence  of  our 
juvenile  courts  that  many  parents  are  utterly  unable  to  give 
their  children  proper  training.  They  do  not  seem  to  under- 
stand the  elements  of  good  citizenship,  nor  the  requisites  of 
ordinary  law,  nor  the  moral  dangers  of  the  city.  Likewise  they 
know  but  little  of  child  nature  and  of  correct  methods  of  disci- 
pline. Accordingly  their  children  become  unmanageable,  dis- 
obedient, unsteady  in  habits,  and  are  gradually  demoralized. 
It  is  difficult,  however,  to  reach  parents,  although  the  various 
neighborhood  centers  through  their  mothers'  meetings,  men's 
clubs,  and  individual  instruction  can  accomplish  something. 
Probation  and  truant  officers  when  once  they  regard  their  bad 
boys  and  girls  as  family  symptoms,  will  be  capable  of  effectual 
work.  In  all  this  work  emphasis  must  be  placed  on  the  impor- 
tant social  functions  of  the  home,  and  parents  must  be  made  to 
realize  that  the  state  requires  the  adequate  training  of  the 
youth.  Undoubtedly  the  best  time  to  begin  training  for  parent- 
hood is  during  the  period  of  adolescence  and  when  young  people 
begin  to  take  life  seriously.  This  is  the  time  at  which  training 
can  be  made  most  effective,  but  whether  it  shall  be  given  through 
the  schools  or  the  churches  or  other  agencies  is  still  unsettled. 
One  conclusion,  however,  is  clear  —  the  training  must  be  given. 

8.  Reduction  of  Personal  Vice. 

Because  so  large  a  proportion  of  the  lesser  criminals  or  minor 
offenders  are  young  men  under  25  years  of  age,  the  causes  of 
their  criminality  must  be  sought  in  conditions  growing  out  of 
the  home,  the  schools,  or  their  employment.  The  conviction 
is  strongly  warranted  that  the  intemperance  of  parents,  espe- 
cially of  fathers,  is  demoralizing  to  a  large  number  of  boys  and 
girls.  If  it  does  not  lead  to  delinquency  in  children,  it  does 
cause  shiftlessness  and  irregular  habits  and  intemperance  which 
crop  out  in  early  manhood,  giving  us  a  considerable  share  of 


MEASURES  OF   CHILD   PROTECTION  417 

our  workhouse  population.  It  has  been  shown  by  the  Com- 
mittee of  Fifty  that  intemperance  is  a  factor  in  practically  one- 
half  of  the  major  crimes  committed ;  that  it  contributed  to  the 
pauperism  of  41.55  per  cent  of  the  almshouse  population  inves- 
tigated ;  that  it  was  a  cause  of  about  27.8  per  cent  of  the  poverty 
relieved  by  charitable  societies;  and  that  45.8  per  cent  of  the 
destitute  children  studied  owed  their  condition  to  the  intemper- 
ance of  parents  or  guardians.1 

Such  measures  as  will  reduce  intemperance  are  therefore  an 
important  factor  in  a  program  of  child  protection,  and  cer- 
tain laws  directly  affecting  children  should  also  be  enacted. 
Two  of  these  are  of  special  importance :  children  under  a  cer- 
tain age  should  be  prohibited  from  entering  saloons ;  and  any 
person  selling  intoxicants  to  a  minor  should  be  punished  there- 
for. Any  form  of  social  activity  which  will  promote  temper- 
ance in  the  home  will  also  greatly  benefit  children  because  their 
social  environment  will  be  much  improved. 

Another  wholesome  reform  consists  of  the  efforts  to  prohibit 
the  use  of  tobacco  by  young  boys.  When  boys  are  not  under 
careful  supervision,  they  frequently  become  addicted  to  the 
tobacco  habit,  and  in  many  cases  the  parents  actually  encourage 
it.  An  important  need  is  the  enactment  and  enforcement  of 
laws  prohibiting  the  selling  of  cigarettes  to  boys  under  17  or 
18  years  of  age.  The  tobacco  habit,  if  acquired  by  young  boys, 
frequently  leads  to  other  vices  of  a  more  serious  nature,  but  if 
the  habit  has  not  been  formed,  the  training  of  children  is  usually 
less  difficult. 

9.  Additional  Measures  of  Protection. 

In  addition  to  the  subjects  discussed  we  find  that  a  large  pro- 
portion of  the  methods  of  improving  the  conditions  of  children 
are  also  measures  which  result  in  the  reduction  of  juvenile  delin- 
quency. As  these  measures  are  discussed  in  other  parts  of  the 
book  they  can  only  receive  mention  here,  but  such  mention 
is  necessary  to  indicate  that  they  form  a  part  of  a  comprehen- 
sive plan  of  child  protection.  Among  these  measures  are  the 
following : 

1  Economic  Aspects  of  the  Liquor  Problem,  pp.  121,  130,  155. 

2  E 


41 8  PROBLEMS  OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

(i)  Regulation  of  the  Street  Trades. 

(2)  The  Prevention  of  Truancy. 

(3)  Vocational  Training. 

(4)  The  Wider  Use  of  Schools. 

(5)  Censorship  of  Commercial  Amusements. 

(6)  The  Institutional  Care  of  Feeble-minded  Girls. 

(7)  Sex  and  Moral  Education. 

(8)  Protection  of  Illegitimate  Children. 


PART  VI 
PROBLEMS   OF   DEPENDENT   CHILDREN 


CHAPTER  I 
THE  DEPENDENT   AND   NEGLECTED   CHILD 

i.  Definitions. 

The  dependent  child  is  one  thrown  on  the  public  for  support. 
The  neglected  child  is  one  who  is  destitute,  homeless,  abandoned, 
dependent  on  the  public  for  support ;  one  who  habitually  begs 
or  receives  alms ;  one  who  is  found  in  any  house  of  ill  fame,  or 
with  any  vicious  or  disreputable  person  ;  or  one  who  is  suffering 
from  the  depravity  or  cruelty  of  its  parents  or  other  persons 
in  whose  care  he  may  be.  Although  these  are  typical  definitions 
of  these  two  classes  of  children,  it  will  appear  at  once  that  the 
dependent  child  may  be  included  under  the  other  group.  The 
definition  for  the  neglected  child  is  also  very  similar  to  that 
frequently  given  for  the  juvenile  delinquent.  Dependent  and 
neglected  children  are  not  separated  by  hard  and  fast  lines ; 
nor  are  the  neglected  from  the  delinquents.  They  are  all  mem- 
bers of  a  series  with  the  dependent  and  delinquent  groups  at 
the  extremes.  Our  present  methods  of  social  work  are  such, 
however,  that  similar  treatment  of  these  classes  is  not  always 
desirable. 

2.  Types  of  Dependents. 

There  are  many  dependent  and  neglected  children  represent- 
ing numerous  types  and  forms  of  dependency.  One  group  of 
children  consists  of  those  who  are  crippled  or  deformed  from 
birth.  Although  their  number  is  not  large,  accommodations 
for  their  care  are  usually  lacking,  and  thus  they  become  a 
grievous  burden  to  their  parents  and  fail  to  receive  the  atten- 
tion which  they  merit.  A  portion  are  curable,  or  may  at  least 
be  made  partially  self-supporting,  if  they  are  provided  with 
the  proper  medical  and  educational  facilities. 

A  second  class  includes  illegitimate  children,  foundlings,  and 

421 


422  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

abandoned  infants.  Society  has  very  unjustly  charged  such 
children  with  the  blame  of  their  ignoble  birth,  and  their  entire 
lives  are  often  spent  under  the  handicap  of  such  a  terrible 
injustice.  These  infants  deserve  every  consideration  given  to 
the  legitimate  child,  and  equal  provision  for  their  care  should 
be  made.  In  the  United  States  the  number  of  illegitimate 
children  is  relatively  small  and  the  number  of  foundlings  quite 
insignificant  except  in  the  large  cities,  where  shame  can  be 
concealed  and  where  poverty  often  pinches. 

A  large  number  of  children,  especially  in  our  industrial  centers 
and  in  the  congested  portions  of  our  cities,  cannot  be  comfort- 
ably provided  for  by  their  parents.  Frequently  the  mother  is 
forced  to  spend  the  day  in  the  factory,  and  her  children  are 
either  neglected  or  placed  in  the  care  of  a  small  daughter — a 
"child  mother."  Again,  among  the  poor,  medical  attention  is 
often  omitted  because  financial  means  are  wanting,  and  ac- 
cordingly children  do  not  recover  fully  from  disease;  scars, 
traces,  and  minor  defects  remain,  and  sometimes  more  serious 
defects  permanently  handicap  the  child.  This  group  of  chil- 
dren constitute  a  semi-neglected  class,  and  the  neglect  fre- 
quently leads  to  such  conditions  of  subnormality  as  will  render 
the  individual  barely  self-supporting  on  his  reaching  maturity. 

The  largest  group  of  children  considered  in  this  class  are 
those  who  for  various  reasons  are  partially  or  completely  depend- 
ent upon  society.  Many  are  without  natural  family  support, 
owing  to  the  desertion  of  the  father  or  mother,  to  separation  and 
divorce,  or  to  the  death  of  one  of  the  parents;  and  some  are 
orphans  —  too  young  to  support  themselves.  In  some  cases 
parents  are  temporarily  or  permanently  disabled  and  the  chil- 
dren must  be  given  temporary  relief,  but  in  other  instances 
parents  are  simply  not  able  to  provide  for  their  children. 

A  closely  related  type  is  the  neglected  child  for  whom  his 
parents  fail  to  care  so  that  he  suffers  from  actual  want  or  is 
demoralized.  The  following  case  occurring  in  New  York  illus- 
trates the  type.  Investigation  by  the  New  York  Society  for 
the  Prevention  of  Cruelty  to  Children  disclosed  "  two  children, 
aged  six  and  four  years  respectively,  badly  neglected  by  a 


THE  DEPENDENT  AND   NEGLECTED   CHILD  423 

drunken  mother.  The  surroundings  were  filthy,  the  mother 
almost  hopelessly  intoxicated,  the  children  quite  nude,  and  a 
sister  of  the  mother  lay  dying  from  consumption  on  a  bed  of 
rags  near  by."  Neglect  does  not  necessarily  depend  on  the 
economic  condition  of  the  parents,  but  is  largely  the  result  of 
an  attitude  of  mind.  It  is  this  which  frequently  differentiates 
such  a  case  from  that  of  dependency  and  makes  another  form  of 
disposition  necessary.  The  solution  of  the  problem  of  the 
neglected  child  often  means  the  disruption  rather  than  the 
preservation  of  the  home. 

3.  Causes  of  Dependency. 

The  prevention  of  dependency  furnishes  one  of  the  most  diffi- 
cult of  all  child  problems.     A  very  large  percentage  of  depend- 
ency is  due  to  fundamental  conditions  that  cannot  easily  be 
remedied,  and  a  radical  reconstruction  of  social  relations  would 
be  necessary  to  prevent  its  regular  recurrence.     Hereditary 
influences,  unexpected  death  of  parent  or  natural  supporter, 
industrial  maladjustment,  poverty,  sickness,  and  many  other 
causes  of  dependency  are  hard  to  control.     Nevertheless  the 
situation  is  not  hopeless;    much  dependency  among  children 
can  be  mitigated ;    and  some  of  it  can  be  entirely  prevented, 
especially  since  the  causes  differ  materially  from  the  causes 
of  dependency  among  adults.     The  German  statistics  compiled 
by  Bohmert  in  1893,  based  on  the  cases  of  13,000  children,  are 
still  valuable  for  comparative  purposes.     According  to   these 
figures  the  chief  causes   of    dependency  were    distributed   as 
follows:  orphanage,  38.75  per  cent;  lack  of  work,  14.90;  sick- 
ness,   etc.,    11.88;     abandonment,    11.66;     imprisonment    of 
guardian,  4.70;   abuse  and  neglect,  4.5 ;    sickness  of  guardian, 
4.34;    laziness  of  guardian,   3.49;    drunkenness  of  guardian, 
1.54 ;  mental  or  physical  defect  in  guardian,  1.74.     The  remain- 
ing causes  are  of  minor  importance.     According  to  Bohmert, 
one-fourth  of  the  children  are  dependent,  owing  to  causes  con- 
trolled by  their  parents  or  guardians,  but  this  estimate  includes 
only  the  more  obvious  forms  of  parental  neglect  and  omits  lack 
of  work,  sickness,  and,  of  course,  orphanage.    To  a  large  degree 
lack  of  work  depends  on  the  inefficiency  of  the  parent,  and  is 


424 


PROBLEMS  OF   CHILD  WELFARE 


a  remediable  evil ;  furthermore,  much  sickness  could  be  avoided 
by  the  exercise  of  a  little  more  intelligence,  and  by  improving 
conditions  in  factories  and  workshops.  The  amount  of  unnec- 
essary dependency  is  therefore  much  larger  than  the  estimate 
given  above.  The  lessening  of  the  death  rate  through  the 
decrease  of  the  number  of  accidents,  better  sanitation,  the 
elimination  of  certain  diseases  especially  prevalent  among  the 
poor,  and  the  reduction  of  our  occupational  mortality  will  de- 
crease the  aggregate  amount  of  orphanage. 

Contrasted  with  these  figures  are  some  American  statistics 
of  interest,  especially  those  collected  by  the  New  York  Board 
of  Charities.1  These  figures  are  a  compilation  from  reports 
sent  by  local  agencies  to  the  state  board,  and  they  are  somewhat 
lacking  in  accuracy,  because  of  the  many  interpreters  of  the 
causes  of  dependency,  but  the  larger  number  of  cases  reduces 
the  percentage  of  probable  error.  According  to  these  figures 
based  on  29,137  cases  observed  in  the  two  years,  1910-1911, 
the  causes  of  dependency  were  distributed  as  follows : 


Causes  of  Dependency 

Percentage 

1  Desertion  of  parent 

11.8  % 

6.5% 

7-1% 

16.1  % 

6-4% 

17-3% 
13-8  % 
15.0  % 

•8% 
4-8% 

•4% 

2  Neglect,   intemperance,  immorality,  or  imprison- 
ment     

3  Improper  guardianship 

4  Sickness,  physical  or  mental  incapacity    .... 

5  Unemployment  or  insufficient  earnings     .... 

6  Child  an  orphan,  foundling,  or  illegitimate     .     .     . 

8  Destitution 

9  Child  ill  or  defective 

10  Parent  employed  and  unable  to  give  home  care  .     . 

These  proximate  causes  of  dependency  need  further  examina- 
tion in  many  instances,  in  order  to  learn  the  ultimate  causes  to 
which  they  are  related.  It  is  clear,  however,  that  a  large 
proportion  of  the  given  causes  must  lie  within  the  control  of 

1  See  report  of  State  Board  of  Charities  of  New  York,  191 2,  p.  180. 


THE  DEPENDENT  AND  NEGLECTED  CHILD 


425 


society.  More  than  one-fourth  of  the  children  are  suffering 
because  of  the  vice  and  neglect  of  parents,  and  nearly  one-seventh 
are  delinquent,  —  a  condition  largely  due  to  the  fault  of  parents. 
Sickness  and  incapacity  account  for  one-sixth  of  the  cases  and 
direct  poverty,  including  insufficient  earnings,  is  responsible  for 
more  than  one-fourth  of  the  dependency.  How  much  indi- 
viduals are  to  blame  for  this  condition  is  not  brought  out,  nor 
can  this  be  done  with  any  degree  of  accuracy.  Nearly  all  of 
the  shortcomings  of  the  individual  are,  to  some  extent,  affected 
by  social  conditions.  An  adequate  program  of  social  reform 
should  remove  most  of  the  conditions  which  handicap  the  indi- 
vidual, who  in  turn  neglects  or  handicaps  his  children. 

The  parental  condition  of  dependent  children  is  an  important 
factor  in  our  problems.  In  the  following  table  this  is  shown 
for  children  in  New  York  state ;  for  the  inmates  of  the  Michigan 
State  School  from  the  beginning  of  the  school  up  to  19 12 ;  for 
those  of  the  Minnesota  School,  also  up  to  191 2 ;  and  for  the 
institutions  for  dependent  children  in  St.  Louis  for  the  years 
1909-1910. 


Parental  Condition 

New  York 

Michigan 

Minnesota 

St.  Loins 

Parents  living              (per  cent) 
Half-orphans                  "       " 
Orphans,  foundlings      " 
Unknown                        "       " 
Total  children  handled     .     .     . 

35-8 
47.2 

17.0 

* 

33,76i 

52-4 

35-6 

6.0 

6.0 

7413 

54-8 
40.0 

5-2 

4577 

42 
40 
18 

3430 

*  Unknown  included  under  Orphans,  etc. 


These  figures  indicate  that  the  problem  of  dependency  is  not 
a  mere  problem  of  orphanage.  A  small  proportion  of  the  chil- 
dren are  full  orphans,  but  in  no  case  more  than  one-fifth  of  the 
total  number.  About  40  per  cent,  however,  are  half-orphans, 
the  remaining  parent  usually  being  unable  or  unwilling  to  care 
for  the  child  and  to  earn  the  means  of  support  as  well.  The  New 
York  state  and  St.  Louis  figures  indicate  that  about  three-fifths 
of  the  children  came  from  homes  broken  by  death,  but  in  Michi- 


426  PROBLEMS  OF  CHILD   WELFARE 

gan  and  Minnesota  the  parents  of  the  majority  are  still  living. 
In  many  cases  it  is  true  that  they  are  not  living  together,  but 
that  fact  makes  the  problem  of  rehabilitating  these  homes  one 
which  needs  our  urgent  study.  Few  cases  of  dependency  have 
much  justification  when  both  parents  are  alive,  and  in  most 
instances  our  charitable  societies  should  be  able  to  compel  sup- 
port from  the  parents  or  relatives  rather  than  remove  the  child 
from  the  home.  This^  however,  does  not  apply  in  cases  of 
cruelty  or  neglect. 

The  illegitimate  child  is  usually  a  victim  of  the  ignorance  and 
poverty  of  a  mother.  A  study  of  1292  unmarried  mothers  in 
St.  Louis  showed  that  348  were  under  18,  and  the  large  majority 
were  under  21.  It  has  been  claimed  that  three-fourths  of  the 
girls  under  17  with  illegitimate  children  are  ignorant  of  the 
laws  of  sex,  although  data  on  this  point  are  lacking.  According 
to  a  study  of  194  unmarried  mothers  in  Baltimore  23  per  cent 
lost  their  mothers  in  childhood  and  had  to  shift  for  themselves ; 
one-third  went  to  work  before  they  were  twelve ;  one-sixth  grew 
up  in  immoral  homes,  and  nearly  one-fourth  were  earning  less 
than  a  subsistence  wage  at  the  time  of  seduction.  Most  found- 
lings are  illegitimate ;  likewise  a  large  proportion  of  the  aban- 
doned children. 

While  the  number  of  illegitimate  children  in  the  United  States 
is  unknown,  European  statistics  are  rather  carefully  kept. 
During  the  years  1901-1904  the  number  of  illegitimate  births  per 
10,000  of  the  population  in  Ireland  was  5,  in  Austria  57,  showing 
a  great  variation  between  these  countries.  Leffingwell,  who 
made  a  painstaking  study  of  this  subject,  claims  that  such  wide 
differences  are  not  due  to  poverty,  nor  religion,  nor  lack  of  edu- 
cation, but  to  laws  regulating  marriage,  and  to  heredity.  The 
argument  concerning  heredity  is,  however,  in  need  of  more 
substantial  proof  than  has  been  offered.  Mayo-Smith  says 
that  illegitimate  children  are  comparatively  few  among  girls 
living  with  their  parents,  a  fact  which  plainly  indicates  that 
social  conditions  are  an  influence.  The  French  experiment  of 
relieving  parents  of  responsibility  for  their  illegitimate  chil- 
dren proved  extremely  disastrous,  as  it  not  only  increased 


THE   DEPENDENT   AND    NEGLECTED   CHILD         427 

illegitimacy  enormously,  but  the  number  of  abandoned  infants 
as  well.  Laxity  on  the  part  of  the  public  has  clearly  been  proven 
a  cause  of  illegitimacy,  and  low  morals  are  also  responsible. 
All  the  blame  cannot  be  placed  outside  of  the  individual ;  some 
must  rest  on  the  guilty  parties  themselves. 

The  large  families  among  the  poor  are  an  additional  cause 
of  dependency.  Rowntree  showed  that  in  York,  England,  the 
proportion  of  actual  poverty  due  to  the  existence  of  large  fam- 
ilies was  22.16  per  cent,  the  death  of  one  of  the  parents  in  such 
cases  almost  necessarily  making  the  children  at  least  partially 
dependent.  Frequently  temporary  aid  in  the  home  is  sufficient 
to  meet  such  needs,  but  often  the  family  must  be  separated. 
Excessive  reproduction,  coupled  with  precarious  economic  con- 
ditions, makes  considerable  relief  necessary. 

The  number  of  dependent  children  is  closely  related  to  the 
prevailing  relief  policy.  Certain  systems  foster  the  increase  of 
dependents,  while  others  as  faithfully  diminish  their  number, 
unwise  philanthropy  undoubtedly  accentuating  the  problem. 
The  orphanage  and  institution  have  not  reduced  dependency 
to  a  minimum,  but  have  rather  tended  to  prevent  the  greatest 
possible  reduction.  The  proportion  of  dependent  children  in 
the  state  of  New  York,  which  relies  chiefly  on  the  institution 
is  much  larger  than  in  other  states  where  placing-out  methods 
are  used.  However,  there  are  other  reasons  why  New  York 
should  have  an  unusually  large  number  of  dependent  children. 

The  causes  of  neglect  are  similar  to  those  of  dependency,  but 
more  differences  may  be  noted.  Although  alcohol  is  a  cause  of 
dependency,  it  is  to  a  far  greater  extent  a  cause  of  neglect.  One 
large  western  home-finding  society  reports  that  a  majority  of  its 
cases  are  at  least  partially  the  result  of  alcoholism.  The  New 
York  Society  for  the  Prevention  of  Cruelty  to  Children  has 
published  in  one  of  its  annual  reports  the  following  statement : 
"Reference  to  the  records  of  the  society  during  the  entire  years 
of  its  existence  would  establish  beyond  all  controversy  the  fact 
that  to  the  excessive  use  of  intoxicants  by  parents  is  largely  due 
the  great  neglect,  the  suffering,  and  grosser  forms  of  cruelty 
imposed  upon  childhood.     It  has  been  the  province  of  the 


428  PROBLEMS  OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

society  to  respond  to  constant  appeals  made  for  the  protection 
of  children  against  drunken  and  brutal  parents."  l 

A  similar  society  in  California  reports  that  90  per  cent  of  the 
neglected  cases  are  in  part  due  to  alcoholism,  and  about  30  per 
cent  are  directly  due  to  this  cause.  The  Massachusetts  society 
says  in  its  report  for  191 2 :  "Every  year  we  are  increasingly 
impressed  with  the  terrible  toll  that  inebriety  demands  of  our 
communities."  A  study  of  1000  neglected  children  appearing 
before  the  juvenile  court  of  St.  Louis  revealed  the  following 
facts :  42  per  cent  were  brought  because  of  broken  homes ;  23 
because  parents  were  intemperate;  15  on  the  charge  of  immo- 
rality of  the  mother,  and  20  per  cent  because  of  general  incom- 
petency.2 An  examination  of  the  habits  and  conditions  of  the 
parents  showed  that  while  nearly  one-fourth  of  the  children  were 
the  direct  victims  of  their  parents'  intemperance,  the  great 
majority  of  the  fathers,  and  about  one-half  of  the  mothers,  were 
intemperate.  Undoubtedly  intemperance  contributed  largely 
to  incompetency  and  to  broken  homes ;  and  indirectly  it  affected 
most  of  the  cases.  Drunkenness  easily  degenerates  into  bru- 
tality and  breaks  up  the  home,  or  it  makes  its  victims  unsteady 
and  useless  and  promotes  incompetency. 

Abnormal  family  conditions  play  an  important  part  in  caus- 
ing neglect.  From  the  study  to  which  we  have  just  referred, 
it  appears  that  the  actual  percentage  of  broken  homes  among 
these  children  was  70.5  ;  separation  and  divorce  were  responsible 
for  33.4,  the  death  of  one  parent  for  27.7,  orphanage  for  4.3,  and 
illegitimacy  for  4.8. 

Less  than  30  per  cent  of  the  parents  lived  together.  Is  it 
any  wonder  then  that  the  children  were  neglected?  These 
extraordinary  conditions  are,  however,  secondary  causes,  pro- 
duced either  by  peculiar  social  maladjustments  or  individual 
peculiarities,  or  a  combination  of  the  two.  While  desertion  is 
a  large  factor,  it  is  itself  due  to  the  bad  habits  of  husband  or 

1  Annual  Report  of  New  York  Society  for  Prevention  of  Cruelty  to  Children, 
igo8. 

2  Unpublished  Report  of  School  of  Social  Economy  of  Washington  University,  on 
"  Neglected  Children  in  St.  Louis.  " 


THE  DEPENDENT  AND   NEGLECTED   CHILD         429 

wife,  to  general  incompatibility,  and  to  lack  of  employment.  The 
evasion  of  moral  responsibility  is  the  principal  immediate  cause. 

Irresponsibility  takes  other  forms.  Fathers  refuse  to  turn 
over  to  mothers  a  sufficient  portion  of  the  income  to  make  proper 
care  of  the  children  possible.  Again  parents  allow  children  to 
indulge  in  pernicious  associations,  to  beg,  to  frequent  saloons 
and  gambling  houses,  to  sleep  away  from  home,  and  to  sell 
papers  or  appear  on  the  stage  at  an  early  age ;  they  refuse  to 
give  the  children  proper  medical  attention,  thus  frequently 
jeopardizing  their  health  or  lives.  Cruelty  takes  such  gross 
forms  as  beating,  kicking,  and  similar  abuses;  and  children 
who  are  frightened  by  excessive  corporal  punishment  often 
become  refractory,  and  perhaps  incorrigible.  Boys  are  driven 
away  from  home,  they  drift  from  bad  to  worse  until  their  piti- 
able condition  draws  attention,  and  the  public  or  philanthropy 
intervenes.  It  is  unfortunate  that  neither  the  wife-beater  nor 
the  child-beater  has  become  extinct.  The  desire  of  children 
in  the  great  majority  of  cases  to  go  with  the  mother  on  her 
separation  from  the  father  indicates  the  worthlessness  and 
cruelty  of  the  father. 

The  twin  evils  of  ignorance  and  poverty  are  factors  of  con- 
siderable importance,  and  as  with  the  delinquent  child,  so  with 
the  neglected,  a  large  majority  come  from  inferior  homes 
situated  in  the  disreputable  portions  of  the  city.  That  the 
economic  status  of  the  family  yielding  neglect  cases  is  precarious 
is  indicated  by  careful  observation  of  the  facts.  Here,  however, 
poverty  is  distinctly  an  effect  as  well  as  a  cause. 

4.  Number  of  Dependent  Children. 

It  would  be  impossible  even  to  estimate  the  total  number  of 
children  in  the  United  States  who  are  receiving  relief  in  some 
form.  The  majority  of  families  aided  by  the  charitable  societies 
or  public  relief  agencies  contain  children,  so,  in  these  cases,  the 
children  are  considered  minor  parts  of  the  family  and  do  not 
receive  special  attention.  It  is  the  dependent  and  neglected 
children  living  apart  from  their  parents  either  in  institutions  or 
foster  homes,  that  receive  particular  notice,  and  special  chil- 
dren's agencies  have  arisen  to  care  for  them.    The  number  of 


430  PROBLEMS  OF  CHILD  WELFARE 

such  children  can  be  estimated,  although  complete  statistics 
are  not  available.  The  following  table  shows  the  number  of 
children  in  institutions  in  1904  and  in  19 10  according  to  the 
tabulations  made  by  the  Bureau  of  the  Census.  Separate 
figures  are  given  also  for  a  number  of  the  leading  states.1 

In  this  table  the  number  of  children  in  orphanages  and  chil- 
dren's homes  does  not  include  that  considerable  proportion  of 
children  who  are  placed  in  some  institution  with  one  of  their 
parents.  Accordingly  the  table  understates  the  number  who 
are  actually  receiving  institutional  relief,  since  in  1904  5625 
children  were  enumerated  in  so-called  "Permanent  Homes.' 
The  figures  for  the  years  1904  and  1910  for  orphanages  and 
children's  homes,  however,  are  quite  comparable  and  indicate 
a  slight  increase  during  these  six  years  in  the  proportion  of  chil- 
dren in  institutions.  The  highest  rates  are  in  New  York,  which 
state  has  in  its  children's  homes  more  than  one-fourth  of  all  the 
children  found  in  such  institutions  in  the  United  States.  Ac- 
cording to  figures  by  its  State  Board  of  Charities,  New  York 
had  34,530  children  in  institutions  in  1910,  or  4000  more  than 
the  number  stated  by  the  Bureau  of  the  Census,  which  did  not 
include  foundlings  and  some  classes  counted  by  the  New  York 
Board.  The  District  of  Columbia  and  California  follow  New 
York  in  their  high  percentage  of  children  in  institutions,  and  as 
will  be  shown  later,  the  system  of  relief  used  is  largely  responsible 
for  this  condition. 

Eleven  states  each  had  more  than  2000  inmates  in  their  insti- 
tutions at  the  close  of  1910.  In  the  United  States  as  a  whole 
and  in  the  majority  of  states  the  number  of  children  remaining 
in  the  homes  at  the  end  of  the  year  is  greater  than  the  admissions 
during  the  year  —  a  fact  which  implies  that  the  length  of  stay 
in  the  institutions  averages  more  than  one  year.  In  some 
states,  such  as  Massachusetts  and  New  Jersey,  the  opposite 
is  true,  children  being  returned  to  their  homes  or  placed  out 
with  a  considerable  degree  of  rapidity. 

The  total  number  of  institutions  apparently  rose  from  1075 

1  United  States  Bureau  of  the  Census.  Benevolent  Institutions,  p.  26  ff.  The 
Survey,  February  15,  1913,  pp.  712-713. 


THE   DEPENDENT  AND    NEGLECTED    CHILD 


431 


03 

w 

o 

W 
O 

< 


U 

I 

S 
u 

o 

W 

CJ 

►H 

H 

in 

i-t 
H 

< 


1 

a 

Hi    - 

?!   7:  In  5) 

O  >o    t)-  00    m    t-~  t^  00    10 

Total  Ni 

BER  OP 

Childre 

Receivi: 

Care  a 

Close  c 

00     t^    lO    't    On    N    H     O     w 

0 

M 

on 

\0     N    N    On    fO    ^"    On    H     t^ 

N      i-    N     t^    O    >0    O      V>    <N 
T^-     CO    M      M      M 

V 

b 

n   PH 

t« 

On   M  10     WOO     w     r^  10   <M 

"^  SB  m 

u 

j^noOOi-iooOOn"> 

M 

<N     O     r-    >0   OiOO     u2l"J,y-l, 

**    »-t    M 

-a 
a 

IO    lONO     V)     H                CO    ►«      M 

CO 

h  0  _ 

h3 

u  2 

Bom 
p  os  a 

4-* 

0 

Tj-lO'^-M        CO«       t^TJ-O 

Socle 

and  F 

Chii 

ONM      CM      t^.lOH      t^OO      IN 

U 

c3 

r^NO    O    t^.  no    com    Ttc*5 

CO  00"     tO                                     MM 

Ph 

d 

0 

O 

ON 

OOOnOwOnoconh 

ti  NO      TJ-t^-O     uo^no      m 

M      <N      "t    N    VO    tO    ")     H      Pi 

mcommmcnjmmco 

•u   O 

t  ■  — 

3  0 

6§ 

•* 

>o    tOO    H    Nt00>O    0    * 

If 

O 

fO    N   to   10    d    O     4    On    H 

w 

On 

M       M      IO     N     Oi     O*     "       W       CN 

§ 

0 

H 

M      CO    M      M                (NMMCO 

0 

W 

in 

C/l 

M      TJ-00      N     CO>0    00      W)    CO 

"55 

O 

O     N    ^    't    N    On    O     H   NO 

•<j-r-o   **  -*  "2  ^  °ji  0, 

W 

_o 

M 
Q 
3 

U 

On 

N    0>    H    00"  OO"    IO    fj    t<5    H 

+2  n 

O       tNN,       M 

H 

d  s 

M 

3 

§ 

So 

On    !"-•  CO      O     >0    OOO      to    N 

< 

PH 

■* 

CO      O      M     t^rJ-OO      OnIOnO 

1/5 

O 

ON 

cni     On   ^tf"  no     cm   nO    10   On   On 

w 
0 

M 

IN      Tf    O     t~»    10    ■>$■    M      «*i 

0\«     H 

< 

» 

§ 

O 

m    t~»o    «  CO  00    to  10  «) 

O 

MlHNlOTj-O'^'i'O 

T3 

ON 

O      O      «N1      On    COCO      H      O     lO 

4> 
4_» 

H 

N  no     rf  NO     t^tOvO'^t 

*-> 

CO      <N 

1 

<! 

• 

iownO     M     t^-rl-TftONO 

O 

*t 

M     1^  CO     OnOO     O     On-^-O 

O 

CO      M      J^    O)      lO^t^Tl-NO 

ON 

M 

Ooo    ->^-no    r^toM    10 

t~»     M 

,£ 

en 

□ 

W 

3 

< 

tates 

•k  .   . 

ania  , 

a 

sey     . 
usetts 
of  Col 

H 

C/3 

United  S 
New  Yoi 
Pennsylv 
Ohio  . 
Illinois 
Californi 
New  Jer: 
Massach 
District 

432  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

in  1904  to  1 152  in  1910.  Although  some  new  homes  were 
built,  probably  a  number  of  the  homes  included  in  the  latter 
year  were  overlooked  in  the  former.  New  York  leads  with 
154  orphanages  and  children's  homes,  while  Ohio  and  Pennsyl- 
vania follow  with  106  and  105  respectively.  The  states  vary 
widely  in  the  proportion  of  institutions  to  population,  indicat- 
ing either  a  wide  difference  in  the  proportion  of  poverty  or  in 
methods  of  handling  dependent  children.  In  some  states  the 
boarding  and  placing-out  system  is  used  more  extensively  than 
elsewhere. 

In  19 10  the  Bureau  of  the  Census  for  the  first  time  studied 
the  societies  organized  for  the  aid,  protection,  and  placing-out 
of  children.  A  total  of  212  societies  were  tabulated  which  placed 
out  23,794  children  during  the  year.  Indiana  led  with  the 
largest  number  of  societies  —  35  —  followed  by  New  York  and 
Pennsylvania.  New  York,  however,  handled  by  far  the  largest 
number  of  children  —  more  than  one-third  of  the  entire  number 
placed  out  by  societies  throughout  the  United  States.  A  large 
proportion  of  the  children  handled  by  these  societies  are  merely 
under  guidance  and  protection.  The  number  actually  placed 
out  during  the  year  is  therefore  considerably  less  than  the 
number  under  their  care  at  the  close  of  the  year. 

Summarizing  the  work  of  the  children's  institutions  and  the 
aid  and  protection  societies,  we  find  that  at  the  close  of  1910 
they  had  142,680  children  under  their  care.  During  the  year, 
however,  the  institutions  placed  out  14,031  children.  This 
number,  added  to  the  figures  tabulated  for  the  212  societies, 
yields  a  total  of  37,825  children  placed  out  in  1910.  More  than 
180,000  children  therefore  passed  into  or  through  the  hands  of 
these  child-caring  agencies  during  the  year.  If  to  this  number 
could  be  added  the  illegitimate  children,  crippled,  foundlings, 
and  others  included  under  the  inmates  of  homes  for  adults  and 
children,  or  not  covered  by  the  census,  the  total  number  of 
dependent  children  cared  for  within  a  single  year  will  consider- 
ably exceed  200,000.  This  demonstrates  the  need  of  efficient 
child-caring  agencies  as  well  as  increased  efforts  to  reduce  the 
causes  of  dependency. 


CHAPTER  II 
PROBLEMS  AND   PRINCIPLES   OF   CHILD   SAVING 

As  was  shown  in  the  previous  chapter,  social  workers  must 
deal  with  several  types  of  dependent  children.  Each  group 
raises  a  separate  set  of  problems,  and  therefore  different  methods 
of  control  must  be  devised.  This  is  especially  true  of  four  classes 
of  children  :  the  deserted,  the  illegitimate,  those  without  homes 
or  removed  from  their  homes,  and  the  defective  classes. 

Certain  principles  which  can  be  generally  applied,  will  be 
considered  first,  and  certain  special  problems  connected  with 
particular  classes  will  be  studied  later. 

i.  General  Principles  of  Child  Saving. 

Social  workers  were  long  divided  into  two  camps  on  the 
question  of  the  proper  method  of  caring  for  dependent  children. 
One  party  advocated  the  institution  plan  and  favored  the 
orphanage,  the  children's  home,  the  permanent  home,  and  the 
industrial  school  where  children  should  be  brought  up  to  adult 
life.  Without  natural  supporters  they  would,  it  was  believed, 
prosper  better  in  some  institution  where  discipline,  education, 
moral  instruction,  good  environment,  physical  training,  and 
other  advantages  could  be  provided.  This  party  also  pointed 
to  the  defects  of  the  placing-out  system,  and  spoke  of  its  unsatis- 
factory results.  The  advocates  of  the  latter  system,  on  the 
other  hand,  insisted  on  the  absence  of  real  family  life  in  the 
institution  and  declaimed  against  the  evils  of  congregate  living. 
They  claimed  great  advantages  for  the  home  and  contended 
that  life  away  from  the  temptations  and  pitfalls  of  a  large 
city  and  outside  of  an  institution  would  yield  the  best  Jesuits. 
Even  the  temporary  home  was  opposed  by  the  most  radical 
advocates  of  the  placing-out  system. 

The  contending  parties  finally  sought  to  harmonize  their 
2F  433 


434  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

differences.  Some  good  in  institutions  was  discovered  on  the 
one  hand  and  the  value  of  the  placing-out  system  was  definitely 
recognized  on  the  other.  In  1899  the  National  Conference  of 
Charities  and  Correction  adopted  a  report  which  ended  the 
strife  and  set  forth  the  principles  of  child  saving  on  a  permanent 
basis.  These  principles  are  restated  in  the  report  of  1906/ 
and  an  elaborate  exposition  was  published  in  the  Report  of  the 
White  House  Conference  held  in  1909.2 

a.  Principles  asserted  at  the  White  House  Conference. 

The  principles  concerning  which  there  was  substantial  agree- 
ment among  the  social  workers  called  together  by  President 
Roosevelt  are  the  following : 

(1)  Preservation  of  home  ties  wherever  possible. 

(2)  The  paramount  importance  of  preventive  work. 

(3)  The  superiority  of  the  foster  home  as  a  substitute  for  the 

natural  home. 

(4)  The  adoption  of  the  cottage  plan  for  institutions. 

(5)  The  incorporation  of  child-caring  agencies. 

(6)  State  inspection  of  the  work  of  child-caring  agencies. 

(7)  Education  in  institutions  as  part  of  the  public  educational 

system. 

(8)  The  keeping  of  adequate  records. 

(9)  Physical  care. 

(10)  Cooperation  among  child-caring  agencies, 
(n)  Undesirability  of  legislation  by  states  so  as  to  handicap 
the  placing-out  of  children  from  other  states. 

(12)  The  need  of  a  national  association  for  the  care  of  depend- 

ent children. 

(13)  A  federal  children's  bureau. 

b.  The  Importance  of  the  Home. 

The  home  is  an  institution  fundamental  to  our  civilization  and 
its  preservation  must  be  rigidly  guarded.  The  duties  taken 
from  the  home  must  not  be  so  numerous  as  to  lessen  the  cohesive 
force  of  this  civilizing  power.  In  fact,  the  state  is  using  the  home 
as  one  of  its  means  of  achieving  further  progress ;    but  in  all 

1  National  Conference  of  Charities  and  Correction,  1906,  pp.  87-89. 

2  The  Survey,  February  20,  1909. 


PROBLEMS   AND   PRINCIPLES   OF   CHILD    SAVING      435 

cases  the  children  are  wards  of  the  state,  which  may  interfere 
with  private  arrangements  when  the  rights  of  the  child  are 
flagrantly  violated.  In  the  majority  of  cases  the  state  merely 
assumes  the  position  of  overseer  or  supervisor,  and  allows 
parents  to  carry  on  the  work  of  properly  providing  for  their 
children.  Wherever  possible,  the  responsibility  of  the  parents 
is  enforced,  and  the  interference  of  the  state  limited  to  the 
insistence  that  parents  perform  their  social  obligations  —  a 
work  which  must  be  done  within  the  home.  Consequently  any 
action  which  interferes  with  the  sanctity  and  dominion  of  a 
home  must  be  wisely  planned  and  must  not  weaken  the  integrity 
of  the  institution.  The  breaking  up  of  a  home  is  a  serious  act, 
and  justifiable  only  under  exceptional  conditions.  No  other 
agency  has  given  the  child  the  advantages  and  opportunities 
offered  by  an  ordinary  home.  No  substitute  has  been  found 
for  a  mother's  love.  No  other  person  is  so  ambitious  for  a 
child's  success  as  is  his  father.  Nevertheless  the  rights  of 
society  are  paramount,  and  if  its  interests  will  be  plainly  served 
by  such  action,  then  the  breaking  up  of  the  home  is  right  and 
expedient. 

c.  The  Foster  Home. 

The  problem  of  the  dependent  and  neglected  child  often 
becomes  the  question  of  the  re-formation  of  family  and  home 
ties.  The  state  may  be  compelled  to  take  upon  itself  the  direct 
duties  of  parent,  since  the  proper  parental  authority  has  failed. 
But  even  in  removing  the  child  from  its  home,  the  bond  of 
parental  affection  must  not  be  overlooked,  and  when  a  difficulty 
is  not  permanent,  the  home  should  rarely  be  broken  up.  Every 
reasonable  effort  should  be  made  to  keep  together  the  family 
of  a  worthy  and  willing  widow  or  widower,  but  a  certain  class 
of  homes  cannot  remain  unmolested.  The  gross  neglect  and 
cruelty  cases  often  require  that  the  child  be  permanently  re- 
moved, and  this  action  may  often  be  necessary  if  parents  are 
immoral.  While  the  burden  of  proof  to  show  parental  incom- 
petency rests  upon  the  state,  it  is  right  to  interfere  with  the 
natural  home  relations  when  it  becomes  evident  that  the  chil- 
dren cannot  be  properly  protected  otherwise. 


436  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

The  well-regulated  home  being  usually  regarded  as  the  best 
medium  in  which  to  develop  the  growing  boy  or  girl,  the  best 
alternative  for  a  good  original  home  is  a  carefully  selected  foster 
home.  Here  the  child  has  the  advantage  of  contact  with  his 
foster  parents  and  with  his  playmates  and  is  in  touch  with 
wholesome  life.  The  normal  child  must  meet  persons  and  chil- 
dren of  all  ages;  otherwise  his  complete  development  cannot 
be  secured.  When  placed  in  the  home  the  child  enjoys  these 
advantages,  but  an  institution  is  necessarily  surrounded  by 
artificial  conditions,  and  therefore  cannot  provide  the  training 
which  natural  contacts  make  possible.  The  ultimate  goal  is  to 
secure  the  adoption  of  the  child  by  the  family,  but  if  that  is 
not  possible,  to  have  him  placed  in  a  free  home  subject  to  regu- 
lar supervision  by  the  home-finding  society.  Childless  couples 
are  frequently  anxious  to  adopt  one  or  more  promising  children, 
and  partiality  of  parents  toward  particular  children  is  not  likely 
in  such  cases.  The  right  to  remove  the  child  placed  on  proba- 
tion in  a  family  protects  the  children  who  have  been  unfortu- 
nately located,  and  similar  rights  of  rejection  allow  would-be 
foster  parents  to  release  undesirable  children.  If  free  foster 
homes  cannot  be  obtained,  boarding-out  in  private  families  is 
often  necessary. 

d.  The  Cottage  Plan. 

The  cottage  plan  is  as  desirable  for  institutions  caring  for 
dependent  children  as  for  those  containing  juvenile  delinquents. 
As  the  merits  of  the  system  have  been  discussed  in  a  previous 
chapter,  no  repetition  of  the  argument  is  necessary.  In  view  of 
the  fact  that  more  than  100,000  children  in  the  United  States 
are  at  the  present  time  inmates  of  institutions  for  dependent 
children,  the  adoption  of  the  cottage  plan  is  an  important 
consideration.  The  large  majority  of  institutions  are  found 
within  city  limits,  and  but  a  small  proportion  of  all  our  institu- 
tions have  adopted  the  cottage  plan.  Although  the  desirability 
of  the  system  is  fully  recognized  among  social  workers,  the 
financial  condition  of  institutions  has  prevented  them  from  in- 
troducing the  cottage  system  as  rapidly  as  desirable.  To  meet 
this  shortcoming  it  is  the  more  necessary  for  home-finding  so- 


PROBLEMS  AND   PRINCIPLES   OF   CHILD   SAVING      437 

cieties  to  exert  themselves  to  the  utmost  to  find  suitable  homes 
for  the  dependent  children.  Furthermore,  if  the  public  realized 
more  fully  the  value  of  the  cottage  plan,  the  necessary  funds  for 
its  installation  might  be  forthcoming. 

The  good  results  obtained  in  a  well-conducted  institution  fol- 
lowing the  cottage  plan  have  produced  a  slight  reaction  from 
the  principle  that  institutions  for  normal  children  should  be 
entirely  supplanted  by  some  other  form  of  treatment.  It  has 
been  difficult  to  find  a  sufficient  number  of  good  foster  homes, 
as  careful  societies  cannot  indorse  half  of  the  homes  applying 
for  children.  Investigation  of  homes  requires  time  and  effort, 
and  children  must  frequently  be  removed  and  placed  again. 
The  question  arises,  in  view  of  the  difficulties  encountered  by 
placing-out  societies,  would  not  an  institution  modern  in  every 
respect  serve  the  community  with  an  equal  degree  of  success  ? 
This  question  is  urged  by  the  men  who  are  trying  to  make  the 
institution  a  success,  although  if  enough  good  homes  were  avail- 
able, the  problem  would  not  arise.  It  is  entirely  possible  for 
a  well-conducted  institution  which  separates  its  children  into 
small  groups  of  15  or  20  each  to  produce  very  satisfactory 
results. 

e.  State  Supervision  and  Incorporation  of  Private  Agencies. 

The  incorporation  of  child-caring  agencies  is  desirable  in  or- 
der to  increase  the  responsibility  of  such  societies,  —  to  give  them 
a  legal  standing  and  to  insure  for  them  the  confidence  of  the 
public.  Philanthropic  men  hesitate  to  give  money  to  charities 
of  doubtful  efficiency,  therefore  many  of  the  most  prominent 
agencies  have  voluntarily  become  incorporated  before  legal  com- 
pulsion was  considered.  However,  numerous  small  societies  of 
uncertain  standing  would  probably  discontinue  if  incorporation 
were  made  obligatory.  A  greater  measure  of  control  over  such 
charities  would  also  be  realized,  and  their  general  efficiency  en- 
hanced. 

The  work  of  private  philanthropy  is  being  increasingly  re- 
garded as  properly  subject  to  the  supervision  of  the  state.  This 
applies  to  hospitals,  dispensaries,  homes,  etc.,  as  well  as  to  insti- 
tutions and  agencies  caring  for  dependent  children.     In  every 


438  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

state  some  of  the  work  for  children  is  done  by  private  agencies, 
for  no  state  has  developed  a  complete  system  of  public  child- 
caring.  In  order  that  private  charity  may  do  efficient  work, 
some  form  of  state  supervision  is  necessary,  but  this  reform  has 
proceeded  very  slowly.  Many  states  provide  for  reports  from 
all  private  agencies  receiving  children  from  public  authorities 
or  receiving  public  moneys ;  for  example,  institutions  receiving 
children  from  the  juvenile  court,  or  agencies  taking  dependent 
children  that  have  been  declared  public  wards.  In  addition 
to  systematic  reports  to  the  state,  inspection  by  the  proper  state 
authorities  is  required.  The  Illinois  law,  for  example,  requires 
the  Department  of  Visitation  of  Children  to  visit  children  placed 
in  homes  by  the  courts,  boards  of  supervisors,  overseers  of  the 
poor,  and  by  institutions  receiving  public  funds  for  the  care  of 
dependent  and  delinquent  children.  The  agency  not  handling 
any  public  cases  has  been  regarded  as  not  subject  to  such 
requirements. 

Some  states  go  farther  and  insist  on  the  supervision  of  certain 
private  agencies  that  are  in  no  way  related  to  public  philan- 
thropy. Among  these  agencies  are  hospitals,  maternity  homes, 
and  "baby  farms."  So  much  abuse  is  connected  with  the 
two  latter  types  of  agencies,  that  strict  regulation  and  control 
are  necessary,  and  special  laws  have  been  passed  in  several  states 
to  meet  these  needs.  While  some  agencies  are  specially  in- 
cluded, others,  such  as  incorporated  agencies,  are  often  omitted 
from  the  groups  subject  to  state  supervision. 

There  is  a  third  step  —  the  state  supervision  of  all  private 
child-caring  agencies,  but  this  involves  knowledge  of  the  work 
and  of  the  standards  of  institutions  and  of  the  efficiency  of 
placing-out  societies.  The  Indiana  law  requires  every  private 
child-caring  agency  to  secure  an  annual  license  from  the  state 
board  of  charities.  Adequate  control  is  thereby  made  possible, 
but  actual  results  depend  on  the  efficiency  of  the  state  board. 
Investigations  must  be  made  from  time  to  time,  and  full  reports 
of  the  work  done  obtained  in  order  to  make  state  inspection 
worth  while. 


PROBLEMS   AND   PRINCIPLES   OF   CHILD    SAVING      439 

/.  Records. 

Adequate  records  are  needed  for  several  reasons,  therefore 
the  results  of  the  social  diagnosis  so  far  as  it  affects  the  child 
and  his  family  should  be  carefully  recorded.  This  is  not  infor- 
mation for  the  sake  of  facts,  but  information  to  be  used  as  the 
vehicle  for  conveying  the  child  to  his  destination.  Unfortu- 
nately many  facts  considered  by  some  as  irrelevant  prove  to 
be  most  necessary  for  the  ultimate  solution  of  the  case.  Fur- 
thermore, the  facts  relating  to  causes  should  be  clearly  under- 
stood and  included,  but  records  are  frequently  imperfect  in  this 
respect.  It  is  very  important  to  study  causes,  for  in  this  way  we 
learn  how  to  develop  means  of  prevention. 

g.  Cooperation. 

The  value  of  cooperation  among  child-saving  societies  cannot 
be  too  strongly  emphasized.  Hard  and  fast  lines  between  de- 
pendent and  delinquent  children  are  no  longer  favored,  and 
the  essential  unity  of  the  two  problems  involved  is  now  being 
recognized.  Again,  the  functions  of  the  juvenile  court  are  being 
very  properly  expanded ;  and  this  enables  private  agencies  to 
cooperate  with  the  courts  in  the  handling  of  cases.  Further- 
more, greater  cooperation  between  home-finding  and  aid  societies 
and  societies  taking  charge  of  cruelty  cases  is  desirable ;  and 
institutions  could  make  better  arrangements  than  heretofore 
with  these  societies  and  could  employ  them  for  the  placing  out 
of  some  of  their  children.  Many  institutions,  however,  insist 
on  being  filled  to  the  extent  of  their  capacity,  such  a  position 
making  cooperation  impossible. 

A  most  significant  movement  in  the  direction  of  cooperation 
was  the  establishment  in  Philadelphia  in  1907  of  a  children's 
bureau  by  the  joint  action  of  the  Children's  Aid  Society  of 
Pennsylvania  and  the  Seybert  Institution  for  Poor  Boys  and 
Girls.  In  1908  the  Pennsylvania  Society  to  Protect  Children 
from  Cruelty  joined  the  others  in  the  work  of  the  bureau. 
The  management  of  the  bureau  is  vested  in  a  joint  committee 
of  six  persons,  the  president  and  secretary  or  superintendent  of 
each  agency  being  selected  for  this  purpose.  This  committee 
supervises  the  work  of  the  bureau,  and  a  superintendent  is 


440  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

placed  in  immediate  charge  of  the  applications,  and  has  control 
of  the  agents.  This  joint  bureau  makes  it  possible  to  refer  each 
case  at  once  to  the  particular  agency  best  prepared  to  handle  the 
problem.  Duplication  of  effort  and  the  referral  of  cases  from 
one  society  to  another  is  thus  avoided.  In  this  instance  three 
societies  of  different  character,  and  to  some  extent  of  different 
purpose,  although  performing  much  identical  work,  have  wisely 
hit  upon  a  plan  of  cooperation  which  greatly  facilitates  their 
work  and  enhances  their  efficiency  in  child  saving. 

In  191 2  this  bureau  made  10,062  visits.  Applications  for 
investigation  came  from  131  different  sources,  including 
churches,  societies,  institutions,  hospitals,  courts,  city  and 
county  departments,  individuals,  etc.  The  Detroit  Bureau 
investigates  cases  on  request  and  reports  to  the  society  asking 
for  the  information  and  to  the  agency  fitted  to  take  charge  of 
the  case.  In  Pittsburg  the  Associated  Charities  has  established 
a  children's  bureau.  Very  successful  cooperation  is  being 
carried  on  in  Boston,  where  several  child-caring  agencies  use 
identical  record  blanks  and  work  together  in  other  ways. 

In  some  cities  temporary  homes  for  children,  orphanages,  and 
the  board  of  education  have  cooperated  with  child-saving  so- 
cieties and  with  the  juvenile  court  for  the  purpose  of  assisting 
in  the  disposition  of  juvenile  delinquents,  and  especially  for 
the  placing  of  dependent  and  neglected  children.  But  many 
agencies  are  unwilling  to  take  court  cases. 

Denominational  institutions  are  frequently  anxious  to  take 
care  of  children  of  their  own  faith,  but  this  does  not  constitute 
real  cooperation.  Denominational  jealousies  and  the  fear  that 
children  will  be  placed  with  foster  parents  professing  antagonistic 
religions  are  among  the  other  obstacles  to  better  cooperation 
between  institutions  and  home-finding  societies,  or  between 
these  and  the  courts.  The  essential  principles  and  methods  of 
child  saving  being  agreed  upon,  these  various  agencies  should 
be  able  to  yield  a  maximum  of  good  results.  Some  first  steps 
in  cooperation  often  follow  informal  organization  of  child  wel- 
fare societies,  and  the  better  understanding  of  each  other  and 
of  mutual  problems  paves  the  way  for  actual  cooperation. 


PROBLEMS   AND   PRINCIPLES   OF   CHILD   SAVING      441 

h.  Requisites  of  Institutional  Care. 

A  well-ordered  institution  requires  a  preliminary  investigation 
of  the  family  and  conditions  of  the  applicant  before  admitting 
him.  On  admission  the  child  is  turned  over  to  the  receiving 
department,  where  he  is  examined  by  the  physician  for  disease 
and  bodily  defects.  A  record  is  made  of  the  various  items,  and 
if  the  child  is  fit,  he  then  becomes  an  inmate  of  the  institution. 
Food  should  be  a  subject  of  careful  inquiry,  and  a  scientific 
dietary  provided  for  the  children.  The  sleeping  arrangements 
should  be  such  as  will  carefully  guard  the  morals  of  the  inmates, 
and  the  place  should  be  made  as  much  like  a  home  and  as  little 
like  an  institution  as  possible. 

The  child  should  be  allowed  to  earn  and  use  money  and  make 
the  numerous  contacts  so  essential  to  success  in  the  world. 
Adequate  recreational  facilities  are  necessary,  since  many  chil- 
dren are  of  inferior  physique  and  need  special  attention.  Indus- 
trial training  should  usually  be  given,  but  the  public  schools 
should  be  used  wherever  possible.  The  development  of  morals 
is  an  important  consideration.  Facilities  for  placing-out  should 
be  provided  and  efforts  be  made  to  place  children  in  homes. 
Those  who  are  mentally  and  physically  normal  should  be  re- 
moved from  institutions  as  soon  as  good  homes  can  be  found, 
but  supervision  must  be  maintained  to  safeguard  the  interests 
of  the  children.  No  institution  should  attempt  to  care  for  both 
normal  and  mentally  defective  children ,  and  the  latter,  if  received, 
should  as  soon  as  possible  be  transferred  to  institutions  caring 
for  this  class  of  children. 

i.  Prohibition  of  Children  in  Almshouses. 

The  use  of  the  almshouse  as  an  institution  for  the  care  of 
dependent  children  is  alien  to  the  proper  function  of  that  insti- 
tution. Nevertheless,  the  almshouse  has  served  as  a  shelter  for 
children,  especially  in  the  country  districts,  where  other  facilities 
for  their  care  have  not  been  provided,  but  the  large  cities  have 
also  erred  in  this  respect.  Formerly  it  was  customary  to 
dispose  of  children  in  this  way,  and  social  ideals  did  not  forbid; 
but  scientific  philanthropy  now  opposes  this  policy,  and  regard- 
less of  age  no  children  should  be  placed  in  an  almshouse,  al- 


442  PROBLEMS  OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

though  the  practice  is  least  objectionable  as  applied  to  children 
under  two  years  of  age.  Some  of  the  states  have  laws  prohibit- 
ing the  almshouse  care  of  children  under  certain  ages.  In  New 
York  the  custom  has  been  almost  entirely  abolished,  and  in  191 2 
less  than  one-half  of  1  per  cent  of  the  almshouse  inmates  of  the 
state  were  normal  children.  The  general  situation  throughout 
the  United  States  is,  however,  still  very  unsatisfactory. 

2.  Special  Problems. 

a.  Desertion  and  Non-support. 

If  possible,  parents  must  be  held  responsible  for  the  support 
of  their  children.  Desertion  is  an  important  cause  of  destitu- 
tion, while  failure  to  provide  not  only  causes  distress  but  is 
frequently  accompanied  by  cruelty  as  well.  These  evils  can  be 
greatly  reduced,  but  to  accomplish  this  end  efficient  desertion 
and  non-support  laws  must  be  enacted  and  the  courts  likewise 
must  enforce  them.  The  uniform  law  suggested  by  the  Com- 
mission on  Uniform  State  Laws  contains  the  following  very  sig- 
nificant items  among  its  provisions: 

The  desertion  by  either  parent  of  children  under  16  years  of 
age,  leaving  them  in  destitute  circumstances,  constitutes  a 
misdemeanor. 

Both  husband  and  wife  shall  be  competent  witnesses. 

Proof  that  the  desertion  of  wife  and  children  results  in  desti- 
tution is  evidence  that  the  desertion  is  willful. 

The  court  may  order  the  husband  to  provide  for  the  support 
of  his  wife  and  children.  A  violation  of  this  order  may  be  pun- 
ished as  contempt  of  court. 

Punishment  consists  of  a  heavy  fine  or  imprisonment  at  hard 
labor  for  a  period  not  exceeding  one  year. 

For  each  hard  day's  labor  performed  by  the  delinquent  hus- 
band a  certain  sum  of  money  shall  be  turned  over  to  the  wife 
for  the  support  of  the  family. 

Wife  and  child  desertion  was  formerly  classified  as  a  misde- 
meanor, but  in  recent  years  a  tendency  has  developed  to  make 
it  a  felony.  This  is  due  to  the  belief  that  extradition  cannot 
be  secured  unless  the  crime  is  made  a  felony.  This  position, 
however,  is  erroneous,  although  in  actual  practice  extradition 


PROBLEMS   AND   PRINCIPLES   OF   CHILD   SAVING      443 

papers  are  not  usually  granted  for  a  misdemeanor.  In  1905 
only  four  states  had  made  the  crime  a  felony,  but  in  19 13  practi- 
cally one-third  of  the  states  had  done  so.  In  spite  of  this  de- 
velopment the  weight  of  authority  is  opposed  to  the  change. 
Extradition  is  possible  with  the  crime  classed  as  a  misdemeanor, 
but  public  funds  must  be  appropriated  so  that  the  cost  of  bring- 
ing the  deserter  back  need  not  be  borne  by  the  wife.  Further- 
more, wives  are  reluctant  to  prosecute,  if  a  penitentiary  sentence 
is  involved;  besides  it  will  be  more  difficult  to  secure  convic- 
tions. 

Family  and  child  desertion  cases  are  frequently  handled  in 
lower  courts  which  have  little  comprehension  of  the  social  sig- 
nificance of  the  problem.  Usually  only  cases  involving  children 
are  important,  and  these  can  be  handled  with  best  results  by 
the  juvenile  court  unless  a  domestic  relations  court  exists  to 
give  them  attention.  They  should  be  referred  to  one  of  these 
two  courts  because  here  the  interests  of  the  family  will  receive 
first  attention.  When  the  functions  of  these  two  courts  are 
merged  in  a  single  court  differences  in  regard  to  jurisdiction 
could  not  arise,  and  the  disposition  of  cases  would  be  simplified. 

Another  important  consideration  is  the  provision  for  main- 
taining the  deserted  or  neglected  family.  The  city  of  Wash- 
ington opened  the  way  for  wholesome  reform  on  this  point, 
the  law  of  1906  allowing  the  court  to  order  the  defendant  to 
pay  a  specified  sum  regularly  to  the  wife  or  to  some  other 
person  or  agency  caring  for  the  minor  children.  Meanwhile 
the  deserter  is  placed  on  probation,  and  should  he  be  sent  to 
the  workhouse,  fifty  cents  per  day  is  paid  to  the  family  for 
every  day  of  hard  labor  performed  by  the  man.  This  places 
a  premium  on  good  conduct,  for  if  a  man  does  not  support 
his  family  while  he  is  at  large,  he  does  and  must  support  it,  in 
part,  while  in  the  workhouse.  This  alternative  is  not  an  allur- 
ing one.  A  number  of  states  and  cities  have  now  made  similar 
provision  for  the  support  of  the  family,  and  California  and 
Washington  both  pay  $1.50  per  day  for  hard  labor.  The  plan 
of  action  begun  in  these  states  promises  good  results. 

Lack  of  strong  sentiment  in   favor  of  apprehending  and 


444  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

punishing  deserters  constitutes  a  real  difficulty.  The  public 
must  insist  on  extradition,  if  that  is  necessary,  and  on  the  trial 
of  non-support  cases  before  the  family  is  reduced  to  the  direst 
poverty.  It  must  assume  the  cost  of  bringing  the  deserter 
back  and  then  lay  as  heavy  a  burden  on  him  as  is  needed  to 
insure  the  performance  of  his  rightful  obligations. 

The  Jewish  philanthropies  have  devised  a  very  successful 
plan  for  apprehending  deserters  through  the  organization  of  a 
national  desertion  bureau  to  which  all  deserters  are  reported. 
The  information  is  spread  throughout  the  Jewish  sections  in 
the  United  States  by  means  of  newspaper  descriptions.  The 
success  of  this  plan  is  shown  by  the  results  of  the  work  of  14 
months,  which  indicate  that  out  of  852  cases  handled,  561,  or 
nearly  two-thirds,  were  located  and  dealt  with.  This  plan, 
however,  is  difficult  of  general  application. 

b.  The  Illegitimate  Child. 

No  form  of  dependency  offers  a  more  serious  problem  than 
that  accompanied  by  illegitimacy.  The  child  who  never  needs 
relief  may  outgrow  his  parents'  shame,  but  the  one  who  sinks 
below  the  poverty  line  has  little  chance.  Accordingly,  more 
energy  should  be  aimed  against  illegitimacy  than  against  most 
forms  of  dependency  and  neglect.  If  anything  at  all  is  done, 
the  problem  is  usually  handled  by  a  combination  of  public  and 
private  agencies.  Certain  it  is  that  public  authority  must 
assert  itself,  or  little  preventive  work  can  be  done.  It  is  worth 
something  to  care  for  the  child,  but  when  one  realizes  the  . 
stigma  that  is  attached,  it  is  clear  that  the  preventive  work  is 
by  all  means  the  most  important.  The  shifting  of  the  emphasis 
from  mother  to  child  also  gives  us  a  new  perspective.  For- 
merly when  girl  mothers  placed  their  babies  in  creches,  they 
often  found  their  way  back  into  wholesome  society,  but  the  baby 
probably  perished.  Now  we  insist  that  the  baby  shall  live,  that 
the  mother  shall  not  be  entirely  relieved  of  its  care,  but  also 
that  illegitimacy  shall  be  wiped  out.  In  fact,  the  proper  care  of 
the  child  is  one  of  the  greatest  deterrents  of  the  evil. 

An  important  step  in  advance  is  the  registration  of  illegitimate 
births  so  that  the  public  may  know  something  of  the  extent  of 


PROBLEMS   AND    PRINCIPLES   OF   CHILD    SAVING      445 

the  difficulty.  Furthermore,  the  mother's  name  should  be 
accompanied  by  that  of  the  father,  if  it  is  known  or  can  be 
known.  The  Latin  idea  that  inquiry  into  the  paternity  of  the 
child  must  not  be  made  is  absurd,  and  savors  of  the  time  when 
women  were  mere  property  and  the  tools  of  men.  The  men  who 
are  ashamed  to  be  recorded  as  the  fathers  of  their  children  need 
to  be  held  up  to  public  obliquy,  and  if  this  were  done,  illegitimacy 
would  decline.  There  is  no  question  but  that  in  the  great 
majority  of  cases  the  first  advances  are  made  by  men  and  that 
more  than  half  the  blame  rests  on  them,  yet  they  escape  the 
physical  responsibility  entirely  and  most  of  the  moral  respon- 
sibility. The  birth  certificates  usually  used  in  the  United 
States  carefully  designate  that  if  the  child  is  illegitimate,  the 
facts  about  the  father  need  not  be  entered  ! 

The  responsibility  of  the  fathers  must  be  enforced,  and  with- 
out doubt  should  take  the  form  of  support  for  the  child  and 
of  certain  other  obligations.  Public  authority  should  take  the 
initiative  in  ascertaining  the  paternity  of  the  child  and  then 
require  the  father  to  assist  in  its  support.  In  the  District  of 
Columbia  a  delinquent  unmarried  man  may  be  punished  by  a 
workhouse  sentence  and  be  compelled  to  support  his  child  by 
paying  part  of  his  earnings  while  a  prisoner,  the  law  of  1913 
extending  the  provision  for  support  of  children  to  all  fathers. 

The  recent  Norwegian  law  is  perhaps  the  most  drastic  yet 
enacted.  It  provides  that  the  father  shall  pay  the  confinement 
expenses  of  the  mother,  shall  support  the  mother  and  child  for 
a  certain  period,  and  shall  pay  a  certain  sum  toward  the  educa- 
tion of  the  child.  It  also  provides  that  the  child  may  take  his 
father's  surname  and  inherit  property  in  a  manner  similar  to 
that  of  a  legitimate  child. 

In  the  United  States  the  burden  is  usually  borne  by  the 
mother,  but  in  a  small  proportion  of  cases  a  marriage  is  consum- 
mated. More  often  a  compromise  which  affords  temporary 
relief  to  the  mother  and  her  child  is  effected  with  the  putative 
father  for  a  specified  sum  of  money.  There  is  a  growing  demand 
for  increased  responsibility  on  the  part  of  the  father.  The  Nor- 
wegian law  goes  to  the  heart  of  the  problem,  for  if  a  law  can  en- 


446  PROBLEMS  OF  CHILD   WELFARE 

force  for  the  illegitimate  a  standing  that  makes  illegitimacy  a 
grievous  burden  to  men,  then  a  powerful  deterrent  force  will 
have  been  set  in  motion.  The  Norwegian  law  adapted  to 
American  needs  but  without  substantial  modification  should 
be  adopted  in  every  American  state. 

Paternal  responsibility  need  not  involve  marriage ;  further- 
more, many  forced  marriages  are  disastrous.  The  development 
of  stronger  claims  by  the  child  upon  his  father,  coupled  with 
paternal  responsibility,  will  produce  better  results.  In  many 
cases,  however,  marriage  should  be  brought  about,  and  this  is 
sometimes  desirable  even  though  the  husband  and  wife  do  not 
live  together,  for  it  gives  a  better  standing  to  mother  and  child. 
It  is  a  great  advantage  to  the  child  to  have  a  legal  name  and 
standing. 

Mother  and  child  must  be  cared  for.  Probably  a  majority  of 
the  confinements  occur  in  maternity  homes,  which  may  be  of 
three  varieties :  the  public  or  municipal  hospital,  the  private 
philanthropic  hospital,  and  the  commercial  maternity  homes. 
The  latter  are  demoralizing  agencies  which  usually  take  women 
for  confinement,  and  then  for  a  specified  sum  agree  to  dispose  of 
the  child.  The  children  are  given  out  for  adoption  to  appli- 
cants, with  little  or  no  investigation,  and  many  children  enter 
the  most  depraved  homes,  where  a  large  percentage  die.  Usually 
they  are  not  legally  adopted,  and  foster  parents  do  not  bind 
themselves  to  support  the  babies,  so  the  children  are  helpless. 
The  parents  often  pay  a  certain  sum  for  the  child,  and  this 
added  to  the  remuneration  from  the  mother  represents  the 
income  of  the  establishment.  Rigid  state  legislation  should 
control  all  maternity  homes  and  all  boarding  homes  for  infants 
in  order  that  vicious  institutions  of  this  character  may  be 
abolished.  All  others  should  be  required  to  meet  specified  stand- 
ards of  efficiency.  Among  the  best  laws  regulating  these 
agencies  are  those  of  Indiana,  Michigan,  and  Nebraska. 

Whenever  possible  the  illegitimate  child  should  be  kept  with 
his  mother,  for  in  this  way  love  for  the  child  is  developed. 
Otherwise  he  is  liable  to  suffer  from  neglect.  The  efforts  to 
find  situations  in  the  country  for  the  mother  with  her  child  are 


PROBLEMS   AND    PRINCIPLES   OF   CHILD   SAVING      447 

quite  successful.  The  mother  should  be  removed  as  far  as  pos- 
sible from  temptation,  be  given  wise  supervision,  and  be  ac- 
corded the  opportunity  to  regain  her  position  in  society.  If 
this  can  be  done,  the  child  also  will  become  a  respectable  member 
of  the  community. 

c.  The  Defective  Child. 

At  the  National  Conference  of  Charities  and  Correction  in 
1906,  the  Committee  on  Children  favored  the  use  of  the 
institution  for  temporary  care  only,  but  it  opposed  the  principle 
that  underlies  the  orphan  asylum.  On  the  other  hand,  it 
favored  permanent  institutional  care  for  the  feeble-minded, 
epileptic,  and  certain  groups  of  crippled,  deformed,  and  other- 
wise incurable  children.  It  requires  no  argument  to  show  that 
the  principles  applying  to  normal  children  must  be  modified  in 
the  case  of  the  abnormal,  and  furthermore  the  development 
of  the  eugenic  point  of  view  has  checked  all  tendencies  toward 
the  placing-out  of  distinctly  subnormal  children.  Most  of 
them  are  the  victims  of  a  bad  heredity  which  we  can  under  no 
conditions  afford  to  perpetuate,  besides  the  helplessness  of  these 
children  usually  makes  special  care  advisable.  The  feeble- 
minded should  be  given  permanent  institutional  care  and  repro- 
duction should  be  made  impossible.  State  care  is  the  accepted 
plan,  and  all  feeble-minded  in  almshouses  and  prisons  should 
be  placed  in  proper  institutions.  The  principle  of  action  in 
regard  to  the  high-grade  types  of  feeble-minded  is  not  satis- 
factorily determined,  because  the  number  is  so  great  that  insti- 
tutional care  seems  financially  impossible  for  many  years; 
yet,  they  are  the  real  menace,  for  no  objection  is  made  to  cus- 
todial care  for  the  lowest  classes.  The  high-grade  imbeciles, 
however,  are  a  distinct  racial  menace  and  several  plans  for 
preventing  their  reproduction  have  been  suggested.  The  chief 
ones  are : 

Complete  institutional  care  with  farms  and  workshops 
attached  where  inmates  may  become  partly,  or  in  some  cases 
wholly,  self-supporting. 

Temporary  care  and  training  in  an  institution  and  steriliza- 
tion on  release. 


448  PROBLEMS  OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

Provision  for  the  permanent  care  of  all  feeble-minded  girls 
and  women  of  child-bearing  age  first,  so  as  to  reduce  the  number 
of  illegitimate  births,  and  the  care  of  the  remaining  feeble- 
minded as  soon  as  provision  can  be  made. 

None  of  these  plans  has  received  general  acceptance,  but  the 
problem  of  the  feeble-minded  is  steadily  increasing  in  serious- 
ness and  a  plan  of  adequate  control  must  be  developed. 

The  physically  defective  classes  are  also  in  need  of  special 
care.  Many  children  are  permanently  crippled,  and  institu- 
tions should  be  provided  for  them  where  they  will  have  the 
advantages  of  home  life  as  far  as  possible.  The  plan  of  a  state 
institution  for  their  care  as  developed  by  Minnesota,  Massa- 
chusetts, and  New  York,  embodies  a  good  principle  because 
cripples  are  usually  distributed  among  institutions  having  no 
special  provisions  for  their  care  and  are  practically  neglected. 
Private  philanthropy  can  also  well  afford  to  equip  institutions 
properly  so  as  to  educate  and  maintain  permanently  those 
crippled  and  deformed  children  who  cannot  be  taken  to  the 
public  schools.  Orthopedic  hospitals  and  medical  service  are 
primary  requisites,  but  first  of  all,  efforts  should  be  made  to 
cure  as  many  as  possible  of  the  physically  defective.  Then,  if 
necessary,  permanent  institutional  care  should  follow. 

3.  Conclusion. 

The  general  principles  and  methods  of  child  saving  center 
about  the  fundamental  fact  that  the  interests  of  the  child  are 
paramount.  Adequate  care  and  training  of  children  are  the 
most  effective  forms  of  preventive  work.  The  child  of  to-day 
becomes  the  useful  citizen  or  the  adult  dependent  or  delinquent 
of  to-morrow,  therefore  the  conditions  of  future  society  are 
contingent  upon  our  present  methods  of  providing  for  our 
children.  The  home  is  fundamental,  and  its  importance  as  an 
institution  surmounts  the  value  of  a  child,  but  the  children  of 
any  particular  home  are  to  be  preferred  to  the  continuation  of 
that  home.  The  child  rather  than  the  parent  is  the  proper 
object  of  consideration,  for  the  child  is  the  man  in  the  making, 
and  it  is  work  well  worth  doing  well. 


CHAPTER  III 
PRIVATE   CHILD-SAVING   AGENCIES 

i.  Home  and  Aid  Societies. 

Although  public  agencies  have  in  most  states  made  some 
provision  for  dependent  children,  the  bulk  of  the  work  has 
been  accomplished  by  private  organizations,  of  which  the 
most  important  are  the  "Home"  and  "Aid"  societies.  Chil- 
dren's "Home"  societies  have  been  formed  in  31  different 
states.  These  organizations  are  federated  into  a  national  body 
which,  however,  has  little  control  over  the  constituent  members. 
The  typical  home  society  practically  confines  its  work  to  placing 
dependent  children  in  foster  homes.  It  receives  children  from 
the  courts  and  from  other  sources,  but  does  not  usually  deal  with 
those  who  are  expected  to  remain  in  their  homes,  a  fact,  how- 
ever, that  has  not  prevented  some  of  these  societies  from  expand- 
ing their  functions.  Their  work  is  usually  state-wide,  only  one 
such  society  existing  in  any  state. 

The  societies  are  equipped  in  most  cases  with  temporary 
homes  for  the  housing  of  the  homeless  children  pending  their 
transferal  to  their  new  homes.  As  children  have  been  pro- 
hibited from  being  sent  to  the  almshouse,  the  home  society  has 
been  utilized  to  a  large  extent  for  the  care  of  dependent  chil- 
dren. Public  officials  find  it  a  necessary  part  of  the  charitable 
organization  of  a  community,  and  instead  of  competing  with  it 
enlist  its  cooperation.  South  Dakota  is  an  example  of  a  state 
subsidizing  the  home  society  and  using  it  for  public  child-caring 
work. 

In   many   cities   organizations   known    as    "Children's   Aid 

Societies"  have  arisen.     These  differ  somewhat  from  "home" 

societies,  both  in  method  and  ground  covered ;   for  in  addition 

to  the  task  of  handling  children  who  need  foster  homes,  they 

2G  449 


45©  PROBLEMS  OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

board  children  in  homes,  provide  temporary  care  for  children 
in  their  own  homes,  and  accept  a  variety  of  cases  involving 
children.  The  scope  of  their  work  is  not  bound  by  hard  and 
fast  lines,  as  will  appear  in  later  illustrations.  Many  of  these 
societies  have  no  temporary  homes  for  receiving  children,  but 
may  use  those  belonging  to  other  societies.  In  some  localities 
the  work  of  the  home  and  the  aid  societies  is  merged;  for 
example,  the  New  York  Society  began  as  an  aid  organization  but 
has  joined  the  federation  of  home  societies.  Both  types  of 
organizations  are  undenominational  and  are  controlled  by  a 
board  of  directors  usually  representing  the  principal  contribu- 
tors and  interested  persons.  A  public  account  of  their  steward- 
ship is  given  through  their  annual  reports,  and  contributions  are 
voluntary,  although  there  are  some  exceptions. 

The  working  force  consists  of  a  superintendent  or  secretary 
and  of  visitors  and  placing-out  agents,  and  home  societies  have 
also  maintained  agents  in  certain  other  states  to  which  some  of 
their  children  have  been  sent.  Aid  societies  have  been  striving 
hard  to  keep  dependent  children  in  their  own  homes  as  far  as 
possible,  but  the  conditions  which  govern  the  activities  of  the 
children's  aid  societies  vary  in  different  places.  In  the  largest 
cities  the  needs  are  so  extensive  that  many  and  varied  labors 
are  undertaken.  This  is  especially  true  of  the  New  York 
Society,  which  has  been  compelled  to  undertake  many  forms 
of  philanthropic  work.  "The  fundamental  principle  of  the 
society  and  its  governing  motive  is  that  of  '  self-help '  —  of  teach- 
ing children  how  to  help  themselves.  It  also  advocates  that  the 
'farmer's  home'  is  the  best  possible  place  to  shelter  and  rear  the 
orphan,  or  outcast  child,  —  far  better  than  any  asylum  or  the 
best  managed  public  institution."  l  Accordingly  it  has  sent  large 
numbers  of  children  to  Western  states,  available  room  not 
having  been  found  in  the  East  for  the  many  children  constantly 
passing  into  its  control. 

The  stated  principles  of  the  Pennsylvania  Children's  Aid 
Society  typify  the  fundamentals  of  a  large  number  of  these 
societies,  and  are  as  follows:    "We  are  trying  to   accomplish 

1  Report  of  the  New  York  Children's  Aid  Society,  1908. 


PRIVATE   CHILD-SAVING  AGENCIES  451 

four  things :  first,  to  keep  in  our  office  information  concerning 
every  child-caring  institution  in  the  city,  and  a  list  of  private 
family  homes,  both  in  the  city  and  surrounding  country,  where 
children  can  be  received  and  cared  for,  so  that  we  may  know  at 
any  time  and  in  any  case  of  child-need  just  what  can  be  done ; 
second,  to  use  existing  institutions  and  create  no  new  ones; 
third,  to  scatter  children  into  private  homes  and  small  institu- 
tions rather  than  to  congregate  them  in  large  ones ;  fourth,  to 
put  the  support  of  a  child  upon  its  legal  guardians  whenever 
possible." l  The  character  of  this  society's  work  is  partly 
indicated  by  the  sources  from  which  its  children  are  received ; 
for  example,  in  191 2  it  had  representatives  from  23  different 
poor  boards,  14  county  juvenile  courts,  and  many  societies, 
hospitals,  institutions,  and  other  agencies. 

2.  Work  of  the  New  York  Society. 

In  no  case  does  the  actual  work  accomplished  excel  that  of 
the  New  York  Children's  Aid  Society  founded  in  1853,  and 
which  up  to  191 2  had  placed  28,961  orphans  and  deserted  chil- 
dren in  family  homes  in  the  country.  It  provided  situations 
at  wages  in  the  country  for  28,144  older  boys  and  girls,  and  re- 
turned 10,226  runaway  children  to  their  parents;  furthermore, 
it  assisted  poor  persons  numbering  48,588,  mostly  children,  to 
reach  friends  and  employment  in  the  West.  Thus  it  has  given 
aid  during  this  time  to  115,919  persons. 

The  work  accomplished  and  the  variety  of  its  labors  during 
the  year  191 2  are  shown  by  the  following  statistics,  which  are 
given  in  some  detail  because  they  indicate  not  only  the  kind  of 
aid  needed  by  children,  but  also  because  they  show  the  emphasis 
placed  by  the  society  upon  the  different  forms  of  aid  and  relief. 
During  the  year,  11,923  children  were  enrolled  in  its  industrial 
schools;  5935  were  given  relief  in  their  homes;  7619  boys  and 
girls  were  sheltered  in  its  lodging  houses;  1059  attended  the 
farm  school ;  8591  persons  were  given  an  outing  varying  from 
one  to  ten  weeks  and  averaging  twelve  and  one-third  days; 
12,930  women  and  children  received  single  day  outings;  605 
orphan  children  were  placed  in  permanent  homes,  while  2296 
1  Report  of  the  Pennsylvania  Children's  Aid  Society,  1908. 


45 2  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

children  were  sent  to  homes  under  the  oversight  of  the  society ; 
596  boys  and  girls  with  their  parents  were  assisted  to  emigrate ; 
594  children  were  returned  to  their  relatives;  673  homeless 
mothers  and  children  were  given  shelter;  2780  children  were 
treated  in  the  sick  children's  mission ;  408  were  treated  in  its 
school  dental  clinics,  and  many  children  were  placed  in  homes 
at  wages.  A  total  of  $521,000  was  spent  in  the  work  of  the 
society.1 

In  the  society's  industrial  schools  work  was  carried  on  in 
classes  studying  the  following  subjects:  cobbling,  carpentry, 
basketry,  chair  caning,  cooking,  dressmaking,  sewing,  iron  and 
wire  bending,  millinery,  embossing,  embroidery,  designing,  and 
pyrography,  and  both  day  and  night  schools  were  conducted. 
Four  lodging  houses  for  homeless  boys  and  one  for  girls  were 
operated,  and  by  means  of  cooperation  with  the  municipal 
lodging  house  and  private  charities,  boys  and  young  men  under 
21  years  of  age  were  provided  for  temporarily  so  as  to  avoid  the 
contact  with  older  vagrants.  One  of  the  happiest  forms  of 
labor  was  the  sending  of  the  ailing  children  and  their  mothers 
to  the  health  home  on  the  ocean  beach.  Receiving  stations  were 
opened,  each  equipped  with  physician  and  nurse  detailed  to 
discover  the  most  needy  children  and  order  their  transportation 
to  the  home. 

3.  Denominational  Placing-out  Agencies. 

The  earlier  placing-out  societies  were  all  non-sectarian,  since 
the  religious  bodies  generally  clung  to  the  institutional  plan  of 
child-care.  The  advantages  of  home  life  have,  however,  ap- 
pealed so  strongly  to  religious  workers  that  placing-out  is  now 
carried  on  to  some  extent  by  several  denominations.  Although 
the  Catholic  Church  has  for  some  time  sent  a  limited  number 
of  children  to  homes  in  the  West,  the  establishment  of  the 
Catholic  Home  Bureau  of  New  York  in  1898  marked  the  begin- 
ning of  organized  placing-out.  This  bureau  also  acts  as  agent 
for  a  number  of  small  institutions,  and  the  New  Jersey  Catholic 
organization  operates  in  a  similar  manner.  Bureaus  have  been 
established  in  several  localities. 

1  New  York  Children's  Aid  Society,  1912. 


PRIVATE   CHILD-SAVING  AGENCIES  453 

Among  Protestant  denominations,  the  Lutheran  Church  is 
beginning  to  emphasize  the  family  home,  having  founded  a 
placing-out  society  in  1902,  but  now  operating  14  societies  in 
as  many  states.  With  the  exception  of  two  societies,  the  other 
Protestant  churches  have  no  organized  placing-out  work. 

The  Jewish  Home  Finding  Society  of  Chicago  represents  a 
similar  effort  among  the  Jews.  Here  practical  difficulties  exist, 
such  as  the  general  absence  of  Jewish  people  in  the  rural  districts, 
and  unless  children  are  to  be  placed  in  non-Jewish  families  the 
work  can  be  carried  on  with  difficulty.  On  the  whole  the  reli- 
gious organizations  still  use  the  institution  as  the  chief  agency 
for  the  care  of  dependent  children. 

4.  The  Placing-out  Problem. 

The  most  important  work  of  placing-out  societies  consists  of 
finding  homes  for  their  wards.  Because  of  their  facilities  for 
this  work,  they  are  frequently  used  by  public  charities,  private 
institutions,  and  other  charitable  agencies  for  the  disposal  of 
the  children  under  their  care.  The  children's  aid  society  may 
become  the  placing-out  machine  used  in  common  by  the  other 
forms  of  organized  charity.  Children  may  be  placed  with 
families  or  individuals  under  one  of  three  conditions,  —  inden- 
tured, boarded  out,  or  placed-out  in  free  homes,  the  last  being 
the  most  desirable,  provided  a  suitable  family  home  can  be 
obtained.  The  best  homes,  according  to  Homer  Folks,  are  those 
in  which  children  are  grown  up  and  gone,  but  where  the  child 
will  be  received  as  a  member  of  the  family  ;  and  those  in  which 
no  children  have  appeared  but  one  or  more  are  earnestly  desired. 
Experienced  foster  parents  are  likely  to  be  more  successful,  but 
the  child  in  the  home  of  the  childless  is  certain  to  receive  ample 
attention.  The  child  who  is  added  to  a  home  in  which  there 
are  other  children  is  often  discriminated  against,  and  this  can 
only  be  discovered  by  careful  supervision. 

In  order  to  find  a  suitable  home  it  is  necessary  to  ask  for 
applications  for  children  or  to  find  homes  willing  to  receive  them. 
Many  societies  constantly  receive  applications,  and  only  need 
to  consider  their  merits.  Applicants  should  be  required  to  make 
detailed  statements  in  regard  to  the  pertinent  features  of  their 


454  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

homes  and  their  home  life.  Among  the  questions  which  they 
should  be  required  to  answer  are  the  following :  occupation ; 
financial  status ;  if  a  farmer,  size  and  ownership  of  farm ;  dis- 
tance from  church  or  Sunday  school ;  distance  from  school ; 
conditions  within  the  home ;  general  environmental  conditions ; 
purpose  in  regard  to  the  child;  proposed  social  status  of  the 
child ;  sleeping  accommodations ;  nationality  and  age  of 
applicants;  their  habits,  character,  social  connections,  their 
treatment  of  employees,  and  the  number  of  children  in  the 
family.     Additional  questions  are  frequently  required. 

The  answers  often  indicate  the  uselessness  of  further  investi- 
gation, especially  when  they  convey  unfavorable  impressions. 
The  applicant  must  give  a  number  of  references,  and  persons 
familiar  with  the  habits  and  conditions  of  the  applicant  are  the 
recipients  of  inquiries.  Furthermore,  agents  are  usually  sent 
out  to  interview  the  applicants  in  their  homes  and  to  collect  such 
other  information  as  may  seem  necessary. 

It  frequently  happens  that  children  are  not  adapted  to  the 
homes  in  which  they  were  first  placed,  so  they  must  be  replaced 
before  securing  a  satisfactory  location.  This  can  be  avoided 
only  by  a  most  careful  selection  of  the  initial  home.  Suc- 
cess depends  upon  temperamental  and  religious  considerations 
as  well  as  upon  the  physical  and  moral  fitness  of  the  home,  and 
as  much  as  possible  children  should  be  placed  with  families  of 
similar  religious  tendencies.  The  child  who  is  old  enough  to 
have  received  religious  training  particularly  requires  this  mode 
of  disposition,  but  the  small  children  are  not  torn  from  any 
denominational  bias  and  therefore  not  injured  by  being  placed 
with  families  of  different  religious  belief  from  that  of  their 
parents.  Denominational  considerations  are  not  the  most 
important  ones,  and  must  yield  when  the  general  welfare  of  the 
child  is  at  stake.  To  be  placed  out  in  a  good  home  where  some 
other  religion  is  taught  is  far  superior  to  being  placed  in  a  doubt- 
ful home  that  may  satisfy  the  religious  requirements  of  some 
intolerant  agent  or  institution.  Good  homes  rather  than 
creed  form  the  child's  character  and  develop  correct  morals. 

A  second  consideration  requiring  caution  is  the  selection  of 


PRIVATE   CHILD-SxWING  AGENCIES  455 

a  child  adapted  to  the  particular  family  home.  The  physical 
appearance  may  affect  the  prejudices  of  the  family,  and  likewise 
the  type  of  mind  may  be  such  as  to  make  the  new  relation  un- 
pleasant for  both  parties.  Temperamental  harmony  is  necessary 
to  success.  Foster  parents  may  be  successful  with  one  type  of 
mind  and  fail  utterly  with  another;  therefore  even  before  the 
child  is  placed  on  trial  with  a  family,  these  considerations  should 
be  emphasized  so  as  to  avoid  unnecessary  removals  from  family 
to  family.  Parents  should,  if  possible,  see  the  prospective  child 
before  he  leaves  the  child-saving  agency  —  a  precaution  which 
tends  to  lessen  delay  and  misfits. 

The  third  step  in  the  disposition  of  the  child  is  that  of  placing 
him  in  his  newly  secured  home.  The  head  of  the  home  in  which 
the  child  is  placed  usually  signs  a  written  agreement  in  which 
he  promises  to  treat  the  child  in  accordance  with  the  standards 
required  by  the  society  or  agency.  Among  these  requirements 
we  generally  find  the  following :  to  treat  him  kindly  and  as  a 
member  of  the  family,  to  cause  him  to  attend  church  and  Sunday 
school,  to  provide  him  with  a  public  school  education,  to  teach 
him  an  occupation  so  as  to  make  him  self-supporting,  to  give 
him  ample  clothing  both  for  week-days  and  Sundays,  and  to 
give  him  proper  food  and  suitable  medical  attention.  These 
agreements  can  be  canceled  by  the  child-saving  agency  when- 
ever it  deems  it  necessary  for  the  welfare  of  the  child,  and  a 
limited  right  of  cancellation  is  also  granted  to  the  guardian. 

The  fourth  step  is  the  supervision  of  the  child  in  his  new  home. 
This  supervision  continues  until  the  child  is  released  from  the 
control  of  the  society.  If  the  child  is  adopted  by  its  foster 
parents,  control  ceases  on  adoption.  Many  children  are  not 
adopted  at  all,  and  are  supervised  by  the  child-caring  agency 
until  their  majority  or  until  they  are  sufficiently  mature  to  make 
further  care  unnecessary.  Agents  of  the  child-caring  society 
visit  the  children  in  their  new  homes  and  learn  of  their  progress 
and  development,  since  guardians  may  become  neglectful, 
indifference  to  the  welfare  of  the  child  may  arise,  or  fundamental 
changes  occur  in  the  family  conditions  or  relations,  —  all  of 
which  may  conduce  to  the  disadvantage  of  the  child. 


456  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

The  home  societies  operating  over  an  entire  state  have  ex- 
perienced much  difficulty  in  their  supervisory  work.  Frequently 
they  have  been  unable  to  give  the  needed  time  to  the  selection 
of  homes,  and  have  had  little  time  for  supervision.  Therefore 
they  have  sometimes  depended  on  the  information  which  they 
receive  from  their  correspondents  in  the  neighborhood  of  the 
adopted  children.  This  has  produced  most  disastrous  results, 
as  the  keystone  of  the  placing-out  system  is  adequate  super- 
vision. Placing-out  societies  are  learning  that  unless  the  wel- 
fare of  the  child  is  carefully  guarded,  the  system  itself  will  be 
endangered.  So  many  homes  seek  children  for  selfish  reasons 
that  the  utmost  precautions  are  necessary.  No  visitor  should 
be  required  to  handle  more  than  50  children  at  one  time. 

Supervision  is  costly,  yet  the  placing-out  system  is  much 
cheaper  than  is  institutional  care.  In  19 12  the  average  cost 
per  visit  to  the  state's  wards  by  the  Minnesota  visiting  agents 
was  $5.12,  but  private  and  denominational  societies,  if  their 
children  are  grouped  in  localities,  can  reduce  this  cost.  What- 
ever the  cost,  the  supervision  of  the  children  cannot  be  neg- 
lected, and  the  history  of  placing-out  under  inadequate  super- 
vision demonstrates  the  need  of  frequent  visitation  of  children. 

Experience  has  also  indicated  the  need  of  the  following  features 
in  connection  with  the  supervision  of  children  in  foster  homes ; 
first,  visits  to  be  effective  should  be  made  quarterly  or  of tener, 
although  there  may  be  some  exceptions  to  the  rule.  Very 
small  children  under  excellent  care  need  not  be  watched  so 
constantly.  Unfortunately  a  sufficient  number  of  visits  are 
not  usually  made,  and  many  failures  are  discovered  long  after 
the  child  has  begun  to  suffer  from  his  uncongenial  environment. 
No  doubt  many  misfits  are  never  found  out.  Second,  visits 
should  be  made  without  previous  notice  to  guardians,  since  the 
conditions  which  actually  obtain  cannot  otherwise  be  discovered. 
Third,  visits  must  be  informal,  and  the  agents  must  have  the 
opportunity  to  meet  parents  and  children  and  to  get  the  actual 
facts  about  the  treatment  of  the  children.  Fourth,  written 
reports  made  out  by  the  agents  should  be  on  file  in  the  office  of 
the  society  so  that  the  condition  of  the  child  may  be  continu- 


PRIVATE   CHILD-SAVING  AGENCIES  457 

ously  followed ;  such  reports  should  cover  all  the  essential 
details  regarding  the  progress  of  the  child.  Fifth,  the  judgment 
of  the  agent  should  determine  the  advisability  of  allowing  the 
child  to  remain  or  of  requiring  his  removal.  Additional  means 
of  securing  adequate  knowledge  of  the  conditions  of  the  child 
are  usually  employed.  Reports  are  sent  by  the  teacher  of  the 
school  attended,  by  the  pastor  of  the  church,  by  the  Sunday 
school  teacher,  and  by  the  guardian  directly.  Agents  of  the 
state  or  county  in  some  states  also  visit  children  and  report  as 
to  the  conditions  under  which  they  found  them. 

5.  Difficulties  of  Placing-out.   , 

The  difficulties  of  placing-out  are  twofold,  —  those  affecting 
the  child  and  those  affecting  the  guardian.  When  a  large  num- 
ber of  children  must  be  disposed  of,  the  number  of  free  homes 
may  be  insufficient  to  meet  the  demands.  Accordingly,  only 
the  more  likely  children  can  be  placed,  while  those  suffering 
from  deformities,  weaknesses,  illegitimate  origin,  and  marked 
racial  tendencies  cannot  be  placed  in  free  homes  but  must  be 
boarded  or  otherwise  provided  for.  Again,  the  older  children 
are  not  so  easily  placed  as  the  little  ones.  Little  girls  under 
three  are  especially  in  demand,  because  they  are  captivating 
and  attractive  and  have  not  yet  suffered  from  the  evil  influences 
liable  to  result  from  the  environment  of  the  dependent  child. 
Foster  parents  prefer  a  young  child  in  order  to  train  him,  and 
because  they  expect  thereby  to  become  more  attached  to  him, 
while  he,  on  the  other  hand,  will  have  no  recollections  of  the 
former  home. 

The  older  children  are  often  vicious  and  spoiled,  and  there- 
fore applicants  hesitate  to  select  them.  The  outward  manifes- 
tation of  hereditary  traits  as  well  as  the  impressions  made  by 
a  bad  environment  appear  long  before  the  age  limit  beyond 
which  societies  usually  decline  to  accept  children  for  placing- 
out.  Such  children  suffer  greatly  from  this  disadvantage,  and 
are  not  so  easily  placed. 

The  difficulty  in  regard  to  prospective  guardians  consists 
largely  of  the  selfish  or  economic  motive  which  prompts  them 
to  attempt  to  secure  children  from  the  placing-out  agency. 


458  PROBLEMS  OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

The  older  children  are  wanted  because  of  their  ability  to  work, 
many  farmers  applying  for  children  in  the  spring  of  the  year  when 
work  is  plentiful  and  help  is  needed.  Other  applicants  have 
use  for  a  handy  boy,  while  girls  are  often  wanted  for  household 
purposes.  The  Catholic  Home  Bureau  of  New  York  has  checked 
this  species  of  exploitation  of  its  wards  so  successfully  that  appli- 
cations for  boys  and  girls  over  12,  formerly  so  numerous,  have 
almost  ceased.  Extreme  caution  is  necessary  on  the  part  of  the 
investigating  agency  in  order  to  insure  the  rejection  of  all 
applications  for  children  wanted  for  mere  mercenary  reasons, 
and  without  effective  supervision  harsh  treatment  might  not 
be  discovered  and  the  child  be  victimized  for  several  years. 

The  large  number  of  children  formerly  sent  to  the  West  by 
Eastern  societies  resulted  in  a  wave  of  legislation  in  Western 
states  aimed  against  unrestricted  importation  of  dependent 
children.  Drastic  conditions  were  imposed  and  Eastern  so- 
cieties were  compelled  to  work  more  extensively  in  their  own 
territory.  Although  most  of  the  restrictions  have  since  been 
removed,  proportionately  fewer  children  are  now  being  sent 
to  the  West. 

6.  The  Temporary  Home. 

The  temporary  home  has  become  a  valuable  adjunct  of  the 
Children's  Home  Society.  Children  are  taken  to  these  homes 
before  they  are  placed  out,  but  are  retained  no  longer  than 
necessary  to  find  them  agreeable  homes,  except  in  a  limited  num- 
ber of  cases  which  require  the  discipline  of  short  institutional 
treatment.  The  vicious  and  unmanageable  children  are  at  a 
disadvantage,  and  are  likely  to  fail  unless  the  curative  discipline 
of  the  temporary  home  is  provided  for  them.  While  at  the  home 
opportunity  is  afforded  for  medical  attention  and  for  observation 
of  the  child's  peculiarities.  So  prepared,  he  can  more  readily 
secure  a  home.  Many  societies  do  not  provide  a  temporary 
home,  but  take  the  children  directly  and  after  giving  them  a 
thorough  medical  examination,  place  them  in  their  new  homes. 

7.  Indenture. 

The  children's  societies  formerly  placed  out  a  large  propor- 
tion of  their  children  by  indenture.     A  contract  was  made  with 


PRIVATE   CHILD-SAVING  AGENCIES  459 

the  guardian  according  to  which  the  child  would  perform  cer- 
tain services  and  remain  with  the  guardian  until  a  certain  age. 
In  exchange  for  this,  the  guardian  promised  to  house,  clothe,  and 
educate  the  child  and  look  after  his  physical  interests.  When 
the  contract  expired  at  the  age  of  18  or  in  some  cases  21,  the 
child  was  free  to  leave,  and  on  leaving  was  to  receive  certain 
considerations,  such  as  a  suit  of  clothes,  twenty  dollars,  and  a 
new  Bible  !  The  indenture  system  is  crude  and  antiquated, 
no  protection  being  afforded  to  any  of  the  parties  interested. 
The  child  could  run  away  and  could  not  be  forced  to  return. 
The  guardian  was  helpless  in  this  respect  but  he  could  exploit 
the  child  without  suffering  therefor,  as  a  case  could  not  easily 
be  proven.  The  high  age  limit  for  indenture  contracts  was  an 
injustice  to  children,  who  could  earn  no  money  for  themselves 
until  the  contract  expired.  Expecting  to  be  turned  out  penni- 
less into  the  world  they  were  desirous  of  earning  wages  as  soon 
as  possible,  so  many  of  them  ran  away  from  the  guardian. 

Indenture  laws  have  been  profoundly  modified  in  many 
states ;  the  age  limits  have  been  lowered,  and  the  child  allowed 
to  make  arrangements  with  the  guardian  for  services  beyond  a 
certain  age.  Some  of  the  placing-out  societies  have  discontinued 
the  system  altogether,  and  have  placed  children  in  free  homes 
without  hard  and  fast  agreements. 

8.  Boarding  Homes  for  Children. 

Since  a  sufficient  number  of  free  homes  could  not  be  secured, 
the  children's  aid  societies,  particularly  those  in  the  East,  have 
been  forced  to  resort  to  the  boarding  home.  The  number  of 
applicants  is  usually  sufficient,  but  the  number  of  rejections  is 
so  large  that  if  decent  accommodations  are  to  be  secured  for 
the  children,  homes  willing  to  take  children  for  a  consideration 
must  be  used.  Many  children  will  need  temporary  care  only, 
and  will  eventually  be  returned  to  their  homes  or  placed  with 
relatives.  Meanwhile  they  are  boarded  in  a  private  home, 
usually  at  a  lower  figure  than  the  cost  to  the  family.  Children 
who  are  weak  and  sickly  and  those  who  are  at  an  age  when  they 
can  no  longer  be  adopted  but  are  a  heavy  cost  to  the  caretaker 
are  also  usually  boarded.     Conditions  such  as  these  have  com- 


460  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

pelled  both  public  and  private  child-caring  agencies  to  resort 
to  the  boarding  home,  as  is  shown  by  the  following  statistics : 
in  191 2  the  Pennsylvania  Children's  Aid  Society  had  under 
supervision  in  free  homes  854  children  and  in  boarding  homes 
647 ;  while  the  Massachusetts  State  Board  of  Charity  secured 
free  care  for  1268  children  and  boarded  out  2950  within  the  year. 
These  figures  indicate  in  part  the  importance  which  the  plan  of 
boarding  out  has  assumed.  The  home  societies  and  denomina- 
tional agencies  are  still  able  to  rely  for  support  on  the  free  home. 

9.  Results  of  the  Placing-out  System. 

The  precise  results  of  placing-out  as  a  policy  of  child-saving 
still  remain  undetermined,  and  reports  vary  widely  in  their 
judgments  on  this  point.  In  spite  of  utmost  precautions,  a 
large  number  of  children  must  be  placed  twice  or  oftener  before 
a  congenial  home  can  be  found,  it  having  been  estimated  that 
50  per  cent  of  all  children  must  be  replaced.1  After  the  trans- 
fers are  made  the  great  majority  are  measurably  successful. 
The  New  York  Children's  Aid  Society  estimates  that  87  per 
cent  of  the  children  which  it  places  out  are  "doing  well,"  while 
the  Michigan  State  School  for  Dependent  Children  claims  that 
92.4  per  cent  of  the  children  that  have  passed  through  its  doors 
are  wholly  or  partially  successful.  Formerly  about  one-fourth 
were  failures,  but  now  78  per  cent  are  doing  well  and  most  of 
the  remainder  "fairly  well."  The  Minnesota  School  reports 
success  in  70  per  cent  of  its  cases  and  partial  success  in  21  per 
cent. 

A  small  percentage  of  children,  however,  disappear  entirely, 
and  a  few  are  sent  to  reformatory  institutions.  Those  doing 
poorly  are  usually  boys  and  girls  placed  after  they  have  reached 
the  age  of  ten.  At  present  the  average  age  at  which  children 
are  placed  out  by  a  number  of  our  best  child-caring  agencies 
—  public  and  private  —  ranges  from  five  to  seven  years.  Good 
results  may  be  expected  from  a  policy  of  placing  very  young 
children.  The  larger  societies  are  very  efficiently  managed, 
but  the  smaller  ones  still  suffer  from  inferior  service,  the  usual 
difficulty  being  an  insufficient  number  of  agents,  so  that  the 
1  Henderson,  C.  R.,  Dependents,  Defectives,  Delinquents,  p.  114. 


PRIVATE   CHILD-SAVING  AGENCIES  461 

investigation  of  prospective  homes  is  inadequate  and  subse- 
quent visits  too  few.  In  many  localities  too  much  reliance  has 
been  placed  on  volunteers  who  offer  to  report  on  the  condition 
of  the  children,  and  insufficient  attention  has  also  been  given  to 
the  question  of  school  attendance.  Some  temporary  homes  do 
not  give  adequate  medical  care,  and  before  they  are  fit  children 
are  allowed  to  pass  out  into  family  homes. 

The  need  of  greater  efficiency  is  being  gradually  recognized 
and  the  work  of  placing-out  societies  is  slowly  being  subjected 
to  public  supervision.  In  19 13  Nebraska  and  Ohio  passed 
laws  empowering  their  state  boards  of  charities  to  visit  children 
placed  in  homes  by  private  societies. 

10.  Adoption. 

It  is  desirable  that  the  number  of  adoptions  be  as  large  as 
possible  as  far  as  this  may  be  consistent  with  the  rights  of 
parents.  Sometimes  the  latter  regain  their  ability  to  care  for 
their  children,  and  want  them  back,  and  under  certain  conditions 
this  should  be  allowed.  The  actual  percentage  of  adoptions  sel- 
dom rises  above  2  5  per  cent,  and  for  most  agencies  it  is  considerably 
lower,  often  falling  to  very  small  proportions.  The  New  York 
State  Charities  Aid  Association,  however,  has  secured  the  adop- 
tion of  549  children  out  of  1553  placed  out  during  a  period  of 
years.  Children  are  usually  given  a  trial  of  about  one  year, 
after  which  they  may  be  adopted ;  then,  if  this  step  is  taken, 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  society  ceases.  The  great  bulk  of  chil- 
dren in  the  free  homes  become  of  age  or  self-supporting  with- 
out being  made  members  of  the  family. 

11.  Societies  for  the  Prevention  of  Cruelty  to  Children. 
Cases  of  destitution  depending  upon  ill  treatment,  neglect, 

and  cruelty  are  somewhat  different  from  pure  dependency  cases, 
and  are  in  many  cities  handled  by  separate  organizations.  The 
Humane  or  Prevention  of  Cruelty  Societies  were  developed  for 
this  purpose.  So  little  attention  was  until  recently  paid  to  the 
neglected  child  that  his  interests  were  practically  overlooked 
and  nothing  was  done  for  him.  The  New  York  City  Society 
was  founded  in  1874,  and  incorporated  in  the  following  year 
under  a  law  enacted  for  the  special  purpose  of  giving  such 


462  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

agencies  a  legal  standing.  This  pioneer  work  was  followed 
by  a  wave  of  societies  rising  all  over  the  United  States,  many 
being  formed  during  the  seventies,  while  in  the  smaller  cities 
and  towns  extensive  organization  has  occurred  during  the  last 
decade.  In  the  majority  of  cases  among  the  towns  the  "Hu- 
mane Society"  has  been  established,  but  in  the  large  cities 
distinct  societies  for  the  prevention  of  cruelty  to  children  are 
the  rule. 

The  original  humane  societies  were  interested  in  animals 
only  and  were  organized  for  their  protection.  The  first  one  — 
the  Minnesota  Humane  Society  —  was  organized  in  1869.  In 
the  majority  of  cases  even  now,  in  spite  of  the  anomaly  of  the 
combination,  they  protect  both  children  and  animals  from 
cruelty.  This  is  especially  the  case  in  the  small  cities,  which 
cannot  afford  two  separate  societies  and  therefore  combine  the 
two  in  one.  In  many  instances  the  protection  of  children 
seems  to  have  been  an  afterthought.  Unfortunately  the  prin- 
ciples of  action  which  determine  policies  in  regard  to  children 
and  to  animals  are  so  different  that  the  society  caring  for  both 
threatens  to  become  warped  in  perspective,  and  applies  to  chil- 
dren the  wrong  kind  of  treatment. 

The  character  of  organization  usually  depends  on  the  special 
conditions  under  which  the  work  is  done.  Some  societies  have 
a  state  organization  and  conduct  branches  in  various  parts  of 
the  state ;  for  example,  the  Massachusetts  society  with  its  many 
branches ;  also  the  Ohio  and  Wisconsin  societies,  which  follow 
the  same  plan.  The  best  class  of  these  societies  are  incorpo- 
rated under  the  laws  of  the  state,  although  some  limit  their 
work  to  the  city  or  county  in  which  they  are  located.  County 
incorporation  is  very  common,  especially  among  humane  so- 
cieties in  the  smaller  towns  of  the  West.  Occasionally  they 
take  the  form  of  city  organizations,  confining  their  work  to  their 
particular  city  or  perhaps  extending  it  to  suburban  sections. 
Sometimes  the  society  is  a  branch  or  department  of  the  charity 
organization  society. 

Canada  has  a  considerable  number  of  protective  societies, 
and  the  work  has  also  been  established  abroad.    The  London 


PRIVATE   CHILD-SAVING  AGENCIES  463 

organization  operates  throughout  England,  Wales,  and  Ireland, 
and  has  more  than  one  thousand  centers  of  work.  Paris  has  a 
society,  and  the  one  in  Berlin  has  established  five  branch  societies. 

a.  Functions. 

There  are  at  least  two  views  as  to  the  functions  of  these 
societies.  One  is  expressed  in  the  purpose  of  the  New  York 
society,  which  reads  as  follows:  "The  particular  business  and 
objects  of  this  society  are  the  prevention  of  cruelty  to  children, 
and  the  enforcement  by  all  lawful  means  of  the  laws  relating  to 
or  in  any  wise  affecting  children."  To  carry  out  these  objects 
the  society  may  prefer  complaints  before  the  proper  courts  for 
the  violation  of  laws  affecting  or  relating  to  children  and  may 
aid  in  bringing  the  facts  before  the  courts.  The  chief  pur- 
pose of  the  society  is  plainly  to  act  as  an  arm  of  the  law  and  to 
aid  the  police. 

The  second  view  —  that  the  society  should  aim  to  prevent 
neglect  and  to  assist  in  setting  into  motion  the  forces  which  will 
insure  proper  child  protection  as  well  as  rescue  neglected  chil- 
dren —  has  been  concisely  and  ably  stated  by  Mr.  C.  C.  Car- 
stens  of  Massachusetts,  who  credits  the  society  with  the  follow- 
ing functions : 1 

1.  "To  prevent  physical  injury,  remove  the  child  whenever 
it  is  necessary  to  protect  it,  and  punish  the  offenders  whenever 
the  best  interests  of  all  concerned  demand  it. 

2.  "To  prevent  physical  neglect ;  in  extreme  cases  to  remove 
the  children  and  find  better  homes  for  them  through  suitable 
agencies. 

3.  "To  rescue  children  from  immoral  surroundings  and  shield 
them  from  immoral  contamination. 

4.  "To  protect  wife  and  dependent  children  from  non-support 
and  desertion  of  the  breadwinner  and  to  protect  children  from 
abandonment  by  either  parent. 

5.  "To  secure  suitable  new  guardians  for  children  who  have 
been  deprived  of  their  natural  guardians  or  who  should  be 
removed  from  them  in  the  interests  of  humanity." 

1  28th  Annual  Report,  Massachusetts  Society  for  the  Prevention  of  Cruelty  to 

Children. 


464  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

The  purposes  thus  stated  include  protection  to  the  child  and 
the  amelioration  of  conditions  which,  if  allowed  to  take  their 
course,  would  finally  result  in  intolerable  forms  of  neglect.  Pro- 
tection to  the  child  is  accomplished  through  the  prosecution  of 
cruel  parents  and  guardians  as  well  as  through  various  devices 
for  directly  shielding  the  child  from  cruelty.  The  more  conserv- 
ative societies  have  largely  confined  their  attention  to  remedial 
efforts,  only  cases  of  actual  cruelty  or  violations  of  the  laws 
safeguarding  the  interests  of  the  children  being  considered. 
Thus  few  homes  are  interfered  with,  and  a  vast  amount  of  misery 
remains  entirely  uncovered  and  unmolested.  Meanwhile  chil- 
dren suffer,  become  immoral  or  vicious,  and  are  deprived  of 
normal  opportunities.  Preventive  work  is  needed,  and  there- 
fore radical  leaders  have  favored  interference  with  family 
relations  whenever  the  interests  of  the  child  seemed  to  be  jeop- 
ardized. This,  however,  has  led  to  the  more  extensive  breaking 
of  family  ties  than  society  justifies  at  the  present  time.  Anti- 
cruelty  societies  have  suffered  from  the  charge  that  they  were 
largely  interested  in  the  work  of  breaking  up  families,  but 
their  mission  has  been  misunderstood.  Overzealous  officials 
may  consider  the  interests  of  the  child  only  and  overlook  the 
possible  danger  to  the  family  as  an  institution.  The  child 
should  not  be  removed  unless  he  will  gain  more  than  he  loses 
by  the  transaction,  but  the  effect  of  the  act  upon  society  itself 
must  not  be  dropped  from  consideration.  The  parent  is  also 
a  factor,  and  cannot  be  lightly  thrown  aside,  but  many  parents 
are  unfit,  and  their  children  can  only  be  saved  by  removing 
them  and  placing  them  under  new  and  more  congenial  sur- 
roundings. There  is  too  much  maudlin  sentiment  about  the 
sanctity  of  everything  that  masquerades  as  a  home.  This 
is  especially  disgusting  when  homes  ruined  by  intemperance, 
immorality,  and  brutishness  are  considered  fit  places  for  the 
rearing  of  young  children. 

The  second  purpose  —  the  amelioration  of  conditions  —  when 
properly  carried  out  allows  the  society  to  perform  a  variety  of 
tasks.  The  following  quotation  from  Mr.  Carstens  is  a  clear 
presentation  of  this  purpose.     "A  society  for  the  prevention  of 


PRIVATE   CHILD-SAVING  AGENCIES  465 

cruelty  to  children  should  be  equipped  so  that  it  may  deal 
promptly  with  all  flagrant  instances  of  cruelty  and  neglect,  and 
in  cooperation  with  other  agencies  carry  out  the  community's 
purposes.  It  should  be  ready  to  assume  leadership  in  urging 
legislation  or  in  organizing  community  action  to  protect  children 
from  abuses  that  exist  or  are  likely  to  arise.  It  should  engage 
in  an  organized  way  to  make  a  community  increasingly  sensi- 
tive to  forms  of  abuse  that  exist  but  whose  evil  results  have  not 
yet  been  appreciated."  1 

b.  Work  of  Typical  Societies. 

Cruelty  cases  often  develop  into  destitution  cases,  but  as  the 
societies  handling  them  are  not  relief  agencies,  effective  work 
requires  their  cooperation  with  other  agencies  which  will  care 
for  the  children  rescued  from  their  neglected  condition.  Insti- 
tutions and  home-finding  societies  have  been  the  chief  child- 
caring  agencies  to  which  the  anti-cruelty  societies  have  turned. 
In  Massachusetts  the  Children's  Aid  Society  and  the  State 
Board  of  Charity  have  been  used  for  this  purpose,  and  the 
Catholic  charities  have  taken  care  of  some  of  the  children.  The 
Massachusetts  society,  however,  has  been  compelled  to  develop 
placing-out  machinery  of  its  own  and  to  handle  many  children 
directly. 

In  Philadelphia  the  function  of  the  children's  bureau  simpli- 
fies the  work,  and  the  placing-out  agency  takes  the  children 
turned  over  to  it  from  the  cruelty  society  and  disposes  of  them 
according  to  its  regular  methods.  In  New  York  City  the  great 
majority  of  destitute  children  are  transferred  to  the  overabun- 
dant institutions  of  the  city,  Catholic,  Protestant,  and  Hebrew 
institutions  being  the  chief  recipients,  while  non-sectarian  insti- 
tutions receive  comparatively  few  children.  Unfortunately  the 
New  York  Society  for  the  Prevention  of  Cruelty  to  Children 
has  acted  as  a  heavy  feeder  to  the  institutions  of  New  York 
City.  It  has  been  so  easy  to  turn  children  over  to  such  agencies 
that  proper  placing-out  methods  have  not  been  developed. 

The  amount  of  work  accomplished  by  the  New  York  Society 
is  astonishing.     During   191 2,   6534  children  were  placed  in 

1  Op.  cit. 

2H 


466  PROBLEMS  OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

homes  or  institutions ;  7792  cases  affecting  children  were  prose- 
cuted and  6106  convictions  procured;  1323  lost  children  were 
recovered ;  a  large  number  of  the  theaters  were  investigated 
in  regard  to  the  employment  of  children  upon  the  stage;  and 
more  than  2184  baby  farm  applications  were  considered.  It  also 
collected  from  delinquent  parents  upward  of  $25,106,  which  was 
paid  into  the  city  treasury.  It  investigated  18,052  complaints, 
which  involved  more  than  56,000  children  and  nearly  38,000 
adults.  In  the  38  years  of  its  existence  it  has  received  over 
300,000  complaints,  involving  three  times  as  many  children, 
and  a  large  percentage  of  the  prosecution  cases  were  offenses 
against  children.  Convictions  have  been  procured  for  such  of- 
fenses as  selling  liquor  to  children,  selling  firearms,  buying  junk, 
enticement  into  or  exposure  to  immoral  surroundings,  keeping 
gambling  devices  for  the  use  of  children,  assault,  cruelty,  and 
neglect.  The  society  has  also  until  recently  served  as  the  juve- 
nile probation  department  of  New  York  City. 

In  19 13  the  Massachusetts  Society  investigated  cases  involv- 
ing 12,346  different  children,  of  which  2625  were  brought  into 
court,  and  159  were  cared  for  in  the  society's  home  during  the 
year.  As  the  average  period  of  detention  was  only  21  days, 
most  of  these  children  were  speedily  placed  in  homes  and  institu- 
tions under  proper  care.  Many  forms  of  protective  work  were 
also  carried  on,  such  as  better  enforcement  of  child  labor 
laws,  study  of  birth  registration,  efforts  to  reduce  infant  mor- 
tality, and  investigation  of  the  home  conditions  of  the  juvenile 
offenders. 

These  societies  must  cooperate  so  closely  with  the  courts  that 
they  are  virtually  semi-governmental  bodies,  rather  than  mere 
private  philanthropies,  since  they  must  become  responsible  for 
the  children  taken  by  the  court  from  their  parents.  This  func- 
tion has  in  some  cities  been  absorbed  by  the  juvenile  court 
which  deals  with  neglected  children  as  well  as  with  delinquents, 
and  which  places  both  groups  in  the  hands  of  the  probation 
officers.  This  is  especially  true  in  Western  cities.  The  preven- 
tive work,  however,  cannot  be  carried  on  by  the  juvenile  court, 
and  this  must  eventually  become  the  most  important  feature  of 


PRIVATE   CHILD-SAVING  AGENCIES  467 

the  work  of  these  societies.  The  great  need  of  to-day  is  co- 
operation with  other  child-helping  agencies  and  the  develop- 
ment of  plans  for  securing  family  life  for  the  children  taken 
from  their  homes. 

12.  The  Institution. 

The  institution  still  plays  a  very  important  part  among  the 
philanthropic  agencies  of  the  country.  In  spite  of  the  objec- 
tions of  social  workers,  it  persists  in  its  work,  and  nearly  two- 
thirds  of  all  dependent  children  are  under  its  control.  Orphan- 
ages and  children's  homes  form  about  one-fourth  of  all  the 
benevolent  institutions  in  the  United  States.  There  were  more 
than  1000  of  these  homes  in  1904,  of  which  956  were  under  the 
control  of  private  or  ecclesiastical  bodies,  and  only  119  were 
directly  controlled  by  the  public.1  The  population  of  the  public 
institutions  was  only  one-tenth  of  that  of  the  private  orphanages 
and  the  denominational  homes  contained  52,000  of  the  92,000 
children  in  homes,  while  other  private  institutions  held  30,000. 
During  this  year,  32,199  children  were  received  in  the  private 
institutions,  and  31,443  in  those  under  ecclesiastical  control. 
Although  they  receive  a  smaller  number  of  children,  the  denomi- 
national institutions  hold  a  much  larger  number  of  inmates, 
thus  indicating  that  they  do  not  allow  their  children  to  pass 
through  their  institutions  so  rapidly  as  do  the  private  homes. 
In  fact,  many  of  these  institutions  are  permanent  homes  ;  that 
is,  they  keep  the  child  until  he  is  ready  to  go  out  into  the  world 
to  support  himself.  Boys  are  often  kept  until  they  are  16,  girls 
until  18.  The  statistics  for  1910  are  not  yet  available  for  these 
comparisons. 

Owing  to  the  various  methods  of  handling  dependent  children, 
the  different  states  vary  widely  in  their  proportion  of  institu- 
tions as  well  as  of  inmates.  Where  placing-out  systems  are 
well  established,  the  percentage  of  children  in  orphanages  has 
been  greatly  reduced.  This  is  especially  true  in  Massachusetts, 
where  vigorous  work  has  resulted  in  the  closing  of  no  less  than 
13  institutions,  while  newly  organized  work  is  based  on  the 
placing-out  plan. 

1  United  States  Bureau  of  the  Census,  Benevolent  Institutions,  p.  28. 


468  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

a.  Advantages  of  the  Institution. 

As  indicated  in  a  preceding  chapter,  a  most  appropriate 
function  of  the  institution  is  its  use  as  a  home  or  school  for  de- 
fective children  and  those  who  are  crippled,  deformed,  incurably 
diseased,  or  otherwise  so  afflicted  that  either  custodial  care  or 
prolonged  treatment  is  necessary.  Such  children  can  be  more 
successfully  handled  and  trained  in  an  institution  than  in  any 
other  way.  A  second  value  consists  of  its  use  as  a  temporary 
shelter  for  the  child,  pending  a  search  for  a  suitable  home.  In 
spite  of  the  effort  to  place  children  out  directly,  few  agencies 
are  able  to  dispense  entirely  with  some  form  of  institution. 
They  must  keep  the  child  temporarily,  and  unless  family  homes 
can  be  secured  for  this  purpose,  the  institution  must  be  used. 

Again,  children  in  need  of  temporary  care  can  often  find  no 
other  accommodations  than  those  afforded  by  an  institution. 
The  discipline,  regularity,  and  decorum  enforced  in  well-estab- 
lished children's  homes  often  prepare  the  untaught  child  for 
family  life.  The  child  who  has  lived  in  a  bad  home  under 
improper  training  has  invariably  developed  irregular  and 
irresponsible  habits,  and  for  such  habits  the  unrelaxing  routine 
of  institutional  life  is  the  best  treatment.  Without  this  disci- 
pline, it  is  doubtful  if  such  children  would  ever  become  law- 
abiding  citizens. 

b.  Disadvantages. 

One  of  the  important  disadvantages  of  the  institution  is  the 
slow  movement  of  its  population  into  individual  homes.  Unless 
an  efficient  placing-out  bureau  is  maintained  or  some  central 
agency  can  be  utilized,  the  orphanage  will  fail  to  place  its  chil- 
dren in  family  homes  or  will  delay  this  important  duty.  Many 
institutions  have  utterly  failed  to  develop  a  satisfactory  plan  of 
home-finding  for  their  inmates.  To  the  uncritical  eye,  more 
seems  to  be  accomplished  if  children  can  be  seen  swarming  all 
over  the  institution.  The  happy  child  in  the  country  home  is 
not  present  to  impress  the  visitor  at  the  orphanage.  So  there 
is  often  a  disinclination  to  part  with  the  children. 

Another  disadvantage  of  the  institution  is  the  type  of  build- 
ing and  its  usual  location.    The  cottage  system  has  not  com- 


PRIVATE   CHILD-SAVING  AGENCIES  469 

monly  superseded  the  old  institutional  type  of  building,  which 
is  usually  located  in  the  city  itself  or  in  the  immediate  outskirts, 
where  sufficient  room  and  the  most  congenial  surroundings  are 
not  available.  The  heavy  cost  is  the  chief  hindrance  to  the 
establishment  of  the  cottage  system.  Another  possible  danger 
lies  in  the  difficulty  of  properly  classifying  and  segregating  chil- 
dren of  various  types  and  dispositions.  Within  a  single  insti- 
tution we  frequently  find  mental  defectives,  backward  children, 
delinquents,  dependents,  and  neglected  or  ill-treated  children,  a 
situation  which  involves  many  dangers.  Dependent  and  delin- 
quent children  are  frequently  allowed  to  associate  with  each  other. 
Even  though  similar  causes  may  have  produced  them,  the  two 
types  are  different  and  the  innocent  dependent  children  may 
easily  be  contaminated  by  the  delinquents.  In  New  York  the 
effects  of  the  mingling  of  these  two  classes  became  so  harmful 
that  the  state  enacted  a  law  requiring  private  institutions  to 
limit  themselves  to  either  the  dependent  or  the  delinquent 
children.  The  massing  of  dependent  children  is  in  itself  a 
serious  thing,  but  it  becomes  worse  when  various  elements  are 
introduced. 

Individualization  is  not  possible  in  institutions,  particularly 
in  the  larger  ones,  and  one  of  the  most  important  needs  of 
the  child  is  therefore  neglected.  In  the  home  the  child  is 
"  mothered,"  and  enjoys  a  spontaneity  and  freedom  from  irk- 
some discipline  which  develops  his  self-reliance  and  ability  to 
do  independent  work.  He  comes  in  contact  with  the  world,  and 
by  learning  its  methods  he  adapts  himself  to  its  conditions. 
The  child  in  the  institution  leads  an  artificial  life  under  arti- 
ficial conditions,  and  his  "hothouse"  development  does  not 
prepare  for  the  environment  into  which  he  passes  after  he  leaves 
the  institution.  He  finds  himself  quite  helpless,  and  the  prob- 
lems of  life  overtax  him ;  he  does  not  understand  the  struggles 
of  the  world,  and  is  frequently  submerged ;  his  education  is 
often  less  efficient  than  that  provided  for  the  normal  boy,  and 
his  play  and  recreational  facilities  are  so  limited  that  he  fails 
utterly  to  gain  the  freedom  and  pleasure  enjoyed  by  the  child 
in  the  home.     Many  institutions  do  not  reach  the  level  of  the 


470  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

best  standards,  so  the  effect  on  the  child  is  injurious.  Children 
are  in  many  instances  still  marched  to  school  in  squads,  and 
returned  in  similar  manner,  while  some  institutions  dress  their 
children  in  uniforms  and  maintain  a  sort  of  military  discipline. 
Besides,  in  many  places,  even  the  wisdom  of  sending  them  to 
the  public  schools  has  not  yet  been  recognized.  The  Hebrew 
orphanages  were  the  first  to  use  the  public  schools,  and  the  tend- 
ency now  is  strongly  in  the  direction  of  complete  freedom  of 
children  in  going  to  and  coming  from  school.  Some  forms  of 
instruction,  however,  are  very  appropriate  in  institutions. 
Among  these  are  kindergarten  instruction  and  manual  training. 
Many  orphanages  have  added  these  branches  to  their  curriculum. 
Institutions  within  city  limits  can  with  difficulty  provide  out- 
ings and  excursions  to  refresh  the  children  after  constant  con- 
tact with  the  prosaic  surroundings  of  the  institution. 

The  foundling  asylum  has  been  a  special  target  for  the 
critics,  and  with  good  reason,  for  the  mortality  rate  in  these 
institutions  is  frequently  enormous.  Many  of  the  children,  it 
is  true,  are  received  in  a  precarious  condition,  and  suffer  from  mal- 
nutrition, premature  birth,  physical  defects,  or  inanition,  while 
illegitimacy  is  usually  a  factor.  Despite  these  obstacles,  the 
proper  care  of  the  babies  can  substantially  reduce  the  death 
rate.  Usually  these  asylums  accept  too  many  children  and 
overcrowd  the  various  wards.  Frequently  the  inmates  are  not 
properly  fed  and  seldom  do  they  receive  sufficient  individual 
attention.  The  plan  of  boarding  out  babies  with  wet  nurses 
under  the  supervision  of  the  asylum  promises  to  attain  better 
results.  The  large  foundling  asylum  providing  institutional 
care  has  proven  a  failure,  and  must  be  supplanted  either  by  the 
small  institution  where  improved  care  can  be  given  or  by  a  sys- 
tem of  care  in  private  homes. 

13.  The  Day  Nursery. 

The  day  nursery  is  intended  for  children  who  live  in  their 
own  homes,  but  whose  mothers  must  work  during  the  day  and 
who  cannot  be  left  at  home  alone.  The  family  may  be  practi- 
cally self-supporting,  but  unless  relief  of  this  sort  is  provided, 
the  poverty  line  will  soon  be  reached.    Theoretically  the  day 


PRIVATE   CHILD-SAVING  AGENCIES  471 

nursery  is  a  makeshift  —  an  instrument  which  makes  it  possible 
for  mothers  to  work  in  the  gainful  occupations  and  neglect  their 
home  duties.  Their  earnings  should  not  be  necessary,  and  the 
ideal  constructive  work  deals  with  the  problems  which  if  solved 
would  make  day  nurseries  unnecessary.  As  a  method  of  relief, 
however,  they  have  a  legitimate  place. 

Day  nurseries  were  first  developed  in  France  under  private 
auspices.  The  movement  grew,  and  to-day  the  nurseries  of 
that  country  are  under  the  medical  supervision  and  general 
inspection  of  the  state.  England  also  has  a  large  number, 
London  alone  having  about  75.  Many  of  these,  however,  are 
poorly  kept,  are  housed  in  ill-smelling  buildings,  are  over- 
crowded, are  provided  with  poor  food,  and  are  attended  by  an 
incompetent  staff  who  are  themselves  ignorant  of  the  laws  of 
hygiene. 

In  some  English  cities  day  industrial  schools  serve  as  a  sub- 
stitute for  day  nurseries,  and  the  children  attend  the  schools 
from  8  a.m. to  6  p.m.  They  are  given  educational  training,  some 
recreation,  and  three  meals  a  day,  but  the  parents  are  required 
to  pay  one  shilling  per  week  toward  the  support  of  each  child. 
The  government  supplements  this  support  with  a  subsidy  not 
exceeding  the  amount  given  by  parents.  Many  widows,  in 
particular,  find  these  schools  a  great  convenience,  for  the  chil- 
dren can  be  cared  for  throughout  the  entire  day,  the  mothers 
then  being  free  to  work. 

In  the  United  States  day  nurseries  have  been  established  in 
all  large  cities  and  industrial  centers,  and  in  1909  over  400 
nurseries  had  been  established  throughout  the  country.  They 
are  generally  connected  with  settlements,  churches,  or  chari- 
table societies,  and  do  not  ordinarily  operate  as  separate  institu- 
tions. In  a  model  nursery  children  are  examined  by  physicians, 
receive  physical  care  and  exercise,  are  given  kindergarten  in- 
struction, have  ample  opportunity  for  amusement  as  well  as 
for  sleep,  and  are  provided  with  two  meals  a  day.  Some  charge, 
usually  five  cents  per  day,  is  required  from  the  mother. 

American  nurseries  often  suffer  from  overcrowding,  being 
frequently  located  in  very  unsatisfactory  buildings  or  rooms. 


472  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

There  is  also  much  danger  from  contagion,  as  medical  inspec- 
tion is  not  always  required.  The  adaptation  of  food  furnishes 
another  problem,  since  the  food  must  be  clean  and  wholesome, 
yet  not  so  different  from  that  provided  in  the  homes  as  to  cause 
indigestion.  Cleanliness  should  be  enforced,  not  only  for  the 
sake  of  the  child,  but  for  the  parents  as  well. 

The  American  Association  of  Day  Nurseries  is  doing  much 
toward  standardizing  and  raising  the  ideals  of  nurseries.  Nurs- 
eries must  not  abet  the  evil  they  are  trying  to  relieve,  although 
there  is  danger  of  producing  precisely  this  effect.  The  estab- 
lishment of  a  nursery  frequently  tempts  women  who  would 
otherwise  stay  at  home  to  make  use  of  the  nursery  and  enter 
some  gainful  occupation.  Unless  precautions  are  taken  and  a 
careful  selection  made,  the  real  purpose  is  not  served.  How- 
ever, nurseries  should  improve  the  physical  condition  of  children, 
develop  higher  ideals  in  the  homes,  and  give  needed  relief  to 
working  mothers. 

14.  Needs  and  Reforms. 

Cooperation  among  child-saving  agencies  and  their  simplifi- 
cation are  among  the  greatest  needs  of  the  day.  Undoubtedly 
the  number  of  such  agencies  should  also  be  reduced,  as  many  of 
them  are  small  and  ill-equipped  and  their  work  is  quite  inferior 
to  present  standards.  By  combination  and  cooperation,  greater 
efficiency  will  be  obtained.  Denominational  friction  prevents 
the  needed  reduction  of  agencies  at  present,  but  even  here 
greater  cooperation  is  possible.  A  large  non-sectarian  institu- 
tion is  sufficient  for  a  single  state  unless  the  presence  of  a  large 
city  complicates  the  problem.  Some  auxiliary  aid  can  then  be 
furnished  by  a  very  limited  number  of  sectarian  agencies,  al- 
though concentration  of  the  work  in  the  hands  of  a  single  ad- 
ministration would  be  more  desirable.  A  children's  bureau 
acting  as  a  clearing  house  of  cases  marks  the  farthest  step  in 
advance. 

Efficient  management  is  one  of  the  most  important  needs  in 
child-saving  agencies  and  thorough  organization  is  required  so 
that  children  can  be  promptly  and  efficiently  handled.  The 
child  ready  to  be  placed  out  should  not  suffer  from  delays. 


PRIVATE   CHILD-SAVING  AGENCIES  473 

There  should  be  ample  knowledge  of  the  whereabouts  of  desir- 
able homes.  More  trained  officials  are  needed  to  carry  on  the 
work,  since  too  often  the  social  perspective  of  the  agent,  or  even 
of  the  secretary  himself,  is  too  narrow  to  make  possible  the  best 
results.  Hence  children  are  poorly  placed  or  undergo  a  demoral- 
izing routine  from  which  recovery  is  extremely  difficult.  The 
smaller  societies  especially  need  more  trained  officials.  The 
larger  ones,  recognizing  the  need  of  efficient  workers,  have  begun 
to  train  their  own  staff  by  requiring  attendance  at  appropriate 
lectures  in  schools  of  social  work,  or  by  organizing  for  themselves 
courses  on  child  problems. 


CHAPTER  IV 
PUBLIC   CHILD-SAVING   AGENCIES 

Private  philanthropy  has  been  unable  to  meet  all  the  needs 
and  problems  of  dependent  children ;  consequently  public 
methods  of  child  care  have  gradually  taken  form,  and  as  each 
state  may  develop  its  own  plan  several  systems  have  been  estab- 
lished. Among  these  are :  the  State  School  System,  State 
Placing-out  System,  County  Home  Plan,  and  Public  Subsidies 
to  Private  Charities.  Recently  several  states  have  endeavored 
to  supplement  their  methods  of  child-saving  by  laws  providing 
pensions  for  worthy  mothers.  One  of  the  special  fields  of  pri- 
vate charity  consists  of  those  groups  that  allow  considerable 
elasticity  in  treatment.  Public  agencies  must  confine  themselves 
largely  to  cases  of  children  definitely  in  need  of  care  and  train- 
ing, but  which  do  not  involve  constructive  aid  to  the  family. 

i.  The  State  School  System. 

The  most  common  method  of  public  care  is  the  state  school 
system.  It  has  been  adopted  in  whole  or  in  part  by  eleven 
states  —  Michigan,  Minnesota,  Wisconsin,  Rhode  Island, 
Kansas,  Iowa,  Nebraska,  Montana,  Texas,  Colorado,  and 
Nevada.  In  some  of  these  states  the  system  was  adopted  di- 
rectly, but  in  a  number  the  function  of  the  homes  for  soldiers' 
and  sailors'  orphans  has  been  expanded  to  include  the  duties  of 
a  state  school.  In  Iowa,  for  example,  children  may  be  sent  as 
county  wards  to  the  school  and  are  partially  supported  by  state 
funds,  but  these  children  are  distinguished  from  those  for  whom 
the  institution  was  originally  built.  Strange  as  it  may  seem, 
some  "orphans"  of  the  soldiers  of  the  Civil  War  are  still  sent 
to  these  homes ! 

The  first  state  to  adopt  the  system  was  Michigan,  in  1874. 
At  that  time  at  least  600  children  were  scattered  about  in  the 

474 


PUBLIC   CHILD-SAVING  AGENCIES  475 

almshouses  of  that  state,  and  a  radical  departure  in  method 
was  necessary  to  save  them  from  pauperism;  accordingly  the 
state  school  was  established,  and  dependent  children  between 
the  ages  of  three  and  fourteen  years  were  admitted.  Subsequent 
revisions  of  the  law  established  new  age  limits,  and  at  present 
children  from  one  to  twelve  years  of  age  are  specially  cared  for, 
but  under  certain  conditions  any  child  under  fourteen  years 
of  age  will  be  received.  A  babies'  cottage  has  been  provided 
to  meet  the  needs  of  infants. 

a.  Essential  Elements  of  the  State  School  System. 

The  essential  elements  of  the  state  school  system,  as  exempli- 
fied by  Michigan,  are  the  following :  the  investigation  of  cases 
considered  for  the  state  school,  the  transferal  by  the  courts  of 
the  children  to  the  school,  the  temporary  detention  and  main- 
tenance of  the  children  in  the  institution,  training  and  school 
work  during  the  stay  of  the  child,  a  state  placing-out  system, 
the  speedy  placing  of  children  in  private  homes,  and  the  subse- 
quent supervision  of  the  children  in  these  homes.  A  dependent 
child  is  sent  to  the  school  only  after  a  petition  has  been  filed  in 
the  probate  court  of  the  county  in  which  the  child  resides,  and 
the  petition  must  be  signed  by  at  least  two  of  the  superintendents 
of  the  poor  in  the  said  county.  The  court  orders  an  investiga- 
tion of  the  causes  of  dependency,  the  condition  of  the  parents, 
the  child's  former  maintenance,  etc.,  before  making  an  appro- 
priate disposition  of  the  case.  Ample  precautions  are  thus 
taken  to  prevent  the  sending  of  unworthy  children  to  the 
school.  When  the  child  is  made  a  public  ward,  the  State  Board 
of  Control  becomes  his  legal  guardian  and  parents  or  relatives 
sever  their  direct  control. 

The  school  is  essentially  a  temporary  home.  It  comprises 
nine  cottages,  and  accommodations  are  provided  for  250  chil- 
dren, but  at  no  time  has  it  been  the  purpose  of  the  managers 
or  superintendents  to  detain  children  longer  than  necessary. 
The  training  given  is  intended  to  fit  them  for  life  in  the  family 
so  that  they  may  inspire  the  affection  which  is  necessary  to  pro- 
mote the  possibility  of  their  adoption.  The  actual  average 
length  of  residence  of  children  in  the  school  is  two  and  seven- 


476  PROBLEMS  OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

tenths  months.  They  receive  good  medical  service,  and  during 
their  brief  stay  are  given  instruction  in  the  common  branches, 
manual  training,  and  domestic  science.  As  the  children  are 
quite  young,  the  greater  portion  of  the  work  consists  of  kinder- 
garten and  primary  instruction.  A  garden  and  a  farm  of  160 
acres  offer  some  opportunities  for  the  older  children. 

The  Minnesota  school,  although  very  efficient,  held  4577  chil- 
dren received  for  the  first  time  an  average  length  of  about  seven 
and  six-tenths  months,  but  including  those  who  are  returned 
and  placed  again,  the  length  of  stay  is  thirteen  months.  In 
Iowa,  where  the  law  prevents  facility  in  handling  the  cases, 
soldiers'  children  actually  remain  an  average  of  a  little  over 
three  and  one-half  years.  The  county  wards,  on  the  other 
hand,  remain  only  two  years  and  five  months. 

The  most  successful  work  for  dependent  children  is  done  for 
those  who  are  comparatively  young.  Because  children  form 
many  bad  habits  under  the  abnormal  conditions  among  which 
they  are  almost  invariably  found,  it  is  necessary  to  place  them 
out  at  the  earliest  possible  age,  so  that  their  habits  may  be 
re-formed  in  the  new  home.  In  the  Michigan  state  school  the 
average  age  of  the  children  is  less  than  six  years,  but  in  Minne- 
sota it  is  nearly  eight  years.  In  Iowa  good  progress  has  been 
made.  The  age  of  admission  of  soldiers'  children  has  been 
reduced  in  a  few  years  from  10  to  7. 11  years  and  of  county  wards 
from  9.1  to  7.4  years.  This  brings  a  large  proportion  of  them 
within  the  age  when  they  may  be  placed  out  for  adoption. 
Through  efficiency  in  placing-out  its  children,  and  through  the 
policy  of  temporary  maintenance  only,  the  state  of  Michigan 
reduces  the  average  age  of  the  inmates  of  its  school,  and  also 
shortens  the  period  of  detention.  The  possibilities  of  this  sys- 
tem are  thereby  demonstrated. 

b.  Placing-out. 

In  Michigan  the  placing-out  machinery  consisted  at  first  of 
the  state  agent  and  numerous  county  agents,  but  the  number  of 
state  agents  has  been  increased  to  four.  When  applications  for 
children  are  first  received,  the  county  agent  investigates  the 
merits  of  the  applicants.     Some  counties,  however,  have  no 


PUBLIC   CHILD-SAVING  AGENCIES  477 

such  official,  and  the  state  agents  are  therefore  required  to  make 
the  preliminary  investigations.  In  case  of  press  of  work  this 
imposes  a  hardship  because  the  force  of  investigators  is  still 
too  small.  On  approval  of  the  home  by  the  agent,  the  guardian 
signs  a  written  agreement  to  care  for  the  child  according  to  the 
requirements  demanded  by  the  board  of  control,  and  the  child 
is  then  placed  in  the  new  home,  where  he  is  supervised.  Among 
the  official  visitors  are  the  county  and  state  agents,  judges  of 
probate,  and  superintendents  of  the  poor.  The  placing-out 
methods  are  very  similar  to  those  of  the  best  private  societies, 
and  so  need  no  further  discussion. 

c.  Results  of  System. 

Without  doubt  the  state  school  system  has  been  very  suc- 
cessful. True,  a  number  of  children  must  be  placed  a  second, 
and  some  a  third,  time  or  even  oftener,  as  is  the  case  with  pri- 
vate societies,  but  on  the  whole  good  results  have  been  achieved. 
Minnesota  has  made  an  excellent  record,  showing  that  out  of 
4090  children  placed  out,  65.3  per  cent  were  placed  only  once, 
the  remainder  were  repeated.  In  Michigan  59.3  per  cent  were 
placed  but  once,  23  per  cent  had  to  be  returned  and  new  homes 
found,  while  the  remainder  were  placed  three  or  more  times. 
Two  children  were  each  indentured  ten  times,  yet  most  of  the 
cases  have  been  successful. 

The  volume  of  work  done  by  the  Michigan  school  is  indicated 
by  the  following  figures,  which  will  serve  as  an  example  of  the 
possible  development  of  the  state  school  plan.  During  the 
years  1874-1912,  7413  children  were  received  and  disposed  of. 
In  the  last  year  the  school  handled  179  new  children,  and  had 
under  its  supervision  a  total  of  17 19  children.  Thirteen  per 
cent  of  the  entire  number  have  been  adopted,  30  per  cent  have 
become  self-supporting,  12  per  cent  were  returned  to  the 
counties,  many  were  restored  to  their  parents,  and  more  than 
one-fifth  are  still  wards  of  the  school.  The  large  proportion  of 
children  (over  one-half)  who  had  both  parents  living  indicates 
that  the  greatest  bane  of  these  children  has  been  worthless 
parents. 

A  large  percentage  of  adoptions  is  impossible  in  the  case  of 


47§  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

children  who  have  one  or  both  parents  living,  because  prospec- 
tive foster  parents  hesitate  to  take  them  for  adoption  and  the 
state  naturally  hopes  that  parents  will  eventually  resume  their 
rightful  obligations. 

The  adoption  of  the  state  school  system  usually  results  in 
state  interest  in  the  work  of  private  child-caring  societies,  and 
paves  the  way  for  state  supervision  of  such  work,  although  the 
influence  of  social  workers  has  in  many  instances  accomplished 
even  more  than  has  the  adoption  of  the  state  school  system  in 
securing  this  needed  reform.  The  state  school  tends  to  raise 
the  standard  of  admission  to  private  institutions,  and  a  greater 
uniformity  in  the  care  of  dependent  children  is  thereby  secured. 
On  the  whole,  the  state  school  system  has  greatly  increased  the 
efficiency  of  the  work  done  for  dependent  children  in  those 
states  in  which  it  has  been  adopted,  and  the  political  difficulties 
have  not  been  formidable.  The  use  of  the  state  school  by  pri- 
vate agencies,  at  first  antagonistic  to  its  methods  and  purposes, 
has  increased ;  better  standards  have  been  set  for  all ;  and  a 
large  number  of  children  are  now  being  adequately  cared  for. 
The  proportion  of  dependent  children  has,  on  the  other  hand, 
declined  under  the  operation  of  the  system.  This  plan,  how- 
ever, has  not  yet  met  the  test  of  success  adequately  in  every 
state  —  largely  because  the  placing-out  machinery,  which  is 
the  keynote  of  final  success,  has  not  been  fully  developed. 

2.  Boarding  and  Placing-out  Systems. 

a.  Child  Saving  in  New  Jersey. 

In  New  Jersey  the  State  Board  of  Children's  Guardians 
cares  for  dependent  and  neglected  children  and  is  empowered 
to  place  such  children  in  private  homes  within  the  state  with 
or  without  the  payment  of  board.  In  the  year  1911-1912,  274 
children  were  handled  by  the  board.  In  actual  fact  47  per  cent 
of  the  1062  children  in  the  care  of  the  state  board  in  191 2  were 
living  in  free  homes,  most  of  these  children  being  over  10  years 
of  age.  Every  child  on  commitment  receives  a  medical  exami- 
nation, and  as  the  state  has  no  central  institution,  it  uses  the 
county  homes,  private  institutions,  and  other  agencies  for  the 
temporary  detention  of  the  children. 


PUBLIC   CHILD-SAVING  AGENCIES  479 

b.  The  Massachusetts  Plan. 

The  Massachusetts  State  Board  of  Charity  has  extensive 
powers  and  duties  in  regard  to  the  care  and  custody  of  depend- 
ent and  delinquent  children.  In  November,  191 2,  the  statis- 
tics of  its  work  were  as  follows : 

Number  in  charge  of  board       5222 

Juvenile  offenders 4°° 

Neglected  children        2967 

Dependent  children 1849 

Number  cared  for  during  the  year 5742 

Under  three  years  of  age 634 

Over  three  years  of  age 5IQ8 

Free  of  expense  to  state  for  board 1268 

Partly  supported  by  state 74 

Fully  supported  by  state 2950 

In  institutions 398 

Married       12 

Whereabouts  unknown 147 

Practically  no  distinction  in  treatment  is  made  between  the 
delinquents  and  the  other  groups.  The  children  are  placed 
as  rapidly  as  possible  in  family  homes,  some  free  of  cost  to  the 
state,  others  at  public  expense.  The  total  cost  of  maintaining 
the  children,  including  those  under  three  years  of  age,  was  over 
$500,000  for  the  year  191 2. 

A  valuable  feature  of  the  work  of  the  board  is  its  care  of 
children  under  three,  some  of  whom  are  foundlings.  These 
children  are  also  placed  in  private  homes,  usually  not  more  than 
two  in  any  one  home,  but  some  difficulty  is  experienced  in  find- 
ing women  willing  to  take  the  small  babies  because  of  the 
liability  to  sickness  and  the  difficulty  in  preparing  food  for 
them.  In  191 2  the  mortality  among  the  children  under  one 
year  of  age  was  14.35  Per  cent  —  a  rate  but  slightly  higher  than 
that  of  infants  in  the  state  as  a  whole. 

c.  City  Systems. 

In  a  number  of  cities,  systems  of  boarding  and  placing-out 
children  have  also  been  developed.  Boston,  for  example,  fol- 
lows the  general  plan  of  the  Massachusetts  Board  of  Charity, 
which  has  already  been  discussed.  The  city  has  about  800 
children  under  its  supervision. 


480  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

St.  Louis  established  a  board  of  children's  guardians  in  1912. 
Formerly  dependent  children  were  cared  for  in  the  maintenance 
department  of  the  industrial  school,  but  the  new  law  provides 
for  a  proper  receiving  room  for  the  children  and  requires  that 
they  be  placed  in  family  homes  in  the  city  or  within  a  radius  of 
fifty  miles.  Children  may  be  placed  at  board  at  a  cost  not  to 
exceed  $3.50  per  week,  and  under  certain  conditions  children 
may  be  boarded  in  their  own  homes  if  the  mother  is  a  widow. 

A  very  significant  type  of  work  is  carried  on  by  the  Board  of 
Children's  Guardians  of  the  District  of  Columbia.  This  board 
consists  of  nine  members,  and  handles  foundlings  and  destitute, 
delinquent,  and  feeble-minded  cases.  Children  may  be  placed 
in  free  homes  or  at  board  in  either  homes  or  institutions.  The 
smaller  children  are  usually  placed  in  homes  and  the  older  ones 
in  institutions,  but  the  majority  of  all  children  are  located  in 
homes  where  they  may  be  indentured,  apprenticed,  or  placed 
on  trial  for  adoption,  and  where  children  may  be  controlled 
until  their  majority.  Many  of  the  institutions  utilized  are  in 
other  states. 

3.  The  County  Home  System. 

The  establishment  of  county  homes  for  dependent  children 
has  been  tried  in  Indiana  and  Ohio.  In  1912  Indiana  had  about 
35  such  homes  — a  reduction  of  five  in  six  years  —  and  Ohio 
had  48  public  and  6  semi-public  homes.  These  homes  are  con- 
trolled by  a  local  board  and  supported  by  the  counties.  Chil- 
dren are  removed  from  the  almshouses  or  received  from  the 
courts  and  sent  to  these  homes,  although  in  some  cases  they 
are  placed  in  private  institutions.  Sometimes  the  almshouse 
and  children's  home  are  controlled  by  the  same  management. 
Some  counties  are  not  provided  with  homes,  but  send  their 
children  to  homes  in  the  adjoining  counties.  The  county  homes 
are  usually  small,  and  something  approaching  family  life  is 
often  realized,  but  the  management  is  frequently  inefficient 
because  of  the  low  salaries  that  are  paid.  The  system  tends 
to  create  a  large  institutional  population  and  does  not  foster 
good  placing-out  facilities ;  furthermore,  the  children  remain 
too  long  under  institutional  care.     The  Indiana  system  is  now 


PUBLIC   CHILD-SAVING   AGENCIES  481 

supplemented  by  a  state  placing-out  agency,  and  by  state  super- 
vision of  the  county  homes.  Besides,  there  is  a  definite  move- 
ment in  favor  of  a  state  school  system. 

4.  The  Subsidy  System. 

In  a  number  of  states  the  public  pays  for  children  placed  under 
the  care  of  private  institutions.  Chief  among  these  states  are 
New  York  and  California.  The  subsidy  may  be  paid  by  the 
county,  town,  or  city  responsible  for  the  children.  The  system 
owed  its  beginning  partly  to  the  fact  that  private  institutions 
developed  complete  machinery  for  the  care  of  children  before 
the  establishment  of  a  system  of  public  care.  Under  these 
conditions  the  public  authorities  turned  their  wards  over  to  the 
private  institutions  and  agreed  to  pay  a  fixed  sum  for  the  serv- 
ice rendered. 

Many  institutions  now  take  both  public  and  private  cases, 
but  prefer  the  ones  for  whose  care  they  will  receive  a  subsidy. 
Accordingly  whenever  possible  they  have  children  committed 
to  them  by  public  authority.  The  system  tends  to  encourage 
dependency,  as  is  evident  from  the  disproportionate  number  of 
children  in  the  institutions  of  New  York,  California,  and  the 
District  of  Columbia.  It  is  specially  disastrous  to  foundlings 
and  abandoned  babies  who,  when  placed  in  the  institutions, 
tend  to  be  forgotten,  while  enormous  death  rates  ensue.  The 
system  lessens  the  direct  interest  of  the  state  in  reducing  appar- 
ent dependency ;  it  reduces  the  responsibility  of  parents,  and 
prevents  institutions  from  returning  children  to  their  homes 
when  parents  have  recovered  their  capacity  to  support  their 
children.  Nor  does  it  foster  placing-out,  especially  if  the  sub- 
sidy paid  exceeds  the  cost  of  maintaining  the  child.  The  public 
inspection  of  private  institutions  and  their  regulation  by  the 
state  board  of  charities  tend  to  reduce  the  evils  of  the  subsidy 
system,  but  it  is  probable  that  the  inherent  disadvantages  are 
so  grave  that  the  public  must  abandon  this  form  of  cooperation 
with  private  agencies  and  institute  a  complete  system  of  public 
care. 

5.  Care  of  Neglected  Children. 

Probably  a  majority  of  the  neglected  children  and  those 
21 


482  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

suffering  from  the  cruelty  and  depravity  of  parents  are  handled 
by  private  agencies.  Two  types  of  public  machinery  for  their 
care  have  also  come  into  existence.  Indiana  furnishes  an 
example  of  the  first  type.  Here  the  state  law  provides  for 
boards  of  children's  guardians  which  may  be  formed  in  each 
county.  These  boards  consist  of  six  persons,  half  of  whom 
must  be  women.  The  board  files  petitions  for  the  custody  of 
such  children  as  need  their  intervention,  and  the  court  transfers 
them  to  the  guardianship  of  the  board ;  meanwhile  the  children 
remain  with  their  parents,  except  in  urgent  cases,  when  they 
may  be  taken  away.  The  boards  are  usually  conservative  and 
few  cases  are  lost  to  them  in  court ;  they  have  become  a  valu- 
able deterrent  of  cruelty,  and  they  have  been  able  to  settle 
many  cases  without  recourse  to  legal  process.  The  disposition 
of  children  is  made  in  accordance  with  one  of  three  possible 
methods :  first,  they  may  be  taken  to  board's  homes ;  second, 
in  the  absence  of  board's  homes,  they  may  be  committed  to  an 
orphan  asylum ;  third,  they  may  be  indentured  or  adopted.  In 
most  cases  the  children  find  places  in  individual  homes.  A 
recent  law  providing  for  the  punishment  of  the  parents  or  guard- 
ians of  neglected  children  increased  the  power  of  the  boards. 

In  the  large  cities  of  the  Central  and  Western  states  neglected 
and  cruelty  cases  are  handled  by  the  juvenile  courts.  A  petition 
charging  neglect  is  filed  and  if  sustained  by  the  judge  the  child 
is  declared  "neglected."  He  is  then  placed  under  the  supervi- 
sion of  the  probation  officers  or  removed  from  the  home.  If 
the  latter  plan  is  followed,  he  is  then  handled  in  the  same  manner 
as  a  dependent  child.  The  methods  of  disposition  vary  among 
the  different  cities,  but  it  is  very  important  that  each  state  give 
equal  powers  to  father  and  to  mother  over  their  children  in 
respect  to  earnings,  education,  control,  and  guardianship,  in 
order  to  afford  the  children  better  protection.  Otherwise  chil- 
dren not  taken  from  their  homes  are  likely  to  remain  in  the 
custody  of  worthless  fathers,  for  statistics  show  that  the  male 
parent  is  usually  the  chief  offender. 

6.  Pensions  for  Mothers. 

Public  pensions  for  indigent  mothers  is  a  very  recent  form  of 


PUBLIC   CHILD-SAVING  AGENCIES  483 

philanthropy.  Save  for  those  cases  of  public  outdoor  relief 
that  included  pensions  for  mothers  little  was  known  about  this 
subject  until  the  enactment  of  the  Illinois  "Funds  to  Parents" 
Act  in  191 1.  In  theory  we  are  dealing  with  a  special  form  of 
outdoor  relief,  and  the  principle  underlying  mothers'  pensions 
is  the  same  as  that  which  determines  other  forms  of  public 
outdoor  relief.  It  is  merely  a  case  in  public  charity  and  must 
be  regarded  as  such.  Accordingly,  two  questions  at  once  sug- 
gest themselves.  Can  public  outdoor  relief,  which  has  proven 
a  failure  in  so  many  cities,  be  restored  again  and  now  prove 
successful?  Or  is  the  mothers'  pension  a  special  case  which 
can  be  isolated  from  the  remainder  of  our  relief  problems  and 
be  adequately  handled  by  the  public  ?  In  discussing  these  ques- 
tions it  must  be  admitted  at  the  outset  that  public  philanthropy 
of  all  kinds  is  going  to  develop,  and  that  it  will  be  increasingly 
successful  as  public  administration  raises  its  standards.  The 
principle  on  which  public  charity  is  based  is  correct,  because 
it  is  the  business  of  the  state  to  assuage  and  to  prevent  distress. 
The  public  is  the  natural  agent  of  social  service.  Private  char- 
ity is  benevolent,  but  frequently  it  lacks  the  spirit  of  democracy. 

A  deluge  of  public  relief  at  present  would,  however,  prove 
extremely  disastrous.  We  must  therefore  proceed  slowly  and 
meet  such  questions  as :  Will  constructive  work  suffer  ?  Will 
cases  be  properly  cared  for  ?  Will  they  involve  the  entire  field 
of  outdoor  relief  ?  Would  we  be  ready  for  such  a  contingency 
by  the  time  it  would  probably  occur  ?  These  questions  cannot 
be  answered  categorically,  and  time  alone  will  answer  them. 

The  demand  for  pensions  for  mothers  arose  from  the  need  of 
destitute  mothers,  especially  widows  that  had  been  observed 
by  such  a  public  agency  as  the  juvenile  court.  The  great  wave 
of  legislation  is,  however,  largely  sentimental.  The  original 
Illinois  law  was  enacted  by  politicians,  and  its  provisions  were 
not  popular  with  the  social  workers.  The  Missouri  law  of 
191 1,  applying  to  Kansas  City  only,  embodied  the  ideas  favored 
by  the  juvenile  court  of  that  city.  During  the  two  years  191 1- 
1913,  20  states  passed  some  form  of  pension  measure,  and  the 
essential  features  of  these  laws  are  the  following :  first,  type  of 


484  PROBLEMS  OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

cases  to  be  assisted.  There  is  a  great  lack  of  uniformity  on  this 
point.  The  New  Jersey  law  limits  the  relief  to  widows  with 
children.  Kansas  City  may  pension  mothers  who  are  widows 
or  whose  husbands  are  in  prison,  or  in  some  asylum  for  defec- 
tives. The  Ohio  law  favors  destitute  widows  and  mothers 
whose  husbands  are  completely  disabled  or  are  imprisoned  or 
have  deserted.  The  Illinois  law  imposes  no  restrictions,  simply 
providing  for  relief  to  worthy  mothers.  The  laws  present  the 
widest  divergence  from  a  very  restricted  class  of  mothers  to 
all  mothers  in  destitution  without  much  discrimination. 

Second,  the  medium  of  relief.  As  a  general  rule,  the  juvenile 
courts  have  been  invested  with  the  duty  of  granting  the  relief. 
This  is  partly  due  to  the  fact  that  juvenile  courts  frequently 
deal  with  dependent  children  and  send  them  to  institutions  or 
turn  them  over  to  some  child-placing  agency,  but  instead  of 
doing  this  they  may  now  under  many  laws  pension  the  mothers 
directly.  This  procedure,  however,  involves  the  assumption 
of  a  new  function  by  the  court  —  that  of  granting  relief  and  of 
deciding  on  the  amount.  In  disposing  of  children  under  the 
old  law  the  courts  did  not  themselves  administer  relief,  but  only 
passed  on  the  condition  of  the  children.  In  some  cities,  such 
as  Chicago,  where  public  outdoor  relief  is  granted,  machinery 
for  this  work  is  already  in  existence.  The  juvenile  court  by  ad- 
ministering pension  money  must  develop  duplicate  machinery, 
although  it  would  seem  better  to  use  that  already  in  exist- 
ence. On  the  other  hand,  the  juvenile  court  represents  a 
high  order  of  public  administration,  and  if  given  an  op- 
portunity may  show  itself  entirely  adequate  for  the  task.  In 
St.  Louis  a  separate  board  of  children's  guardians  handles  the 
relief  funds. 

Third,  the  adequacy  of  investigation.  When  the  juvenile 
court  grants  the  pension  it  naturally  determines  the  need,  that 
is,  it  makes  the  investigation.  The  question  has  arisen  whether 
or  not  such  investigation  will  be  adequate.  Mr.  Carstens' 
report  on  Chicago  indicates  that  this  was  not  the  case,1  since 
the  probation  officers  did  not  investigate  nor  supervise  thor- 

1  The  Survey,  January  4,  1913. 


PUBLIC    CHILD-SAVING   AGENCIES  485 

oughly.  However,  a  case  committee  organized  among  private 
societies  to  assist  in  selecting  worthy  cases  has  been  a  valuable 
aid.  In  Kansas  City  no  pension  is  granted  unless  some  repu- 
table private  society  has  approved  of  the  plan  for  the  particular 
case.  In  the  large  cities  private  charities  are  striving  to  co- 
operate with  the  public  so  as  to  insure  a  proper  selection  of 
cases.  The  excellent  type  of  officials  now  selected  for  our  juve- 
nile courts  should  result  in  investigations  quite  as  adequate  as 
those  made  by  private  organizations.  The  safeguard  of  re- 
quiring the  approval  of  a  private  society  is  wise.  The  investi- 
gations made  in  the  small  towns  will  probably  furnish  the  real 
difficulty.  They  will  not  be  thorough,  and  bad  results  will 
follow. 

Fourth,  adequacy  of  relief.  It  is  easy  to  criticise  a  relief 
system,  and  probably  very  few  private  charitable  agencies  are 
giving  adequate  relief,  but  the  blame  is  not  always  theirs.  The 
various  pension  laws  all  provide  for  a  scale  of  compensation, 
the  mother  to  be  paid  a  certain  sum  for  one  child  under  a 
certain  age,  and  a  smaller  sum  for  each  of  the  additional  chil- 
dren. For  example,  the  New  Jersey  law  allows  $9.00  per  month 
for  the  first  child  under  16 ;  $5.00  for  the  second,  and  $4.00  for 
each  additional  one.  The  Ohio  laws  allows  $15.00  for  the  first 
child  under  14,  and  $7.00  for  each  additional  child.  These 
are  upper  limits,  but  the  courts  use  their  discretion  in  granting 
the  full  amount.  These  differences  between  states  are  not  jus- 
tified by  differences  in  the  cost  of  living,  so  very  dissimilar 
results  may  be  expected.  Adequate  relief  is  not  so  much  a 
problem  of  the  amount  allowed  by  law  as  the  amount  necessary 
to  make  a  decent  standard  of  living  possible.  Under  no  condi- 
tions can  the  private  resources  of  the  family  be  omitted  from 
consideration.  The  public  can  readily  adjust  the  pension  to 
the  apparent  needs,  but  it  cannot  at  present  develop  the  re- 
sources of  the  family  so  as  to  make  relief  in  the  future  unneces- 
sary. Private  philanthropy  is  better  equipped  for  this  task, 
but  it  has  been  far  from  successful  in  the  past. 

Pensions  for  mothers  have  probably  come  to  remain  for  a 
long  time.     The  wave  of  favorable   legislation  has,  however, 


486  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

been  too  precipitous,  and  much  harm  will  be  done.  The  inclu- 
sion of  pensions  for  deserted  mothers  is  by  many  regarded  as 
an  indication  of  a  dangerous  tendency.  At  any  rate,  the  public 
must  experiment  cautiously,  and  types  of  cases  long  since  con- 
sidered worthy  of  pensions  by  private  agencies  should  be  selected, 
but  no  others.  Experience  with  these  would  indicate  the  next 
step,  but  the  state-wide  application  of  the  pension  plan  is  likely 
to  prove  disastrous.  It  should  at  first  have  been  limited  to 
large  cities,  where  well-developed  systems  of  private  charity  are 
in  operation,  and  then  be  gradually  extended. 

That  the  state  should  develop  its  charities  in  the  field  of  out- 
door relief,  the  author  firmly  believes,  and  a  guarded  pension 
system  is  a  step  in  the  right  direction.  The  objection  to  public 
relief  in  the  early  days  of  private  charity  was  partly  due  to 
official  incapacity,  but  this  difficulty  is  gradually  being  removed, 
and  limited  work  along  these  lines  is  already  very  successful. 
As  public  philanthropy  must  increase  we  must  move  forward 
and  profit  by  our  mistakes.  The  present  inelasticity  of  public 
systems  will  somewhat  handicap  pensions  for  mothers.  The 
juvenile  court,  however,  has  shown  a  remarkable  amount  of 
elasticity,  such  as  is  needed  by  the  public  agency  that  will  ad- 
minister these  pensions.  Constructive  work  with  mothers, 
which  is  so  necessary  to  relief,  can  be  developed  under  a  system 
of  public  charity,  and  this  will  be  necessary  to  make  it  a  success 
and  to  prevent  an  overgrown  pension  list. 

So-called  pensions  for  mothers,  although  classified  by  some  as 
a  form  of  insurance,  do  not  represent  the  form  of  relief  that  is 
ultimately  desirable.  Workingmen's  compensation,  insurance 
against  accidents  and  occupational  disease,  old  age  insurance, 
and  other  forms  of  protection  must  develop.  Nor  will  pensions 
for  mothers  retard  this  movement,  since  the  expenditure  of 
money  for  this  purpose  should  assist  in  the  creation  of  senti- 
ment that  will  demand  that  private  industry,  and  whatever 
other  agencies  are  responsible  for  the  existence  of  needy  chil- 
dren, shall  bear  the  burden  of  their  support.  Furthermore, 
a  plan  of  pensions  should  hasten  the  advent  of  the  most  rational 
systems  of  public  care  or  insurance,  since  the  attention  of  the 


PUBLIC   CHILD-SAVING   AGENCIES  487 

people  will  be  called  to  the  problem  that  is  to  be  solved  and  an 
endeavor  to  work  out  an  ultimate  solution  will  be  made.  Not 
only  should  a  well-guarded  system  of  pensions  accomplish  much 
good,  but  it  should  also  point  the  way  toward  the  most  effective 
forms  of  insurance  against  poverty  and  need. 


CONCLUSION 

a 

In  reviewing  the  problems  of  child  welfare,  it  is  apparent  that 
many  of  the  simplest  analyses  are  still  wanting.  A  successful 
solution  of  these  problems  depends  on  more  social  research,  for 
in  these  days  of  exaggeration  and  yellow  journalism,  we  are  in 
great  danger  of  losing  our  social  sanity.  The  establishment  of 
a  Federal  Children's  Bureau  has  been  a  great  forward  step. 
This  bureau  has  begun  to  investigate  the  causes  and  prevent- 
ability  of  infant  and  child  mortality,  and  has  presented  to  the 
public  other  information  of  considerable  value.  It  is  authorized 
by  statute  to  study  problems  relating  to  practically  every  phase 
of  child  welfare  and  to  publish  the  results.  Gradually  it  will 
be  able  to  extend  its  work  and  to  study  such  questions  as  are  in 
need  of  further  investigation.  In  this  way  an  enormous  amount 
of  useful  information  will  be  gathered,  and  this  will  serve  as  a 
basis  for  social  legislation.  Following  the  lead  of  other  federal 
bureaus,  the  Children's  Bureau  can  eventually  utilize  the  care- 
fully prepared  studies  of  private  organizations  that  have  value 
for  the  United  States  as  a  whole. 

The  spirit  of  investigation  is  now  so  strong  that  in  many  cases 
before  public  action  on  important  questions  is  taken,  a  thorough 
study  of  the  problem  is  made  in  order  to  lessen  the  probability 
of  ill-advised  legislation.  /'  Unless  our  methods  of  work  are 
based  on  correct  principles,  our  social  program  will  be  neither 
consistent  nor  successful. 

Special  attention  should  be  given  to  the  subjects  most  in  need 
of  additional  study.  For  example,  we  need  to  know  more  of 
the  origin  of  the  juvenile  offender ;  whether  heredity  as  an  in- 
fluence can  be  directly  traced ;  whether  the  decline  of  parental 
authority  increases  delinquency;  and  how  the  contributing 
factors  operate.  The  results  of  probation  need  more  investiga- 
tion, and  the  relation  of  juvenile  delinquency  to  crime,  poverty, 

488 


CONCLUSION  489 

pauperism,  and  mendicancy  should  be  determined.  We  need 
to  know  more  of  the  problem  of  physical  degeneracy,  its  nature 
and  its  causes;  to  what  extent  prenatal  conditions  affect  the 
growth  and  vigor  of  the  child ;  and  what  are  the  influences  of 
city  life,  malnutrition,  and  slum  conditions. 

The  dependent  child  needs  more  attention.  The  influence 
of  orphanages  and  homes  is  capable  of  more  extensive  study. 
These  institutions  have  been  condemned  on  evidence  not  wholly 
conclusive,  hence  the  subsequent  career  of  their  inmates  needs 
further  examination.  The  true  outcome  of  neglect  still  remains 
unsolved.  The  relation  of  the  environment  of  youth  to  the 
character  and  disposition  of  the  homeless,  vagrant,  and  unem- 
ployable class  would  furnish  much  material  for  preventive  phi- 
lanthropy. The  problem  of  sex  education  must  have  consider- 
able further  attention,  and  the  different  conditions  necessary 
for  the  moral  development  of  our  children  must  be  analyzed. 
In  addition,  other  phases  of  child  welfare  need  the  searchlight 
of  study  and  investigation ;  in  this  way  only  will  the  foundations 
for  lasting  reform  be  laid. 

Another  important  item  of  consideration  is  the  economic 
basis  of  social  reform.  The  social  worker  threatens  to  attempt 
reform  without  having  properly  weighed  the  importance  of  the 
fundamental  conditions  that  shape  and  determine  the  problems 
he  wishes  to  solve.  Too  often  the  sight  of  intolerable  condi- 
tions prompts  him  to  appeal  to  the  reputed  omnipotence  of  law, 
when  the  basis  for  effective  legislation  has  not  even  been  touched. 
It  is  not  easy  to  overthrow  the  economic  and  psychological 
forces  that  drive  men  to  action,  but  it  is  possible  to  direct  these 
forces  to  the  end  that  conditions  may  be  improved.  Social 
legislation  frequently  resembles  an  inverted  pyramid,  which  at 
the  slightest  jolt  will  lose  its  balance  and  fall  to  the  ground; 
to  become  substantial  it  must  rest  on  enduring  foundations. 
Our  social  workers  need  more  training  in  economics  and  politics ; 
otherwise  much  unwise  and  impossible  legislation  will  be  enacted. 
Unless  conditions  and  effects  are  related  to  causes  little  can  be 
accomplished. 

At  present  we  are  in  great  danger  of  making  men  and  women 


490  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

skillful  in  the  performance  of  some  single  process  without  teach- 
ing them  to  comprehend  the  interrelations  of  social  phenomena 
or  the  significance  of  economic  developments.  Our  training 
schools  for  social  workers  must  fit  individuals  for  the  routine 
of  their  daily  work,  but  unless  such  workers  are  grounded  in  the 
principles  of  social  and  community  welfare,  the  work  is  of  little 
value.  Of  far  greater  importance  than  successful  case  work  is 
the  power  to  inspire  and  the  capacity  to  develop  community 
action  for  the  promotion  of  the  common  good. 

Again  we  must  place  increasing  reliance  on  public  action. 
Reform  proceeds  slowly,  but  as  interest  in  our  social  problems 
grows,  progress  becomes  rapid  and  cumulative.  The  public 
mind  must  be  convinced  of  the  need  of  fundamental  measures 
of  reform;  democratic  ideas  must  take  root  and  the  area  of 
interest  in  social  welfare  expand  to  the  fullest  extent;  and 
reformers  must  learn  the  necessity  of  gaining  the  support  of 
the  public.  Social  reform  depends  on  the  limitation  of  individ- 
ual rights  and  the  subordination  of  the  individual  to  the  group 
or  the  community.  More  public  action  is  needed  to  interest 
our  citizens  in  the  problems  of  social  welfare  and  their  relations 
to  the  individual  and  to  society.  Furthermore,  it  is  necessary 
to  teach  the  lesson  that  the  interests  of  all  are  greater  than  the 
selfish  interests  of  the  few.  Gradually  then  the  community 
will  realize  that  low  wages  mean  a  lifelong  handicap  ;  that  care- 
less milking  means  dying  babies;  that  one  immoral  life  may 
contaminate  a  whole  family,  and  it  will  insist  that  the  higher 
interests  of  all  shall  be  conserved. 

Meanwhile  we  find  a  small  group  contending  that  child 
labor  is  an  evil,  yet  child  labor  bills  fail ;  that  bad  housing 
harvests  tuberculosis,  yet  good  tenement  house  legislation 
cannot  be  passed ;  that  lack  of  factory  inspection  yields  acci- 
dent and  disease,  yet  the  states  refuse  to  act.  Not  the  small 
group  but  the  entire  thinking  public  must  be  made  ready  for 
projects  of  reform,  otherwise  legislation  is  largely  nugatory. 
The  older  principle  of  individual  work  carried  on  by  a  few 
willing  workers  is  obsolete,  and  in  its  place  we  have  the  aspira- 
tion of  the  masses  who  through  public  action  establish  minimum 


CONCLUSION  491 

standards  for  all,  and  insist  that  all  refractory  individuals  square 
themselves  with  the  adopted  standards  or  suffer  repression. 
The  state  cannot  through  law  make  men  moral  nor  give  them 
high  ideals,  but  it  can  maintain  standards  which  when  they 
are  accepted  by  the  community  pave  the  way  for  the  establish- 
ment of  new  and  better  standards.  Meanwhile  private  enter- 
prise through  the  church  and  other  moral  and  social  agencies 
arouses  the  few  to  nobler  ideals,  which  then  slowly  spread  through 
the  community  and  are  finally  crystallized  into  law.  Thus  the 
state  permits  no  backward  step,  but  conserves  that  which  is 
good  and  steadily  takes  advantage  of  the  opportunity  to  estab- 
lish new  planes  of  conduct. 

The  time  has  also  come  when  we  must  relegate  to  the  rear  our 
older  methods  of  individual  work  and  begin  to  apply  the  new. 
Private  charity  is  often  narrow  and  individualistic  and  concerns 
itself  only  with  binding  up  the  wounds  of  the  distressed.  In 
fact,  the  work  of  private  philanthropy  has  been  so  urgent  that 
most  of  the  time  has  been  given  to  the  task  of  rearranging  the 
numberless  detailed  results  of  the  social  order  without  much 
inquiry  into  the  principles  of  the  social  system.  It  has  failed 
to  observe  the  forest  because  of  the  many  trees.  Remedial 
work,  to  be  sure,  is  frequently  accompanied  by  preventive 
methods,  especially  as  they  apply  to  the  individual,  but  the 
larger  task  of  improving  general  conditions,  of  raising  each  new 
generation  to  a  higher  level  and  of  performing  constructive 
work  for  the  entire  community  —  this  task  has  received  but 
scant  attention.  More  and  more,  however,  these  new  duties 
are  pressing  forward,  and  men  of  vision  are  eagerly  grasping 
them  with  the  hope  that  they  may  receive  the  support  which 
work  of  a  permanent  value  merits.  The  Child  Welfare  Exhibits 
that  are  being  held  in  many  cities  are  developing  a  better  public 
opinion  and  the  frequent  conferences  of  social  workers  are  also 
helpful,  while  societies  organized  for  special  purposes  are  con- 
stantly engaged  in  propaganda  work. 

Until  recently  the  social  workers  of  the  United  States  or- 
ganized in  the  National  Conference  of  Charities  and  Correction 
omitted  all  discussion  and  almost  all  mention  of  such  funda- 


492  PROBLEMS   OF   CHILD   WELFARE 

mental  questions  as  the  labor  problem,  tax  reform,  and  other 
underlying  conditions  of  our  social  system.  They  spent  their 
time  largely  in  discussing  the  details  of  our  philanthropic  ma- 
chinery, but  they  have  now  begun  to  inquire  into  the  reasons  for 
the  existence  of  this  machinery  and  into  the  methods  of  lessen- 
ing the  need.  Unless  they  do  this  their  work  is  largely  for 
naught.  The  success  of  efforts  for  reform  is  certain  and  our 
stalwart  individualism  is  slowly  giving  way  to  a  recognition  of 
the  superior  claims  of  public  welfare.  Business  men  are  begin- 
ning to  recognize  that  their  private  business  has  aspects  that 
involve  the  public  and  is  therefore  not  wholly  private ;  that  pay 
rolls  are  not  a  purely  private  matter ;  that  the  cost  of  goods  is 
a  question  of  public  concern ;  and  that  dividends  involve  the 
public.  Employees  are  learning  that  the  old  individualism  is 
no  longer  sufficient  and  that  mutual  rights  and  duties  must 
be  recognized.  Charitable  agencies  have  seen  the  necessity  of 
making  a  public  account  of  their  work,  and  of  submitting  it  to 
investigation  if  necessary.  Gradually  the  solidarity  of  the 
interests  of  a  community  is  being  recognized,  and  with  this 
change  comes  the  willing  subordination  of  the  individual  to  the 
social  welfare.  The  result  is  greater  rights  and  opportunities 
for  all.  By  beginning  with  the  child  we  may  hope  to  build  up 
and  perfect  the  coming  man. 


SELECTED   BIBLIOGRAPHY 

The  following  list  of  books,  articles,  and  reports  is  intended  to  guide  the 
reader  to  the  best  and  most  important  literature  on  a  subject,  but  is  not  an 
exhaustive  bibliography. 

Abbreviations  used : 
Ann.  of  Amer.  Acad.,  for  Annals  of  American  Academy  of  Political  and 

Social  Science. 
N.C.C.C,  for  Proceedings  of  National  Conference  of  Charities  and  Correc- 
tion. 
Nat.  Educ.  Assn.,  for  Proceedings  of  National  Education  Association. 
R.S.F.,  for  Russell  Sage  Foundation. 

General 
Breckinridge,    Sophonisba.     (Editor.)     Child    in    the    City.     Chicago. 

IQI2. 

Burbank,  Luther.     Training  of  the  Human  Plant.     New  York.     1907. 
Ely,   R.  T.     Studies  in  the  Evolution  of  Industrial  Society.     New  York. 

1903.     Chapter  on  "Social  Progress  and  Race  Improvement." 
Forbush,  W.  B.     The  Coming  Generation.     New  York.     191 2. 
Haycraft,  J.  B.     Darwinism  and  Race  Progress.     New  York.     1895. 
Henderson,  C.  R.     Dependents,  Defectives,  Delinquents.     Boston.     1901. 
Kellicott,  W.  E.     The  Social  Direction  of  Human  Evolution.     New  York. 

1911. 
Key,  Ellen.     The  Century  of  the  Child.     New  York.     1909. 
Mangold,  G.  B.     Child  Problems.     New  York.     1910. 
Oppenheim,  Nathan.     The  Development  of  the  Child.     New  York.     1902. 
Saleeby,  C.  W.     The  Method  of  Race  Regeneration.     New  York.     1911. 

Parenthood  and  Race  Culture.     New  York.     1909. 

Spargo,  John.     The  Bitter  Cry  of  the  Children.     New  York.     1906. 
Walter,  H.  E.     Genetics.     New  York.     1913. 
Ward,  L.  F.     Applied  Sociology.     Boston.     1906. 

Child,  The.  Chicago. 
Child,  The.  London. 
Child  Welfare  Exhibits,   Handbooks  of,   especially  for  New  York  City, 

Chicago,  St.  Louis,  Louisville,  Kansas  City,  Providence,  Montreal,  etc. 
National  Conference  of  Charities  and  Correction.     Proceedings. 
Bulletin  No.  63.     January,  1914.     (Contains  index  of  proceedings  of 

various  state  conferences  of  charities,  1910-1913.) 

493 


494  SELECTED   BIBLIOGRAPHY 

National  Education  Association.     Addresses  and  Proceedings. 
Southern  Sociological  Congress.     Proceedings. 
Survey,  The. 

(The  various  phases  of  child  welfare  are  covered  by  frequent  articles  and 
addresses  in  the  above-named  magazines  and  conference  reports.) 

Birth  Rates 

Bailey,  W.  B.    Modem  Social  Conditions.     New  York.     1906. 

Bliss,  W.  D.  P.     New  Encyclopedia  of  Social  Reform.     New  York.     1908. 

Ellis,  Havelock.     The  Problem  of  Race  Regeneration.     New  York.     191 1. 

The  Task  of  Social  Hygiene.     Boston.     191 2. 

Ellwood,  C.  A.     Sociology  and  Social  Problems.    New  York.     1913.     (Re- 
vised.) 
Newsholme,  Arthur.     The  Declining  Birth  Rate.     New  York.     191 1. 
Saleeby,  C.  W.     Parenthood  and  Race  Culture.     New  York.     1909. 
Webb,  A.  D.    New  Dictionary  of  Statistics.    London.     191 1. 

Brownell,  J.  L.     "The  Significance  of  a  Decreasing  Birth  Rate."    Ann. 

of  Amer.  Acad.,  Vol.  V,  p.  48,     July,  1894. 
Bushee,  F.  A.     "The  Declining  Birth  Rate."     Popular  Science  Monthly, 

Vol.  63,  August,  1903. 
Coghlan,  T.  A.    A  Statistical  Account  of  the  Seven  Colonies  of  Australasia, 

1901-1902.     Sidney.     1902. 
England  and  Wales.     Reports  of  the  Registrar  General  of  Births,  De'aths, 

and  Marriages,  Annual. 
Fishberg,  Maurice.     "The  Jews:   A  Study  of  Race  and  Environment." 

Popular  Science  Monthly,  Vol.  69,  p.  412,  November,  1906. 
Kuczynski,  R.  R.     "The  Fecundity  of  the  Native  and  the  Foreign  Born 

Population    in    Massachusetts."     Quarterly    Journal    of    Economics, 

Vol.  16,  pp.  1-36,  November,  1901 ;   pp.  141-186,  February,  1902. 
United  States. 

Bureau  of  the  Census.     Twelfth  Census.     Vital  Statistics.     1900. 
Immigration  Commission,  Reports  of,  Vols.  I  and  II.     Abstract. 

Vol.  28.     Fecundity  of  Foreign  Born  Women. 

Webb,    Sidney.     "Physical    Degeneration    or    Race    Suicide."     Popular 

Science  Monthly,  Vol.  69,  p.  512,  December,  1906. 

Infant  and  Child  Mortality 

Bailey,  W.  B.     Modem  Social  Conditions.     New  York.     1906. 

Farr,  William.     Vital  Statistics.     London.     1885. 

Heath,  Llewellyn.     The  Infant,  the  Parent,  the  State.     London.     1907. 

Kelynack,  T.  N.     Infancy.     London.     1910. 

Newman,  George.    Infant  Mortality.    New  York.     1907. 

Newsholme,  Arthur.     Vital  Statistics.     London.     1899. 


SELECTED   BIBLIOGRAPHY  495 

Rosenau,  M.  J.     The  Milk  Question.     New  York.     191 2. 
Saleeby,  C.  W.     Parenthood  and  Race  Culture.     New  York.     1909. 
Spargo,  John.     The  Common  Sense  of  the  Milk  Question.     New  York.     1908. 

American  Association  for  Study  and  Prevention  of  Infant  Mortality. 

Annual  Proceedings. 
American   Association   of   Medical   Milk   Commissions.     Report  of   First 

Annual  Session  at  Atlantic  City.     1907. 
American  Academy  of  Medicine,  Publications  of. 
Ann.   of  Amcr.  Acad.     "Infant  Mortality,  a  Symposium."     Vol.  XXXI, 

March,  1908. 
Babbitt,  Ellen  C.     "Work  for  Expectant  Mothers  in  Certain  American 

Cities."     Woman's  Medical  Journal,  January,  1913. 
Boston.     Board  of  Health,  Reports  of. 
Chicago.     Report  of  Bureau  of  Health.     1906. 
Devine,  E.  T.     "The  Waste  of  Infant  Life."     The  Survey,  Vol.  XXIII, 

p.  314,  December  4,  1909. 
England  and  Wales.     Report  of  the  Registrar  General  of  Births,  Deaths, 

and  Marriages  for  191 1.     London.     1913. 
Fisher,  Irving.     Report  on  National  Vitality,  its  Waste,  and  Conserva- 
tion.    1909. 
Goler,    George.     "But   a   Thousand   Year."     Charities   and   Commons, 

April,  1907.     (Supplement.) 
Henderson,    C.    R.     "Physical    Study    of    Children."     N.C.C.C,    1907, 

p.  251. 
Hirshberg,  L.  K.     "Slaughter  of  the  Innocents."     The  Delineator,  Vol. 

LXXIII,  p.  681,  May,  1909. 
Kingsley,  S.   C.     "On  the  Trail  of  the  White  Hearse."     The  Survey, 

Vol.  XXII,  p.  685,  August  14,  1909. 
Lane-Claypon,  Janet  E.     "Waste  of  Infant  Life."    Nineteenth  Century, 

Vol.  LXV,  p.  48,  January,  1909. 
Mangold,    George    B.     "The    Waste    of    Children."    Popular    Science 

Monthly,  June,  1907. 
New  York.     Annual  Reports  of  Division  of  Child  Hygiene  of  Department 

of  Health. 
New  York  Milk  Committee.     Sixth  Annual  Report.     191 2. 

Special  Report  on  Infant  Mortality  and  Milk  Stations.     191 2. 

Phelps,  Edw.  B.     "A  Statistical  Study  of  Infant  Mortality."     American 

Statistical  Association,  Vol.  XI,  No.  83,  September,  1908. 
Philadelphia  Milk  Commission,  Report  of.     191 1. 
Philadelphia  Milk  Show,  Report  of.     191 1. 
Phillips,    W.    C.     "Community    Planning    for    Infant    Welfare    Work." 

N.C.C.C,  191 2,  p.  40. 
Rogers,  Mrs.  H.  W.     "Work  of  Pure  Milk  Commission  of  Children's  Aid 


496  SELECTED    BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Association  of  Indianapolis."     The  Survey,  Vol.  XXII,  p.  176,  May  1, 
1909. 
Royal  Commission  on  Poor  Laws.     Minority  Report.     England.     1909. 
Sayles,  J.  E.     "Clean  Milk  for  New  York  City."     Charities  and  Commons, 

Vol.  XVII,  p.  677,  1907. 
School  of  Social  Economy  of  Washington  University.     The  Milk  Problem 
in  St.  Louis.     St.  Louis.     1910. 

Prenatal  Care  in  St.  Louis.     St.  Louis.     1914. 

United  States. 

Bureau  of  Animal  Industry.     Medical  Milk  Commissions  and  the  Produc- 
tion of  Certified  Milk  in  the  United  States.     Bulletin  No.  104. 
Bureau  of  the  Census.    Twelfth  Census  of  the  United  States.     (1900.) 
Vital  statistics. 

Mortality  Statistics.     1900-1904.     Annual  Reports,   1905-1912. 

Children's  Bureau.     Infant  Mortality  Series.     1913-1914. 

Treasury  Department.    Milk  and  its  Relation  to  Public  Health.    Hygienic 

Laboratory.     No.  56. 
Public  Health  Bulletin.     191 2.     No.  78.     Report  of  the  Commis- 
sion on  Milk  Standards,  appointed  by  the  New  York  Milk  Committee. 
Woman's  Municipal  League  of  Boston.     Reports  on  Preventive  Work  with 
Mothers  and  Babies,  Prenatal  and  Postnatal. 
(Much  information  is  given  in  the  health  reports  of  various  cities,  and 
many  magazines,  especially  the  World's  Work,  Outlook,  Independent,  Ladies' 
Home   Journal,    and   Delineator,    contain   articles   or   editorials.     Medical 
Journals,  such  as  American  Medicine,  Interstate  Medical  Journal,  and  Archives 
of  Pediatrics,  frequently  contain  articles  dealing  with  infant  feeding  and 
also  with  the  social  phases  of  the  problem.) 

Health  and  Physique 

Allen,  W.  H.    Civics  and  Health.     New  York.     1909. 

Bancroft,  Jessie  H.     The  Posture  of  School  Children.    New  York.     1913. 

Bowditch,  H.  P.  The  Growth  of  Children.  Tenth  Annual  Report  of  State 
Board  of  Health  of  Massachusetts.     1877. 

— — ■  The  Growth  of  Children  studied  by  Gallon's  Method  of  Percentile  Grades. 
Twenty-second  Annual  Report  of  State  Board  of  Health  of  Massachu- 
setts, 1889-1890.     Boston.     1891. 

Bryant,  Louise  S.     School  Feeding.     Philadelphia.     1913. 

Cornell,  W.  S.  Health  and  Medical  Inspection  of  School  Children.  Phila- 
delphia.    191 2. 

Cruickshank,  L.  D.  School  Clinics  —  at  Home  and  Abroad.  New  York.  1913. 

Gorst,  Sir  John  E.     The  Children  of  the  Nation.     London.     1906. 

Gulick,  L.  H.,  and  Ayres,  L.  P.  Medical  Inspection  of  Schools.  New 
York.     1 913.     (Revised.) 

Hogarth,  A.  H.     Medical  Inspection  of  Schools.    London.     1909. 


SELECTED    BIBLIOGRAPHY  497 

Hunter,  Robert.     Poverty.    New  York.     1904. 

Kelynack,  T.  N.     Medical  Examination  of  Schools  and  School  Children. 

London.     1910. 
Porter,  W.  T.    Growth  of  St.  Louis  Children.     St.  Louis.     1894. 
Strong,  Josiah.     The  Challenge  of  the  City.    New  York.     1907. 

Allen,  Wm.  H.     "Promotion  of  Health  in  Home,  School,  and  Factory." 

(Committee  Report.)     N.C.C.C,  1907,  p.  165. 
American     Academy    of    Medicine.     Conservation    of    School    Children. 

Easton,  Pennsylvania.     191 2. 
Ann.  of  Amer.  Acad.    "The  Public    Health   Movement."    Vol.  XXXVII, 

No.  2,  March,  1911. 
Chicago.     Board  of  Education.     Report  on  Underfed  Children.     1908. 
Dawson,  George  E.     "Physical  Study  of  the  Child."    N.C.C.C,  1907, 

p.  243. 
Devine,  E.  T.     "Feeding  of  the  School  Child  of  New  York."     Charities 

and  Commons,  Vol.  XX,  p.  381,  June  20,  1908. 
"  Underfed  Children  in  the  Schools."     Charities  and  Commons,  Vol.  XX, 

p.  413,  June  27,  1908. 
Fourth  International  Congress  on  School  Hygiene,  held  at  Buffalo,  New 

York,  August,  1913.     Transactions. 
Interdepartmental    Committee    on    Physical    Deterioration,    Report    of. 

Great  Britain.     1904. 
New  York  Children's  Aid  Society,  Report  of.     191 2. 
New  York  Committee  on  Physical  Welfare  of  School  Children.     Physical 

Welfare  of  School  Children.     American  Statistical  Association.     June, 

1907. 
Physical  Conditions  of  Children  Attending  the  Public  Schools  of  the  School 

Board  of  Glasgow,  Report  on.     Scotland.     1907. 
Report  of  City  Superintendent  of  Schools  to  Board  of  Education.     New 

York  City.     191 2. 
Reports,  Annual,  of  Departments  of  Education  and  of  Health  of  Cities. 
Rogers,  Lina  L.     "The   Physician   and   Nurse  in   the  Public  School." 

N.C.C.C,  1905,  p.  273. 
United  States. 

Bureau  of  Education.     Report  of   Commissioner  of  Education.     1902. 

Medical  Inspection  of  Schools  Abroad,  Vol.  1,  Chap.  11. 
Report,  Annual,   1907.     Report  of  the  Second  International  Con- 
gress on  School  Hygiene,  Vol.  I,  Chap.  10. 
Report,  Annual.     1912.     Vol.  I,  Chap.  n. 


Immigration  Commission,  Report  of,  Vol.  XXXVIII.  Changes  in  the  Bod- 
ily Form  of  the  Descendants  of  Immigrants.     Washington.      191 1. 

Williams,  Linsley  R.  "Statistical  Information  Concerning  the  Physical 
Welfare  of  School  Children."     N.C.C.C.,  1907,  p.  155. 


2K 


498  SELECTED   BIBLIOGRAPHY 


Open  Air  Schools 

Ayres,  L.  P.     Open  Air  Schools.     New  York.     1910. 
Kingsley,  S.  C.    Open  Air  Crusaders.     Chicago,     ion. 

British  Departmental  Committee  on  Tuberculosis,  Report  of.     1913. 

Clark,  I.  H.  "Management  and  Curriculum  of  Open  Air  Schools."  Nat. 
Educ.  Assn.,  1909,  p.  894. 

Journal  of  the  Outdoor  Life,  Articles  in.     Saranac  Lake,  New  York. 

National  Association  for  the  Study  and  Prevention  of  Tuberculosis,  Re- 
ports of. 

New  York  City.  Department  of  Education.  Reports  on  Defective  Chil- 
dren.    191 2. 

New  York  State  Charities  Aid  Association.  An  Illustrated  Handbook  for 
Tuberculosis  Committees.     New  York.     1910. 

Reports,  by  Boards  of  Education  and  Societies  Maintaining  Open  Air 
Schools. 

Sixth  International  Congress  on  Tuberculosis,  Vol.  II.   Philadelphia.    1908. 

United  States  Bureau  of  Education.  Report  of  the  Commissioner  of  Educa- 
tion, 191 2,  Vol.  I. 

Warren,  B.  "Open  Air  Schools  for  the  Prevention  and  Cure  of  Tubercu- 
losis among  Children."  United  States  Treasury  Department.  Public 
Health  Bulletin,  191 2.     No.  58. 

Play,  Recreation,  and  Social  Centers 

Addams,  Jane.     The  Spirit  of  Youth  and  the  City  Streets.    New   York. 

1909. 
Boy  Scouts  of  America.  Handbook.     191 1. 
Buck,  Winifred.     Self-governing  Clubs.     New  York.     1903. 
Forbush,  Wm.  B.     The  Boy  Problem.     Boston.     1901. 
Greene,  M.  Louise.    Among  School  Gardens.    New  York.     1910. 
Gunckel,  John.    Boyville.    Toledo.     1909. 

Horne,  H.  H.     The  Philosophy  of  Education.     New  York.     1905. 
Johnson,  George  E.     Education  by  Plays  and  Games.     Boston.     1907. 
Lee,    Joseph.     Constructive    and    Preventive    Philanthropy.    New    York. 

1902. 
Merrill,  Lilburn.     Winning  the  Boy.    New  York.     1908. 
Perry,  Clarence  A.     Wider  Use  of  the  School  Plant.    New  York.     1910. 
Rns,  Jacob.     The  Children  of  the  Poor.    New  York.     1892. 
Stelzle,  Charles.     The  Boy  of  the  Street.    New  York.     1904. 
Ward,  E.  J.    Social  Centers.    New  York.     1913. 

Ann.  of  Amer.  Acad.  "Public  Recreation  Facilities.'"  Vol.  XXXV,  No.  2, 
March,  19 10. 


SELECTED   BIBLIOGRAPHY  499 

Burns,  Allen  T.  "Relation  of  the  Playground  to  Juvenile  Delinquency." 
Charities  and  Commons,  October  3,  1908. 

Charities  and  Commons.     Number  on  "Play."     August  5,  1907. 

"Second  Playground  Congress."     October  3,  1908. 

Curtis,  H.  S.  "Vacation  Schools,  Playgrounds,  and  Settlements,"  in 
Report  of  the  Commissioner  of  Education,  1903,  Vol.  I,  Chap.  I. 

"The  Playground."    N.C.C.C.,  1907,  p.  278. 

"The  School  Playgrounds  of  America."     Bureau  of  Education,  1907, 

Vol.  I,  pp.  341  ff. 

Davis,  M.  M.     The  Exploitation  of  Pleasure.    New  York.     191 1. 

Hanaw,  M.  S.     Baltimore's  Public  Dance  Halls.     191 2. 

Kansas  City  Board  of  Public  Welfare.     Reports. 

The  Social  Center.     19 13. 

League  of  Civic  Clubs.  Rochester  Social  Centers  and  Civic  Clubs.  Roch- 
ester.    1909. 

National  Society  for  the  Study  of  Education.     Year  Books.     Chicago. 

New  York  City  Board  of  Education.  Report  on  Recreation  Centers. 
1912. 

Park  Departments  and  Recreation  Commissions.  Annual  Reports  of, 
for  Principal  Cities. 

Peixotto,  L.  S.  "The  Aim  of  a  Boy's  Club."  Charities  and  Commons, 
Vol.  XX  (in  four  numbers),  1908. 

Perry,  Clarence  A.  "  A  Survey  of  School  Social  Centers."  R.S.F.  New 
York.     191 2. 

Playground  Association  of  America.     Pamphlets. 

Playground,  The.     (A  Monthly  Magazine.) 

Riley,  T.  J.  "Increased  Use  of  School  Property."  American  Journal  of 
Sociology,  March,  1906. 

Russell  Sage  Foundation.     "  Recreation  Bibliography."     New  York.     191 2. 

South  Park  Commission.     Annual  Reports.     Chicago. 

Survey,  The.     "Pittsburg  Playgrounds."     Vol.  XXII,  p.  184,  May  1,  1909. 

Wirt,  William.  "The  Place  of  the  Public  School  in  a  Community  Pro- 
gram of  Child  Welfare."     The  Child,  Vol.  I,  No.  5,  July,  191 2. 

"Utilization  of  School  Plant."    N.C.C.C,  191 2,  p.  58. 

Exceptional  Classes 

Ayres,  L.  P.     Laggards  in  the  Schools.     New  York.     1909. 
Barr,  M.  W.     Mental  Defectives.     Philadelphia.     1904. 
Davenport,  C.  B.     Heredity  in  Relation  to  Eugenics.     New  York.     1911. 
Fay,  Edward  A.     Marriages  of  the  Deaf  in  America.     Washington.     1898. 
Goddard,  H.  H.     The  Kallikak  Family.     New  York.     1913. 
Holmes,  Arthur.     The  Conservation  of  the  Child.     Philadelphia.     191 2. 
Seguin,  Edward.     Idiocy  and  its  Treatment  by  Uie  Physiological  Method. 
New  York.     1907. 


500  SELECTED   BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Shuttleworth,  G.  E.    Mentally  Deficient  Children.    London.     1900. 
Tredgold,  A.  F.    Mental  Deficiency.    London.     1908. 

American  Association  for  the  Conservation  of  Vision,  Bulletins  of.     New 

York. 
Chase,  Lydia  Gardiner.     "Public  School  Classes  for  Mentally  Defective 

Children."     N.C.C.C,  1904,  p.  390. 
Goddard,  H.  H.     "  Sterilization  and  Segregation."     Tlie  Child.     September, 

1912. 
"Two  Thousand  Children  Tested  by  the  Binet  Measuring  Scale  for 

Intelligence."     Nat.  Educ.  Assn.,  1911,  p.  870. 
Hart,  H.  H.     "Sterilization  as  a  Practical  Measure."    American  Prison 

A  ssociation .     1 9 1 2 . 
Macdonald,   Arthur.     Bibliography  of  Exceptional   Children  and  their 

Education.     United    States    Bureau    of    Education.     Bulletin,    191 2, 

No.  32. 
Massachusetts  Commission  for  the  Blind.     Annual  Reports. 
National  Association  for  the  Study  and  Education  of  Exceptional  Children. 

Proceedings.     1910. 
National  Education  Association.     Reports,   especially  Discussions  under 

Departments   of    Child   Hygiene,    Physical   Education,   and   Special 

Education. 
New  York  City.     Department  of  Education.     Report  on  Defective  Chil- 
dren.    1912. 
Powell,  F.  M.     "Backward  Children."    N.C.C.C,  1900,  p.  70. 
Public  Education  Association  of  Philadelphia,  Report  of.     1906. 
Report  of  City  Superintendent  of  Schools  to  Board  of  Education.     New 

York  City.     191 2. 
Richman,  Julia.     "  Special  Classes  and  Special  Schools  for  Delinquent  and 

Backward  Children."     N.C.C.C,  1907,  p.  232. 
Rogers,  A.  C.     "Relations  of  Institutions  for  Defectives  to  the  Public 

School  System."     N.C.C.C.,  1907,  p.  469. 
Russell  Sage  Foundation.     A  Brief  Account  of  Organized  Work  for  the 

Prevention  of  Blindness  in  Four  States.     1910. 
Shawan,  J.  A.     "Report  of  Committee  on  Prevention  of  Blindness  and 

Conservation  of  Vision."     Nat.  Educ.  Assn.,  191 2,  p.  1306. 
Survey,  The,  Vol.  XXVII,  March  2,  191 2.     This  number  contains  articles 

on  "  Feeble-mindedness "  by  F.  B.  Kirkbride,  Eleanor   H.  Johnson, 

Katharine  B.  Davis,  C.  B.  Davenport,  H.  H.  Goddard,  E.  R.  John- 
stone, W.  E.  Fernald,  etc. 
Training  School,  The.    Vineland,  New  Jersey. 
United  States. 

Bureau  of  the  Census.     The  Blind  and  Deaf.     1906. 
The  Insane  and  Feeble-minded.     1904. 


SELECTED   BIBLIOGRAPHY  501 

United  States  Bureau  of  Education.     Bulletin,  191 1,  No.  14.     Provision 
for  Exceptional  Children  in  Public  Schools. 

Education  and  School  Attendance 

Ayres,  L.  P.     Laggards  in  the  Schools.     New  York.     1909. 
Bray,  R.  A.     The  Town  Child.     London.     1907. 
Hall,  G.  S.     Educational  Problems.     New  York.     1911. 

Youth,  its  Education,  Regimen,  and  Hygiene.     New  York.     1906. 

King,  Irving.    Social  Aspects  of  Education.    New  York.     191 2. 
Montessori,  Maria.     The  Montessori  Method  (translated  by  A.  E.  George). 

New  York.     191 2. 
Swift,  E.  J.     Mind  in  the  Making.    New  York.     1908. 

Cleveland  Board  of  Education,  Report  of  1910. 

Gulick,  L.  H.     "Why  250,000  Children  Quit  School."     World's  Work. 

August,  1910. 
National  Education  Association.     Proceedings. 
New  York  City  Board  of  Education,  Reports  of,  for  1909-1912. 
Reports  of  Attendance  Departments  of  Boards  of  Education. 
United  States. 

Bureau  of  the  Census.     Bulletin  26.     Illiteracy  in  the  United  States. 

Thirteenth  Census.     (1910.)     Abstract. 

Bureau  of  Education.     Annual  Reports  of  Commissioner  of  Education. 
Smith,  Anna  T.     "The  Montessori  System  of  Education."     Bulle- 
tin, 1912,  No.  17. 

Strayer,  G.  D.     "Age  and  Grade  Census  of  Schools  and  Colleges." 

Bulletin,  191 1,  No.  5. 
Thorndyke,  E.     "The  Elimination  of  Pupils  from  School."     Bulle- 
tin, 1907,  No.  4. 

Illiteracy  in  the  United  States.     Bulletin,  1913,  No.  20. 


Immigration  Commission,  Reports  of.     Vol.  II.     Abstract. 
Woman  and  Child  Wage  Earners  in  the  United  Stales,  Vol.  VII.     Condi- 
tions under  which  Children  leave  School  to  go  to  Work. 

Industrial  Education 

Bloomfield,  Meyer.     The  Vocational  Guidance  of  Youth.     Boston.     1911. 
Carlton,  F.  T.     Education  and  Industrial  Evolution.     New  York.     1908. 
Commons,  J.  R.     Trade  Unionism  and  Labor  Problems.     Boston.     1906. 
Cooley,  E.   G.     Some  Continuation  Schools  of  Europe.     Peoria.  Illinois. 

1912. 
Gillette,  J.  M.     Vocational  Education.    New  York.     1910. 
Hanus,  Paul  H.     Beginnings  in  Industrial  Education.     Boston.     1908. 
Kerschensteiner,  G.  M.     The  Idea  of  the  Industrial  School  (translated  by 

Rudolph  Pintner).     New  York.     1913- 


502  SELECTED   BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Kerschensteiner,  G.  M.    Three  Lectures  on  Vocational  Training.     Chicago. 

IQII. 

King,  Irving.    Social  Aspects  of  Education.    New  York.     191 2. 

Leake,  A.  H.     Industrial  Education.     Boston.     1913. 

Leavitt,  F.  M.     Examples  of  Industrial  Education.     Boston.     191 2. 

McKeever,  Wm.  A.     Training  the  Boy.     New  York.     191 3. 

Parsons,  Frank.     Choosing  a  Vocation.     Boston.     1909. 

Person,  H.  S.     Industrial  Education.     Boston.     1908. 

Russell,  J.  E.  and  Bonser,  F.  G.    Industrial  Education.    New  York.    191 2. 

Sadler,  M.  E.     (Editor.)     Continuation  Schools  in  England  and  Elsewhere. 

Manchester,  England.     1908. 
Snedden,  David  S.     The  Problem  of  Vocational  Education.     Boston.     1910. 
Weaver,  E.  W.     Vocations  for  Girls.     New  York.     1913. 
Whitehouse,  J.  H.     Problems  of  Boy  Life.     London.     191 2. 

American     Federation    of    Labor.     Industrial     Education.     Washington. 

1910. 
American  Federationist.     Frequently  has  discussions  of  Industrial  Education. 
Annals  of  American  Academy.     "Industrial  Education."     Vol.  XXXIII, 

No.  1,  January,  1909. 
Boston.     Report  of  School  Committee.     191 2. 
Brereton,  C.  S.  H.     "The  Problem  of  Vocational  Training  in  London." 

Nat.  Educ.  Assn.,  1908,  p.  58. 
Charities  and  Commons.     Number  on   Industrial   Education,   Vol.   XIX, 

October  5,  1907. 
Draper,  Andrew  S.     "Adaptation  of  Schools  to  Industry  and  Efficiency." 

Nat.  Educ.  Assn.,  1908,  p.  65. 
Evans,  Arthur  M.     "Vocational  Education  in  Wisconsin."     Commercial 

Club  of  Chicago.     1913. 
Flexner,   Mary.     "Plea   for   Vocational   Training."     The   Survey,   Vol. 

XXII,  p.  650,  August  7,  1909. 
Girls'  Trade  Education  League,  Bulletins  of.     Boston. 
Jones,   H.   J.     "Continuation    School   in    the    United    States."     (United 

States  Bureau  of  Education,  Bulletin  No.  1,  1907.) 
Kerschensteiner,  G.  M.     "A  Comparison  of  Education  in  Germany  and 

in  the  United  States."     United  States  Bureau  of  Education,  Bulletin 

No.  24,  1913. 
Massachusetts.     Report  of  the  Commission  on  Industrial  and  Technical 

Education.     Boston.     1906. 
National  Education  Association.     Proceedings.     1907-1912. 
Report  of  the  Committee  on  the  Place  of  Industries  in  Public  Educa- 
tion.    1910. 
National  Society  for  the  Promotion  of  Industrial  Education,  Publications  of. 
Bulletin  No.  2  contains  Bibliography  on  Industrial  Education. 


SELECTED   BIBLIOGRAPHY  503 

National  Society  for  the  Study  of  Education.     Year  Books. 

Reports,  Annual  or  Special,  of  various  States,  especially  Massachusetts, 

New  York,  and  Wisconsin. 
Survey,  The.     Vol.  XXX,  No.  12,  June  21,  1913. 
United  States. 

Bureau  of  Education.     Report  of  Commissioner  of  Education.     191 2. 

Wright,  C.  D.     "The  Apprenticeship  System  in  its  Relation  to 

Industry."     Bulletin  No.  6,  1908. 
Bureau  of  Labor.     Bulletin  No.  54.     1904. 

Seventeenth  Annual  Report  of  Commissioner  of  Labor.     1902. 

Industrial    Education.     Twenty-fifth   Annual   Report  of   Commis- 
sioner of  Labor.     1910. 
Senate   Document.     62d    Congress,    2d   Session.     No.    936.     Industrial 
Education. 
Vocation  Bureau  of  Boston,  Bulletins  of. 

Sex  Hygiene 

Dock,  Lavinia.     Hygiene  and  Morality.     New  York.     1910. 

Ellis,  Havelock.     The  Task  of  Social  Hygiene.     Boston.     1912. 

Flexner,  Abraham.     Prostitution  in  Europe.     New  York.     1913. 

Hall,  G.  S.     Adolescence.     New  York.     1904. 

Hall,  W.  S.     From  Youth  to  Manhood.     New  York.     1910. 

Kneeland,  G.  J.     Commercialized  Prostitution  in  New  York  City.     New 

York.     1913. 
Leffingwell,  Albert.     Illegitimacy.    New  York.     1892. 
Morrow,  Prince.     Social  Diseases  and  Marriage.    New  York.     1904. 
Saleeby,  C.  W.     Woman  and  Womanhood.     London.     1913. 
Willson,  R.  N.     The  American  Boy  and  the  Social  Evil.     Philadelphia. 

1905. 
Zenner,  P.     Education  in  Sexual  Physiology  and  Hygiene.     Cincinnati. 

1911. 

American  Federation  of  Sex  Hygiene.     The  Matter  and  Methods  of  Sex 

Education.     New  York.     1912. 
American  Vigilance  Association.     Vigilance.     (A  monthly  magazine.)     New 

York. 
American  Society  of  Sanitary  and  Moral  Prophylaxis.     Transactions. 
Cabot,  Richard  M.     "Why  Not  Think  More  Clearly?"     The  Survey, 

Vol.  XXXI,  No.  4,  October  25,  1913. 
Dickinson,  S.  W.     "Report  of  Committee  on  Sex  Hygiene."     The  Child, 

August,  191 2. 
Greene,  Francis  M.    "Sex  Hygiene."    Nat.  Educ.  Assn.,  1911,  p.  917. 
Hall,  W.  S.     "Conservation  of  the  Child  as  Related  to  Social  Ethics." 

The  Child,  Vol.  II,  No.  5,  July,  1913. 


504  SELECTED   BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Indiana.     State  Board  of  Health.     Social  Hygiene  vs.  the  Sexual  Plagues. 

National  Conference  of  Charities  and  Correction.  191 2.  Section  on  Sex 
Hygiene.  Principal  articles  by:  C.  W.  Birtwell,  Jessie  Phelps,  W.  T. 
Sumner,  Dr.  Philip  Zenner,  and  Dr.  Ira  Wile. 

National  League  for  the  Protection  of  the  Family.     Annual  Reports. 

Societies  of  Social  and  Moral  Hygiene.  Circulars  and  Pamphlets,  espe- 
cially Societies  in  Chicago,  Detroit,  Pennsylvania,  Portland  (Oregon), 
St.  Louis,  and  Spokane. 

Child  Labor 

Adams,  T.  S.  and  Sumner,  Helen.  Labor  Problems.  New  York.  1905. 
Chapter  on  "Woman  and  Child  Labor." 

Bliss,  W.  D.  P.     New  Encyclopedia  of  Social  Reform.     New  York.     1908. 

Carlton,  F.  T.  The  History  and  Problems  of  Organized  Labor.  Boston. 
1911. 

Clopper,  E.  N.     Child  Labor  in  the  City  Streets .    New  York.     191 2. 

Commons,  J.  R.  Trade  Unionism  and  Labor  Problems.  Boston.  1905. 
Chapter  on  "  Employment  of  Girls  in  the  Textile  Industries  of  Pennsyl- 
vania," by  Frank  Julian  Warne. 

Dawley,  T.  R.     The  Child  that  Toileth  Not.    New  York.     191 2. 

Field,  Arthur  S.  The  Child  Labor  Policy  of  New  Jersey.  Cambridge, 
Massachusetts.     1909. 

Hunter,  Robert.    Poverty.    New  York.    1904.    Chapter  on  "The  Child." 

Industrial  Commission,  Reports  of.     Vol.  XIX.     Section  on  "  Child  Labor." 

Kelley,  Florence.  Some  Ethical  Gains  from  Legislation.  New  York. 
1905. 

Nearing,  Scott.  The  Solution  of  the  Child  Labor  Problem.  New  York. 
1911. 

Ogburn,  W.  F.  Progress  and  Uniformity  in  Child  Labor  Legislation.  Co- 
lumbia University  Studies  in  History,  Economics,  and  Public  Law. 
New  York.     191 2. 

Persons,  Charles  E. ;  Parton,  Mabel;  Moses,  Mabelle.  Labor  Laws 
and  their  Enforcement.     New  York.     1911. 

Spargo,  John.     The  Bitter  Cry  of  the  Children.     New  York.     1906. 

Van  Vorst,  Mrs.  Bessie.     Cry  of  the  Children.     New  York.     1908. 

Wright,  C.  D.  Outline  of  Practical  Sociology.  New  York.  1902.  Chap- 
ter 12.     Employment  of  Women  and  Children. 

Adams,  Myron  E.     "Municipal  Regulation  of  Street  Trades.     N.C.C.C, 

1904,  p.  294. 
Addams,  Jane.     "Child  Labor  and  Pauperism."     N.C.C.C,  1903,  p.  114. 
American  Labor  Legislation  Review,  No.  8.     (Legislative  Review,  No.  5.) 

Child  Labor.     1910. 
Vol.11.     No.  3.     Review  of  Labor  Legislation  of  191 2. 


SELECTED   BIBLIOGRAPHY  505 

American  Labor  Legislation  Review,  Vol.  III.     No.  3.     Review  of  Labor 

Legislation  of  1913. 
Annals  of  the  American  Academy  of  Political  and  Social  Science. 

The  following  numbers  are  devoted  to  the  subject  of  child  labor : 

Vol.  XXV.     No.  3.     May,  1905. 

Vol.  XXVII.     No.  2.     March,  1906. 

Vol.  XXIX.     No.  1.     January,  1907. 

Vol.  XXXII,     No.  1.     July,  1908. 

Vol.  XXXIII.     March,  1909.     (Supplement.) 

Vol.  XXXV.     March,  1910.     (Supplement.) 

Vol.  XXXVIII.     July,  1911.     (Supplement.) 
Beveridge,  Albert  J.     "  Child  Labor  and  the  Constitution."    N.C.C.C, 

1907,  p.  188. 

Brockton,  Mass.     Report  of  Commission  on  Industrial  Education.     Brock- 
ton, Massachusetts.     1911. 
Bruere,  R.  W.     "Physiological  Age  and  Child  Labor."     Nat.  Educ.  Assn. 

1908,  p.  924. 

Chicago  Industrial  Exhibit.     1907. 

Connecticut  Commission  to  Investigate  the  Conditions  of  Wage  Earning 

Women  and  Minors.     Hartford.     1913. 
Dodge,  Harriet  H.     Survey  of  Occupations  Open  to  the  Girl  of  Fourteen 

to  Sixteen  Years.     Boston.     191 2. 
Hoffman,  F.  L.     "The  Social    and    Medical    Aspects    of    Child    Labor." 

N.C.C.C,  1903,  p.  138. 
Kelley,  Florence.     "Child  Labor  Laws."     N.C.C.C,  1904,  p.  268. 
"The  Moral  Dangers  of  Premature  Employment."     N.C.C.C.,  1906, 

P-  157- 

Articles  in  Ann.  of  Amer.  Acad. 

Lindsay,  S.  M.     "Committee  Report  on  Child  Labor."    N.C.C.C,  1906, 

p.  150. 

Articles  in  Ann.  of  Amer.  Acad. 

Lovejoy,  Owen.     "  Child    Labor    and    Philanthropy."    N.C.C.C,    1907, 

p.  196. 

Articles  in  Ann.  of  Amer.  Acad. 

Mangold,  G.  B.     "Industrial  Opportunities  of  Children  in  St.  Louis." 

Washington  University  Studies,  Vol.  I,  Part  II,  No.  1,  October,  1913. 
Massachusetts.     Commission  on  Minimum  Wage  Boards,  Report  of.     191 2. 
Labor  Bibliography.     (Part  II  of  the  Annual  Report  on  the  Statistics 

of  Labor  for  1 91 2.)     Boston.     1913. 
McKelway,  A.  J.     "Child  Labor  in  the  Carolinas."     Charities  and  Com- 
mons, Vol.  XXI,  p.  743,  January  30,  1909. 

Articles  in  Ann.  of  Amer.  Acad. 

"Child  Labor  Campaign  in  the  South."      The  Survey,  Vol.  XXVII, 

No.  3,  October  21,  1911. 


506  SELECTED   BIBLIOGRAPHY 

McKelway,  A.  J.     "Conservation    of    Childhood."     The   Survey,   Vol. 
XXVII,  p.  1515,  January  6,  191 2. 

National  Child  Labor  Committee.     Annual  Reports. 

The  Child  Labor  Bulletin. 

Pamphlet  Series. 

New  York.     Bulletins  of  the  Commissioner  of  Labor. 

Second  Report  of  the  Factory  Investigating  Commission.     1913. 

Philadelphia  Industrial  Exhibit.     1907. 

Reports  of  State  Bureaus  of  Factory  Inspection  and  of  Commissioners  of 
Labor,  especially  of  New  York  and  Pennsylvania. 

Smith,  Hoke.     "Child  Labor  and  Illiteracy."    N.C.C.C,  1903,  p.  188. 

Survey,  The.    Developments  in  the  child  labor  situation  are  regularly  re- 
ported in  this  magazine. 

Talbert,  E.  L.     "Opportunities  in  School  and  Industry  for  Children  of  the 
Stockyards  District."     Chicago.     191 2. 

United  States. 

Bureau  of  the  Census.     Twelfth  Census  of  the  United  States.  (1900.) 

"Occupations." 
Thirteenth  Census.     (1910.)     Abstract. 


Child  Labor  in  the  United  States.     Bulletin  No.  69. 

Bureau  of  Labor.     Bulletin  No.  52.     Child  Labor  in  the  United  States. 

Bulletin  No.  73.     Woman  and  Child  Labor  Laws. 

Bulletin  No.  80.     Woman  and  Child  Laborers  in  Great  Britain. 

Bulletin  No.  89.     Child  Labor  in  Europe. 

Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics.     Bulletin  No.   in.     Labor  Legislation  in 

1912. 
Woman  and  Child  Wage  Earners  in  the  United  States  (in  19  volumes). 

Volumes  relating  to  Child  Labor  include : 

Vol.  I.     Cotton  Textile  Industry. 

Vol.  II.    Men's  Ready-made  Clothing. 

Vol.  III.    The  Glass  Industry. 

Vol.  IV.     The  Silk  Industry. 

Vol.  VI.     The  Beginnings  of  Child  Labor  Legislation  in  Certain  States. 

Vol.  VII.     Conditions  under  which  Children  leave  School  to  go  to 
Work. 

Vol.  VIII.     Juvenile  Delinquency  and  its  Relation  to  Employment. 
Van  Kleeck,  Mary.     "  Child  Labor  in  New  York  City  Tenements.     Char- 
ities and  Commons,  Vol.  XIX,  p.  1405,  January  18,  1908. 
Wisconsin.     Reports  of  State  Industrial  Commission. 

Juvenile  Delinquency 

Breckinridge,  Sophonisba,  and  Abbot,  Edith.     The  Delinquent  Child 

and  the  Home.     New  York.     1912. 
Coulter,  E.  K.     The  Children  in  the  Shadow.    New  York.     1913. 


SELECTED   BIBLTOGRAPHY  507 

Folks,  Homer.  .  The  Care  of  Destitute,  Neglected,  and  Delinquent  Children. 

New  York.     1902. 
George,  Wm.  R.     The  Republic.     New  York.     1910. 
Greenby,  David  S.     A  Bunch  of  Little  Thieves.     New  York.     1913. 
Hart,   H.   H.     Preventive   Treatment  of  Neglected  Children.     New    York. 

1910. 

Juvenile  Court  Laws  in  the  United  Stales.     New  York.     19 10. 

Henderson,  C.  R.     Dependents,  Defectives,  Delinquents.     Boston.     1901. 

Modern  Methods  of  Charity.     New  York.     1904. 

Morrison,  Wm.  D.     Juvenile  Offenders.     New  York.     1897. 
Travis,  Thomas.     The  Young  Malefactor.     New  York.     1908. 

Baldwin,  R.  N.     "The  Selection  and  Training  of  Probation  and  Attendance 

Officers."     N.C.C.C.,  191 1,  p.  390. 
Billiarde,  F.  J.     "Citizens  in  the  Making."     (Report  of  Superintendent 

of  Neglected  Children  for  the  Province  of  Manitoba,  1912.) 
Charities  and  Commons.     "Juvenile  Court  Reducing  its  Need."     Vol.  XX, 

p.  287,  May  17,  1908. 
Chicago  Boys'  Club.     Annual  Reports. 
Evans,    Elizabeth.     "  Feeble-mindedness    and    Juvenile    Delinquency." 

Charities  and  Commons,  Vol.  XX,  p.  183,  May  2,  1908. 
Flexner,    Bernard.     "A    Decade   of   the   Juvenile    Court."     N.C.C.C., 

1910,  p.  105. 
Folks,  Homer.     "Juvenile  Probation."     N.C.C.C.,  1906,  p.  117. 
Francis,  Vida  Hunt.     "The  Delinquent  Girl."     N.C.C.C.,  1906,  p.  138. 
Great  Britain.     Children  Act.     1908,  8  Edw.  7.  ch.  67. 
Hart,  H.  H.     "The  Juvenile  Reformatory  of  the  Twentieth  Century." 

N.C.C.C.,  1905,  p.  101. 
Henderson,  C.  R.     "Theory  and  Practice  of  Juvenile  Courts."     N.C.C.C., 

1904,  p.  358. 
Hilles,    Charles   D.     "Schools   for   Juvenile    Delinquents."     N.C.C.C., 

1907,  p.  209. 
Hotchkiss,  W.  E.    "  The  Juvenile  Court  of  Cook  County,  Illinois."    Chicago. 

1912. 
Lindsey,   Ben.     "Recent  Progress  of   the  Juvenile   Court  Movement." 

N.C.C.C,  1905,  p.  150. 
Mack,  Julian  W.     "The  Juvenile  Court;    the  Judge  and  the  Probation 

Officer."    N.C.C.C,  1906,  p.  123. 
Massachusetts.     Report  of  the  Trustees  of  Massachusetts  Training  Schools. 

1912. 
Merrill,  Lilburn.     "Diagnostic  Methods  as  an  Aid  in  Juvenile  Court 

Administration."    N.C.C.C,  1913,  p.  324. 
Montgomery,  Mrs.    Alice    B.     "The    Child   of    the   Juvenile    Court." 

N.C.C.C.,  1905,  p.  167. 


508  SELECTED   BIBLIOGRAPHY 

New  York  State  Probation  Commission.     Annual  Reports,  especially  Report 

Of  IQI2. 

Nibecker,  F.  H.  "The  Forward  Movement  in  Boarding  Schools  for 
Delinquents."     N.C.C.C.,  1904,  p.  300. 

"The  Mental  Capacity  of  Juvenile  Delinquents."     N.C.C.C.,  1901, 

p.  262. 

Reports  of  Institutions  for  Delinquent  Children. 

Reports  of  Juvenile  Courts  of  Cities,  especially  Chicago,  Denver,  Indian- 
apolis, and  St.  Louis. 

Review,  The.     New  York. 

Richman,  Julia.  "The  Incorrigible  Child."   Nat.Ednc.  Assn.,  1906,  p.  158. 

Rogers,  Mrs.  Helen  W.  "The  Probation  System  of  the  Juvenile  Court 
of  Indianapolis."     N.C.C.C.,  1904,  p.  369. 

St.  Louis.  Municipal  Commission  on  Delinquent,  Dependent,  and  Defec- 
tive Children.     St.  Louis.     191 1. 

Stubbs,  George  B.     "The   Mission   of   the  Juvenile   Court."   N.C.C.C, 

1904,  P-  35°- 
Survey,  The.     Number  on  "Ten  Years  of  the  Juvenile  Court."     Vol.  XXIII, 
•  February  5,  191  o. 

"Undermining  the  Chicago  Juvenile  Court."     Vol.  XXVIII,  No.  26, 

March  30,  191 2. 
Thurston,  H.  W.     "What  Shall  a  Probation  Officer  do  for  the  Child?" 

Charities  and  Commons,  Vol.  XXI,  p.  709,  January  13,  1909. 
United  States. 
Bureau  of  the  Census.     Prisoners  and  Juvenile  Delinquents  in  the  United 

States.     1904. 
Bureau  of  Education.     Report  of  Commissioner  of  Education.     1904. 

Juvenile  Criminality  in  Germany,  Vol.  I,  Chap.  9. 
Children's   Courts  in    the   United   States.     58th   Congress,  2d  Session. 

House  of  Representatives.     Document  No.  701. 
Woman  and  Child  Wage  Earners  in  the  United  States,  Vol.  VIII.     "Juve- 
nile Delinquency  and  its  Relation  to  Employment." 
Wade,  F.  E.     "The  Prosecution  of  Parents  for  the  Delinquencies  of  their 
Children."     N.C.C.C,  1909,  p.  297. 

"The  Present  Status  of  Probation."     The  Review,  Vol.  II,  No.  9, 

September,  191 2. 
Wentworth,  Edwin  P.     "The  Origin  and  Development  of  the  Juvenile 
Reformatory."     (Committee  Report.)     N.C.C.C,  1901,  p.  245. 

Problems  of  Dependent  Children 

Devine,  E.  T.     Principles  of  Relief.     New  York.     1904. 
Engel,  S.     The  Elements  of  Child  Protection.     New  York.     1912. 
Folks,  Homer.     The  Care  of  Destitute,  Neglected,  and  Delinquent  Children. 
New  York.     1902. 


SELECTED    BIBLIOGRAPHY  509 

Hart,   H.   H.     Preventive   Treatment  of  Neglected  Children.    New  York. 

1910. 
Henderson,  C.  R.     Dependents,  Defectives,  Delinquents.     Boston.     1901. 

Modern  Methods  of  Charity.     New  York.     1904. 

Leffingwell,  Albert.     Illegitimacy.     New  York.     1892. 
McCrea,  Roswell  C.     The  Humane  Movement.     New  York.     1910. 
Reeder,  R.  R.     How  Two  Hundred  Children  Live  and  Learn.     New  York. 

1909. 
Warner,  Amos.     American  Charities.    New  York.     1908.     (Revised.) 

Almy,  Frederic.     "Public  Pensions  to  Widows."     N.C.C.C.,  1912,  p.  481. 
Baldwin,  W.  H.     "The  Present  Status  of  Family  Desertion  and  Non- 
support  Laws."     N.C.C.C.,  191 1,  p.  406. 

-Family  Desertion  and  Non-support  Laws.     Washington.     191 1. 

Barnabas,  Brother.     "Children's  Committee  Report."     N.C.C.C.,  1913, 

p.  276. 
Breckinridge,    Sophonisba.     "Neglected    Widowhood    in    the    Juvenile 

Court."     American  Journal  of  Sociology,  Vol.  XVI,  No.  1,  July,  1910. 
Butler,  Amos.     "Saving  the  Children."     (Committee  Report.)     N.C.C.C. 

1901,  p.  204. 
Carstens,  C.  C.     "Public  Pensions  to  Mothers  with  Dependent  Children." 

The  Child,  February,  19 13. 
"Public  Pensions  to  Widows  with  Children."     (R.S.F.)     New  York. 

1913.     Also  in  the  Survey,  Vol.  XXIX,  No.  14,  January  4,  1913. 

"The  Breaking  up  of  Families."     N.C.C.C,  1909,  p.  48. 

Child   Conference  for  Research   and  Welfare.     Proceedings.     New  York. 

1910. 
Conference  on  the   Care  of  Dependent   Children.     Proceedings.     (White 

House  Conference.)     1909. 
Cushing,  Grafton  D.     "Work  of  the  Societies  for  the  Prevention  of  Cruelty 

to  Children  Essential  in  the  Prevention  of  Crime."     N.C.C.C,  1906, 

p.  106. 
Devtne,  E.  T.     "Pensions  for  Mothers."     T/te  Survey,  Vol.  XXX,  No.  14, 

July  5,  1913. 
Durand,  George  H.     "The  Study  of  the  Child  from  the  Standpoint  of 

the  Home  Finding  Agency."     N.C.C.C.,  1907,  p.  256. 
Ellison,  T.  E.     "Child  Saving  under  State  Supervision  without  a  State 

School."     N.C.C.C,  1901,  p.  230. 
Evans,  Mrs.  Glendower.     "What  do  you  know  of  the  Children  after 

they  leave  your  Home  or  Institution?     Do  you   supervise   them?" 

N.C.C.C,  1907,  p.  274. 
Faulkner,  C.  E.     "  Institutional  Care  for  Dependent  Children."    N.C.C.C 

1904,  p-  335- 
Fox,  Hugh  F.     "  Boards  of  Children's  Guardians."     N.C.C.C,  1904,  p.  311. 


510  SELECTED   BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Hart,  H.  H.     "The  Economic  Aspects  of  the  Child  Problem."    N.C.C.C., 
1892,  p.  191. 

"Children."     (Committee  Report.)     N.C.C.C.,  1906,  p.  87. 

"The  Ohio  Children's  Code."     The  Survey.  Vol.  XXX,  No.  16,  July  19, 

1913- 
Henderson,   C.   R.     "Neglected   Children  in  Neglected   Communities." 

N.C.C.C.,  1901,  p.  219. 
International  Congress  of  Charities.     The  Care  of  Dependent,  Neglected, 

and  Wayward  Children.     Baltimore.     1893. 
Jacobs,  Bertha.     "The  Work  of  one  State."     N.C.C.C.,  1904,  p.  317. 
Kelso,  J.  J.     "What  Ontario  is  Doing  for  Children."     N.C.C.C.,  1909, 

P-  33- 
Kingsley,  S.  C.     "Public  Pensions  to  Widows."     N.C.C.C,  191 2,  p.  468. 
Kinkead,  L.  L.     "State  Supervision  of  Dependent  Children."     N.C.C.C, 

1904,  p.  342. 
Lindsey,  Ben  B.     "The  Mother's  Compensation  Law  of  Colorado."     The 

Survey,  Vol.  XXIX,  p.  714,  February  14,  1913. 
Massachusetts.     Report  of  the  Commission  on  the  Support  of  Dependent 

Minor  Children  of  Widowed  Mothers.     Boston.     1913. 
Montgomery,  J.  B.     "The  Michigan  System  of  Child  Saving."    N.C.C.C, 

1904,  p.  320. 
Mtjlry,  T.  M.     "The  Care  of  Destitute  and  Neglected  Children."     (Com- 
mittee Report.)     N.C.C.C.,  1899,  p.  166. 
National  Conference  of  Jewish  Charities.     Report  on  Family  Desertion. 

1912. 
New  York  State  Charities  Aid  Association.     Annual  and  Special  Reports. 
Ontario.     Report  on  Neglected  and  Dependent  Children.     191 2. 
Pear,  Wm.  H.     "The  Full  Measure  of  Responsibility."    N.C.C.C,  1906, 

p.  96. 
Persons,  C.  E.     "Neglected  Children."     Washington  University  Studies, 

Vol.  I,  Part  II,  No.  1,  October,  1913. 
Pinckney,  M.  W.     "Public  Pensions  to  Widows."     N.C.C.C,  1912,  p.  473. 
Randall,  C.  D.     "Child  Saving  Work  under  State  Supervision  with  a 

State  School."    N.C.C.C,  1901,  p.  224. 
Reeder,  R.  R.     "Study  of  the  Child  from  the  Institutional  Standpoint." 

N.C.C.C.,  1907,  p.  265. 
Reports. 

Children's  Aid  and  Home-Finding  Societies,  especially  of  New  York, 

Pennsylvania,  and  Boston  Children's  Aid  Societies. 
Societies  for  the  Prevention  of  Cruelty  to  Children,  especially  Massachu- 
setts and  New  York. 
State  Public  Schools,  especially  Michigan  and  Minnesota. 
State  Boards  of  Charities  and  Boards  of  Children's  Guardians. 
Private  Institutions  for  Dependent  and  Neglected  Children. 


SELECTED   BIBLIOGRAPHY  511 

lenberger,  E.  D.     "  Record  of  the  Child-Placing  Agencies."     N.C.C.C., 

1910,  p.  123. 
.irvey,  The.     Vol.  XXIX,  No.  20,  February  15,  1913.     Contains  Statistics 
of  Children  in  Institutions  in  the  United  States. 
United  States. 

Bureau  of  the  Census.     Benevolent  Institutions  in  the  United  States. 
Washington.     1905. 

Benevolent  Institutions.     1914. 

Williams,  Mornay.     "The  Street  Boy.     Who  he  is,  and  what  to  do  with 
him."    N.C.C.C,  1903,  p.  238. 
Much  miscellaneous  literature  on  this  subject  is  found  in  N.C.C.C,  in 
the  Reports  of  State  Conferences  of  Charities  and  Correction,  in  The  Survey, 
and  in  The  Child. 


INDEX 


Abnormality,  mental,  209. 
Accidents,  to  children  in  industry,  299. 
Adenoids,  backwardness  caused  by,  an. 
Adoption  of  children,  frequency  of,  461. 
Affidavits,  to  secure  working  papers,  332. 
Age,  of  children  at  work,  289;  restric- 
tions  on,    in   child   labor   laws,    326 ; 

wages  and,  293. 
Age  of  Consent  Laws,  410. 
Agriculture,  child  labor  in,  284. 
Almshouses,  children  in,  441. 
Antitoxin,  effectiveness  of,  60;    use  of, 

in  Chicago,  60. 
Applicants  for  children,  453  ;  agreements 

with,  45s ;    investigation  of,  454. 
Apprentice  system,  249 ;  attitude  toward, 

250;    decline  of,    250;    reappearance 

of,  250. 
Artificial  foods,   73 ;    avoidance  of,   97 ; 

diseases  caused  by,  in  New  York,  76, 

in  St.  Louis,  76;   effects  of,  75. 
Athletics,  on  playgrounds,  175;    school, 

198.' 
Attendance,    compulsory    school,     240; 

see  School  attendance. 
Atypical  children,  205-207. 

Backward  children,  defined,  206;  edu- 
cation of,  219;  examination  of,  207; 
needs  of,  223;  number  of,  208; 
organization  of  special  classes  for,  219; 
physical  defects  of,  211;  provisions 
for  training  of,  in  Europe,  220,  in 
United  States,  221 ;  tests  for  deter- 
mining, 207,  215;  trained  teachers 
for,   224. 

Backwardness,  211;  causes  of,  21 1-2 12; 
extent  of,  208. 

Barr,  M.  W.,  causes  of  feeblemindedness 
by,  209 ;  classification  of  feebleminded 
according  to,  205. 

Bibliography,  493. 

Binet  test,  207. 

Birth    rates,    19;     among   savages,    19; 

conditions    accompanying    high,     20; 

decline  of,  21 ;   causes  of  high,  20;   in 

2L  c 


the  United  States,  21;  in  Western 
Europe,  2 1 ;  low,  caused  by  celibacy, 
29,  late  marriages,  28,  limitation  of 
family,  29,  sterility,  29;  relation  of, 
to  death  rates,  20;  voluntary  re- 
striction of,  28-30. 

Births,  among  foreign  born  women,  24 ; 
native,  25  ;  number  of,  among  women 
in  cities,  25,  in  country,  25 ;  propor- 
tion of,  between  sexes,  51 ;  registra- 
tion of,  30;   still,  27. 

Blind,  the,  care  of,  151 ;  classes  for,  152  ; 
education  of,  152;   number  of,  125. 

Blindness,  causes  of,  125;  congenital, 
126;  ophthalmia  and,  125. 

Board  of  Children's  guardians,  in  New 
York,  478;  in  St.  Louis,  480;  in 
Washington,  480. 

Boarding  homes  for  children,  459;  in 
Massachusetts,  479 ;  in  New  Jersey, 
478. 

Bohmert,  on  dependent  children,  423. 

Boston,  regulation  of  milk  supply  in, 
89 ;    vocational  guidance  in,  246. 

Bowditch,  on  growth  of  children,  120. 

Boys'  clubs,  411;  influence  of,  412; 
types  of,  411. 

Boy  Scouts,  183. 

Breast  feeding,  diarrhceal  diseases  re- 
duced by,  76,  97;   prevalence  of,  73. 

Broken  homes,  delinquency  caused  by, 
352  ;   dependency  due  to,  425. 

Bronchitis,  64. 

Broncho-pneumonia,  64. 

Budin,  Dr.,  93. 

Buffalo,  volunteer  probation  officers  in, 
383. 

California,  neglected  children  in,  428. 

Camp  Fire  Girls,  184. 

Canning  industry,  age  of  children  in, 
290;  child  labor  in,  285  ;  exemption  of , 
from  child  labor  laws,  335  ;  opposition 
of,  to  legislation,   278. 

Carstens,  C.  C,  463. 

Catholic  placing  out  bureaus,  452. 

13 


5i4 


INDEX 


Celibacy,  extent  of,  29. 

Chicago,  civic  centers  in,  174;  juvenile 
court  established  in,  363 ;  milk  tests 
in,  81;  school  lunches  in,  164;  use  of 
antitoxin  in,  60. 

Chicago  Boys'  Club,  412. 

Child,  backward,  208 ;  defective,  205  ; 
delinquent,  345;  dependent,  421; 
effect  on,  of  night  work,  317,  of  pre- 
mature employment,  312;  effect  on, 
of  prenatal  conditions,  6;  home  life 
and  the,  434 ;  physical  development  of 
the,  6 ;  physical  requirements  of  the, 
119 ;  physiology  of  the,  5  ;  right  of,  to 
health,  n,  to  leisure,  12,  to  life,  io, 
to  training,  14;  social  heredity  and 
the,  7. 

Child  labor,  age  distribution  of,  289; 
among  foreign  born,  287 ;  caused  by 
ambition  of  child,  276,  competition, 
281,  greed  of  employers,  277,  immigra- 
tion, 273,  indifference  of  public,  281, 
low  ideals,  272,  machinery,  280, 
parental  greed,  271,  poverty,  274; 
conditions  of,  284 ;  decline  of,  in 
manufacturing  industry,  285  ;  defense 
of,  297,  304 ;  economic  disadvantages 
of,  298 ;  industries  employing,  men- 
tioned, agriculture,  284,  canning  in- 
dustry, 285,  cotton  mills,  285,  glass 
houses,  286,  silk  mills,  286,  street 
trades,  288 ;  moral  effects  of,  304 ; 
numerical  importance  of,  284;  objec- 
tions to,  298;  occupational  distribu- 
tion of,  284;  physical  effects  of,  310; 
social  costs  of,  302 ;  territorial  dis- 
tribution of,  286;  training  prevented 
by,  291 ;  under  the  domestic  system, 
298. 

Child  labor  legislation,  320;  age  limits 
provided  by,  326;  agencies  support- 
ing, 321;  dangerous  occupations  and, 
333  ;  educational  requirements  in,  328 ; 
enforcement  of,  338 ;  evolution  of, 
321 ;  hours  of  work  in,  330;  industries 
exempted  by,  335;  night  work  pro- 
hibited by,  331;  standards  in,  323; 
uniformity  of,  322 ;  weaknesses  of, 
340;   working  papers  under,  331. 

Child  life,  waste  of,  32. 

Child  mortality,  decline  of,  33 ;  eco- 
nomic costs  of,  37  ;  mental  and  moral 
effects  of,  39;  rate  of,  in  Europe,  57; 
relation  of,  to  physical  degeneracy, 
40. 


Child  problems,  environment  and,  5 ; 
heredity  and,  1 ;    importance  of,  1. 

Child  saving,  cooperation  in,  439; 
foster  homes  and,  435  ;  home  ties  and, 
434 ;  methods  of  private,  449 ; 
methods  of  public,  474,  boarding  out 
system,  478,  county  home  system,  480, 
state  school  system,  474,  subsidy 
system,  481 ;  principles  of,  433  ;  rela- 
tion of,  to  institutional  care,  441 ; 
state  supervision  of  private  agencies 
engaged  in,  437. 

Childhood,  prolongation  of,  7 ;  social 
obligations  to,   10. 

Children,  backward,  207 ;  boarding 
homes  for,  459;  death  rates  of,  32,  in 
England,  32,  in  Russia,  33 ;  defective, 
number  of,  207 ;  delinquent,  345 ; 
dependent,  421;  desire  of,  to  work, 
276;  distribution  of,  in  grades,  233; 
dwarfing  of,  120;  education  of,  230; 
elimination  of  school,  234 ;  exceptional, 
215;  illegitimate,  421,  426;  illiteracy 
among,  23 1 ;  moral  education  of, 
262 ;  reasons  of,  for  leaving  school, 
238 ;  retardation  of  school,  238 ; 
school,  229;  tubercular,  130,  156; 
underfed,  161 ;  untrained,  in  industry, 
245 ;    vocational  needs  of,  246. 

Children  in  industry,  accidents  to,  299; 
age  of,  287 ;  earnings  of,  293 ;  edu- 
cational requirements  of,  328;  grade 
distribution  of,  292 ;  home  work  of, 
295 ;  inadequate  training  of,  291 ; 
instability  of,  301 ;  literacy  of,  291 ; 
night  work  of,  295,  309 ;  overtime 
work  of,  295 ;  physical  requirements 
of,   310;    unhealthful  occupations  of, 

3*3- 

Children's  Aid  Society,  449;  investi- 
gations by,  453  ;  nature  of,  450 ;  prin- 
ciples of,  45 1 ;  supervision  of  children 
by,  456;   work  of  New  York,  451. 

Children's  Bureau,  federal,  488;  Phila- 
delphia, 439. 

Children's  courts ;  see  Juvenile  courts. 

Children's  home  societies,  449 ;  func- 
tions of,  450 ;  number  of,  449 ;  see  also 
Children's  Aid  Society. 

Child  welfare,  importance  of,  1. 

Church,  and  sex  education,  267. 

Cities,  birth  rates  in,  22;  births  per 
marriage  in,  24 ;    mortality  in,  44. 

City  life,  effects  of,  on  health,  121; 
juvenile  delinquency  and,  288. 


INDEX 


515 


Civic  centers,  173,  Chicago,  174;  de- 
scription of,  174;  prevention  of  ju- 
venile delinquency  by,  413. 

Cleveland,  elimination  of  school  children 
in,  240;   vocational  school  in,  248. 

Clinics,  baby,  95 ;    dental,  147. 

Clubs,  boys,  412;   need  of,  411. 

Coal  mines,  children  employed  in,  288. 

Commercial  recreation,  184;  dancing, 
187;  motion  picture,  185;  theater, 
186. 

Compulsory  education,  240 ;  exemptions 
from,  241 ;  nonenforcement  of,  238 ; 
provisions  of  laws  requiring,  241. 

Consanguinity,  deafness  due  to,  127. 

Continuation  schools,  in  Boston,  251 ; 
in  Cincinnati,  251. 

Contributory  delinquency  laws,  407 ; 
enforcement  of,  409;  provisions  of, 
408;  purpose  of,  407. 

Convulsions,  68. 

Cooley,  E.  G.,  on  vocational  education, 

254- 

Cooperation,  439;  example  of,  in  child 
saving,  439. 

Cottage  plan,  401,  436;  cost  of,  401; 
use  of,  395. 

Cotton  mills,  child  labor  in,  285 ;  illit- 
eracy of  children  in  Southern,  291 ; 
night  work  in,  295. 

County  home  system,  480. 

Cow's  milk,  constituency  of,  77  ;  merits 
of  different  grades  of,  75. 

Crippled  children,  conditions  of,  how 
caused,  128;  institutions  for,  447; 
education  of,  155. 

Cruelty,  422;  children  removed  from 
home  because  of  parent's,  464;  ju- 
venile delinquency  caused  by,  354 ; 
societies  for  the  prevention  of,  462. 

Cruelty  cases,  428,  461 ;  public  care  of, 
482. 

Dairies,  inspection  of,  85. 
Dairy  milk,  classification  of,  92. 
Dance  halls,  commercial,   186;    dangers 

of,  187;   regulation  of,  187. 
Dangerous  occupations,  333. 
Day  nurseries,  470. 
Deaf,  the,  education  of,  153  ;  number  of, 

126;   physical  conditions  of,  154. 
Deafness,    amount   of,    126;    causes  of, 

127;   hereditary,  128. 
Death  rates,  decline  of,  32 ;    history  of, 

33- 


Deaths,  unnecessary  infant,  in  Europe, 
58;    in  the  United  States,  56. 

Defective  children,  mentally,  205  ;  physi- 
cally, 124  ;  program  of  care  for,  216. 

Defective  teeth,  133. 

Deformities,  physical,  128;  causes  of, 
129. 

Degeneracy,  and  child  mortality,  40; 
causes  of  physical,  122. 

De  Groot,  on  recreation,  166. 

Delinquency,  among  children  in  street 
trades,  306,  359;    nature  of  juvenile, 

345- 

Delinquent,  see  Juvenile  delinquent. 

Delinquent  girl,  the,  defectiveness  of, 
357  ;   sex  immorality  of,  361. 

Denominational  agencies,  452;  insti- 
tutions for  children  supported  by, 
4S7  ;  placing  out  by,  458. 

Dental  clinics,  147. 

Denver,  judge  as  probation  officer  in, 
383  ;   juvenile  court  in,  363. 

Dependency,  of  children,  421 ;  broken 
homes  and,  425 ;  causes  of,  424, 
desertion  of  father,  428,  improper 
guardianship,  427,  intemperance,  428, 
large  families,  427;  German  statistics 
on,  423;  meaning  of,  421;  New 
York  figures  on,  424;    preventability 

of,  42s- 
Dependent   children,    in   family   homes, 

432;     in    institutions,    431;     in    New 

York,  430 ;   number  of,  429 ;   parental 

condition  of,  425;    types  of,  421. 
Desertion,  442 ;    dependency  caused  by, 

422;    laws  on,  442;    wife  and  child, 

442. 
Desertion  bureau,  444. 
Detention  home,  392. 
Diarrhceal    diseases,    age    incidence   of, 

59 ;   deaths  from,  65  ;    distribution  of, 

by  months,  66;   in  cities,  46,  in  rural 

districts,  46. 
Digestive  system,  diseases  of,  64. 
Diphtheria,  decline  of,  60;   measures  for 

prevention  of,  61. 
Disciplinary  schools,  392. 
Discipline,    in   reformatory-   institutions, 

405- 
Diseases,    children's,    59;     deaths   from 

children's,     59-70;      immunity     from 

various,  41. 
Diseases  of  early  infancy,  67. 
District  of   Columbia,   child   saving   in, 

405. 


5i6 


INDEX 


Domestic  science,  need  of,  in  schools, 

105. 
Domestic  service,   child  labor  in,    287; 

delinquency  of  girls  in,  404. 
Duration   of   life,    in    Geneva,    38;     in 

Netherlands,  38. 

Ecclesiastical  institutions,  467. 

Education,  and  child  labor,  240;  and 
illiteracy,  231 ;  compulsory,  exemp- 
tions from,  241,  nonenforcement  of, 
242 ;  industrial,  lack  of,  245,  need  of, 
245 ;  literary,  244 ;  of  parents,  in 
hygiene,  gg,  in  sex  physiology,  266; 
sex  and  moral,  257. 

Educational  requirements,  in  child  labor 
laws,  328. 

Educational  system,  faults  of,  238. 

Elimination  of  school  children,  238;  ex- 
tent of,  23g ;  Strayer  on,  235 ;  Thorn- 
dyke  on,  234;  United  States  govern- 
ment on,  23g. 

Employers,  child  labor  caused  by  greed 
of,  277 ;  opposition  of,  to  child  labor 
laws,  278. 

Enforcement  of  child  labor  laws,  338. 

England,  feeding  of  school  children  in, 
162;  infant  mortality  in,  36;  ju- 
venile delinquency  laws  in,  375 ; 
wasting  diseases  in,  68. 

Enlarged  tonsils,  148. 

Environment,  148;  a  cause  of  juvenile 
delinquency,  355  ;  factors  of,  5  ;  mean- 
ing of,  6 ;  nutrition  and,  7 ;  physical 
effects  of  bad,  122;  prenatal  condi- 
tions and,  6. 

Erfurt,  infant  mortality  in,  4g. 

Eugenics,  meaning  of,  3 ;  negative,  3 ; 
originators  of,  5 ;  positive,  4 ;  pro- 
gram of,  3-5. 

Evening  recreation  centers,  igo;  ac- 
tivities of,  igi ;  dancing  in,  igi ;  in 
New  York,  igo. 

Exceptional  children,  education  of,  215; 
examination  of,  215. 

Expectation  of  life,  in  Geneva,  38 ;  in 
Massachusetts,  3g ;   increase  of,  38. 

Exploitation  of  children,  271;  cause  of, 
272. 

Eyesight,  examination  of,  by  teachers, 
144. 

Factories,  conditions  in,  315;  night 
work  in,  317. 


Factory    inspectors,     incompetence    of, 

340;     insufficient    number    of,    340; 

working  papers  granted  by,  332. 
Fall    River,   diarrhceal  diseases  in,   65 ; 

married  women  at  work  in,  iog. 
Farr,    Dr.,    causes   of   infant   mortality 

according  to,  71. 
Fecundity,  of  foreign  born  women,  24; 

of  native  women,  24. 
Federal  child  labor  bill,  323. 
Federal  Children's  Bureau,  488. 
Federal    government,    investigation    of 

child  labor  by,  2g3,  304. 
Feebleminded,    the,   education  of,    217; 

number    of,    206;     schools    for,    217; 

state  care  of,  218. 
Feeblemindedness,   causes  of,    2og;    in- 
heritance of,  210. 
Fisher,  Irving,  on  infant  mortality,  55. 
Fiske,  John,  7. 
Folks,  Homer,  453. 

Foreign  born  women,  fecundity  of,  24. 
Foster    home,     investigation    of,     435 ; 

selection  of,  453. 
Foundling  asylums,  470. 
Foundlings,  421. 
Fresh  air  camps,  182. 

Galton,  and  eugenics,  7. 

Gary,  social  uses  of  schools  in,  ig4. 

Germ  diseases,  37. 

Germany,  crippled  children  in,  i2g; 
dependent  children  in,  423 ;  juvenile 
court  in,  375  ;  open  air  schools  in,  157. 

Gifted  children,  proportion  of,  208. 

Girls,  effects  of  child  labor  on,  313. 

Glasgow,  growth  of  children  in,  121. 

Glasshouses,  heat  in,  315;  night  shifts 
in,  278. 

Goddard,  H.  H.,  207. 

Gonorrhoea,  blindness  due  to,  259 ; 
operations  caused  by,  2sg;  sterility 
an  effect  of,  27. 

Grades,  distribution  of  children  in, 
233 ;  elimination  from,  236 ;  rela- 
tion of,  to  wages,  2g3  ;   retardation  in, 

237- 
Great  Britain,  development  of    children 

in,  121;  recruits  in,  123. 
Guidance,  vocational,  246. 

Health,  importance  of,   n;    relation  of 

child  labor  to,  310. 
Hearings,  in  juvenile  court,  private,  369 ; 

public,  369. 


INDEX 


517 


Heredity,  and  the  child,  1 ;  deafness 
due  to,  128;  defective,  3;  feeble- 
mindedness and,  210;  meaning  of,  1; 
relation  of,  to  eugenics,  3  ;  study  of,  1. 

Home,  foster,  importance  of  the,  435 ; 
place  of  the,  in  child  saving,  436; 
private,  for  delinquent  children,  405. 

Home  conditions,  a  factor  of  environ- 
ment,  8;    and    juvenile    delinquency, 

349- 
Homes,  broken,  352. 
Home  work,  children  engaged  in,   289; 

evils  of,  289 ;   licenses  for  carrying  on, 

289. 
Hours  of  labor,  2gs,  330. 
Housing  and  infant  mortality,  78,  107. 
Huddersfield,  infant  mortality  in,  103. 
Humane  Society,  461. 

Idiocy,  causes  of,  209. 

Idiot,  care  of  the,  218;  characterized, 
205. 

Idleness,  evils  of,  414 ;  remedies  for,  415. 

Ignorance,  a  cause  of  infant  mortality, 
77 ;   sex  irregularity  caused  by,  257. 

Illegitimacy,  causes  of,  426 ;  in  St.  Louis, 
426. 

Illegitimate  children,  birth  registration  of, 
444 ;  death  rate  of,  50 ;  in  the  United 
States,  426 ;  Norwegian  law  relating 
to,   445 ;    paternal   responsibility   for, 

445- 

Illinois,  child  labor  law  in,  330;  duties 
of  probation  officers  in,  378. 

Illiteracy,  among  immigrants,  231 ; 
among  negroes,  231 ;  among  whites, 
232;  in  Europe,  233;  in  the  United 
States,  231 ;  of  working  children  in 
the  South,  291. 

Imbecile,  definition  of,  205 ;  education 
of  the,  217. 

Immigrant,  illiteracy  of,  231. 

Immigration,  child  labor  caused  by,  272. 

Immorality,  birth  rate  reduced  by,  27 ; 
causes  of,  258;  delinquency  of  girls 
caused  by,  358;   results  of,  27. 

Immunity  from  disease,  41. 

Indenture,  458. 

Indeterminate  sentence,  399. 

Indiana,  county  home  system  in,  480 ; 
feebleminded  families  in,  210;  super- 
vision of  child  caring  agencies  in,  438. 

Indianapolis,  volunteer  probation  system 
in,  382. 

Industrial   education,    Cooley   on,    254; 


development  of,  255  ;  purpose  of,  244 ; 
state  aid  for,  256. 

Industrial  schools,  function  of,  398; 
parental  conditions  of  children  in,  353  ; 
parental  support  of  children  in,  397. 

Industrial  training,  244;  in  reformatory 
institutions,  402 ;  need  of,  245 ;  prep- 
aration for,  247  ;  private,  255  ;  public 
instruction  in,  253. 

Industries,  exemption  of  certain,  from 
child  labor  laws,  335. 

Infant  mortality,  a  social  problem,  32 ; 
among  laboring  classes,  49 ;  among 
negroes,  47  ;  among  whites,  47  ;  arti- 
ficial foods  in  relation  to,  73  ;  causes  of, 
classified,  72;  diseases  causing,  59; 
factors  affecting,  44  ;  historical  stages 
in,  33 ;  ignorance  and,  77 ;  in  cities, 
53;  in  Europe,  56;  in  slums,  48;  in 
the  registration  area,  52  ;  in  the  United 
States,  55  ;  poverty  and,  38  ;  prevent- 
able, 73  ;  rate  of,  55 ;  reduction  of, 
through  education,  55,  through  im- 
proved milk  supply,  87,  88,  through 
prenatal  work,  99 ;  relation  of,  to 
age,  50,  to  illegitimacy,  50,  to  sex,  51, 
to  social  conditions,  48 ;  rural  vs. 
urban,  44  ;  statistics  of,  52,  57. 

Infanticide,  20. 

Inspection,  dairy,  80,  85 ;  factory,  for 
child  labor,  340;  medical,  of  schools, 
136. 

Institutions  for  dependents,  advantages 
of,  467  ;  cottage  system  in,  468 ;  dis- 
advantages of,  468 ;  importance  of, 
467 ;  public  vs.  private,  467 ;  rela- 
tion of,  to  child  saving,  441 ;  tempo- 
rary care  in,  436. 

Intemperance  and  neglect,  427. 

Investigation,  spirit  of,  488. 

Iowa,  home  for  dependents  in,  474. 

Jenner,  34. 

Jews,  stature  of,   123. 

John  Worthy  School,  345,  398. 

Judges,  as  probation  officers  in  juvenile 
court,  383 ;  qualifications  of  juvenile 
court,  367  ;   selection  of,  366. 

Jury  trial  in  juvenile  court,  371. 

Juvenile  court,  and  probation,  377 ; 
beginnings  of,  377;  disposition  of 
offenders  by,  371;  establishment  of, 
363;  evolution  of,  373;  functions  of, 
364;  hearings  in,  369;  in  England, 
375;     in    Germany,    375;     jury    trial 


5i8 


INDEX 


in,  371 ;  organization  of,  365  ;  quali- 
fication of  judges  in,  367  ;  relation  of, 
to  criminal  court,  364 ;  rotation  of 
judges  in,  366 ;  state-wide  extension  of, 

365- 

Juvenile  delinquency,  345 ;  caused  by, 
associations  and  environment,  355, 
child  labor,  358,  criminal  tendencies, 
357,  cruelty,  354,  defectiveness,  357, 
dishonesty  of  parents,  356,  home 
conditions,  340,  neglect,  354,  poverty, 
359,  retardation,  357,  saloons,  356, 
street  trades,  359;  definition  of,  346; 
investigation  of  causes  of,  359;  pre- 
vention of,  by  adult  delinquency  laws, 
407,  age  of  consent  laws,  410,  boys' 
clubs,  411,  neighborhood  work,  411, 
parks  and  playgrounds,  413,  reduc- 
tion of  idleness,  413,  of  intemperance, 
417,  of  personal  vice,  417,  training  of 
parents,  415,  wider  use  of  schools,  418. 

Juvenile  delinquents,  appearance  in  court 
of,  368;  disposition  of,  371;  investi- 
gation of,  379 ;  number  of,  in  reforma- 
tories, 362 ;  occupations  of  working, 
305  ;  offenses  of,  361 ;  physical  defects 
among,  358,  402;    probation  of,  377. 

Juvenile  offenses,  classification  of,  361 ; 
nature  of,  361. 

Labor,  child,  see  Child  labor. 

Laboring  classes,  infant  mortality  among, 
49. 

Laundries,  heat  in,  315. 

Legislation,  agencies  supporting  child 
labor,  321;  see  also  Child  labor 
legislation. 

Libraries,  in  public  schools,  ig5. 

Life,  preservation  of,  10;   right  to,  n. 

Literacy,  of  working  children,  291. 

Little  mothers,  106. 

London,  crippled  children  in,  129;  de- 
cline of  death  rates  in,  33 ;  open  air 
schools  in,  157. 

Lunches,  in  Chicago  schools,  164;  in 
New  York  schools,  163. 

Lutherans,  placing  out  by,  453. 

Machinery,  influence  of,  on  apprentice- 
ship, 249,  on  child  labor,  280. 

Mack,  Judge,  368. 

Malnutrition,  extent  of,  9,  146. 

Manual  training,  extent  of,  248. 

Manufacturers,  child  labor  legislation 
opposed  by,  278. 


Manufactures,  importance  of  child  labor 
in,  285 ;    night  shifts  in,  295. 

Marriage,  number  of  births  per,  24. 

Massachusetts,  society  for  prevention  of 
cruelty  to  children  in,  463 ;  state  care 
of  children  in,  479. 

Maternal  feeding,  advantages  of,  75. 

Measles,  62. 

Medical  inspection  of  schools,  beginning 
of,  137  ;  by  board  of  education,  140; 
by  board  of  health,  139 ;  defects 
discovered  through,  138;  legal  pro- 
vision for,  149 ;  methods  of,  141 ; 
nature  of,  138;  organization  of,  139; 
progress  of,  149;  purpose  of,  138; 
results  of,  144;  scope  of,  138;  state 
laws  governing,  150;  theory  of, 
136. 

Medical  inspector,  duties  of,  142  ;  physi- 
cal examinations  made  by,  143. 

Meningitis,  68. 

Mercantile  establishments,  overtime   in, 

295- 
Messenger   service,  the,  delinquency  of 

boys  in,  306. 
Michigan  state  school,  474;    description 

of,  475  ;  length  of  stay  in,  476 ;  placing 

out  by,  476;   results  of,  477. 
Midwifery,    in;     dangers    from,    112; 

regulation  of,  112. 
Milk,    bacteria    in,    80 ;     certified,    92 ; 

chemical  constituency  of,   74;    clean, 

79 ;    cow's,    74 ;    dairy,   92 ;    diseases 

carried    by,    79;     experiments    with, 

in    Chicago,    83,    in    Rochester,    85 ; 

modified,   93 ;    pasteurization  of,   84  ; 

temperature  of,  80. 
Milk  depots,  in  France,  93,  in  Rochester, 

86,  in  United  States,  94;    public,  94; 

purpose  of,  94. 
Milk  problem,  79. 
Milk  stations,  see  Milk  depots. 
Milk  supply,  methods  of  purifying  the, 

82 ;    municipal  control  of,  84 ;    state 

control  of,  91. 
Milwaukee,  educational  health  center  in, 

114. 
Minimum  wage  legislation,  338. 
Minnesota  state  school,  476. 
Modern     industrial     conditions,     child 

labor  caused  by,  280. 
Montessori  method,  the,  225. 
Moron,  the,  206. 
Mortality,  see  Infant  mortality. 
Motherhood,  cost  of,  23. 


INDEX 


519 


Motion  pictures,  185 ;  censorship  of,  185 ; 
value  of,  185. 

National  Child  Labor  Committee,  321. 
Native  women,  fecundity  of,  25. 
Neglect,  delinquency  caused  by,  354. 
Neglected   children,    and   intemperance, 

428;    care   of,    461;   public  provision 

for,  48. 
Negro     children,     deaths    among,     46 ; 

illiteracy  of,  231;    retardation  among, 

237- 
Netherlands,  duration  of  life  in,  38. 
New  Jersey,  boarding  out  in,  478. 
Newman,    George,  on  infant  mortality, 

7i- 
Newsboys,  delinquency  among,  306. 
Newsholme,  Arthur,  on  infant  mortality, 

7i- 

New  York,  canneries  in,  290 ;  child 
labor  law  in,  329,  330;  classification  of 
juvenile  offenses  in,  361 ;  dependent 
children  in,  424;  probation  in,  389; 
subsidy  system  in,  481. 

New  York  Children's  Aid  Society,  451 ; 
work  of,  452. 

New  York  City,  dairy  milk  in,  88; 
diphtheria  in,  60;  infant  mortality  in, 
66;  physical  requirements  of  working 
children  in,  327  ;  playgrounds  in,  171 ; 
truancy  in,  how  caused,  242. 

New  York  Society  for  the  Prevention 
of  Cruelty  to  Children,  463 ;  on  in- 
temperance, 427  ;    work  of,  465. 

New  York  State  Probation  Commission, 

389. 
Night  work,  effect  of,  309;    prohibition 

of,  331- 

Nonsupport  laws,  442. 

Norway,  law  relating  to  illegitimacy  in, 

445- 
Nurse,  school,  145;   visiting,  102. 
Nursery,  day,  104,  470. 

Occupations,  lack  of  training  for,  300; 
unhealthful,  313. 

Ohio,  county  home  system  in,  480. 

Open  air  schools,  156 ;  character  of,  157  ; 
establishment  of,  in  Germany,  157, 
in  London,  157,  in  the  United  States, 
158;  management  of,  159;  success 
attained  by,  160. 

Ophthalmia,  125. 

Orphanage,  dependency  caused  by, 
423- 


Overcrowding,  107 ;   prevention  of,  107 ; 

relation  of,  to  infant  mortality,  108. 
Overtime,  in  seasonal  trades,  295. 

Parental  greed,  child  labor  caused  by, 
271. 

Parental  school,  397  ;  function  of,  397. 

Parents,  education  of,  266 ;  ignorance  of, 
99  ;  punishment  of  delinquent,  408  ; 
responsibility  of,  for  juvenile  delin- 
quency, 407. 

Parker  school,  physical  training  in,  197. 

Parks,  city,  176;  as  playgrounds,  173; 
small,  173. 

Pasteur,  37. 

Pasteurization,  defined,  84 ;  effects  of,  83. 

Pennsylvania,  child  labor  in,  286. 

Pensions  for  mothers,  482 ;  difficulties 
attending  public  system  of,  483  ;  laws 
providing,  484;    need  of,  483. 

Pennsylvania  Children's  Aid  Society, 
4SO. 

Perishable  goods,  278. 

Philadelphia,  child  saving  in,  439. 

Physical  defects,  132;  examination  for, 
143  ;  nature  of,  143  ;  number  of,  133  ; 
proportion  of  children  having,  133 ; 
removal  of,  144. 

Physical  degeneracy,  40. 

Physical  examination,  need  of,  132, 
143  ;   results  from,  134. 

Physical  training,  197. 

Physician,  school,  142. 

Physique,  standards  of,  119. 

Placing  out,  city  systems  for,  479; 
denominations  engaged  in,  452;  diffi- 
culties in,  453  ;  essentials  of,  453-455  ; 
importance  of,  435 ;  machinery  of,  in 
Michigan  state  school,  475 ;  state 
systems  of,  478;    steps  in,  453. 

Play,  and  tuberculosis,  167;  coopera- 
tion fostered  by,  168;  discipline  of, 
169;  gang  spirit  in,  168;  moral  effects 
of,  169;  physical  influence  of,  167; 
social  value  of,  167;  theories  of,  166; 
toleration  of,  170. 

Playground  Association,  National,  177. 

Playground  movement,  177;  origin  of, 
177;  progress  of,  178. 

Playgrounds,  administration  of,  181; 
equipment  of,  174;  for  older  children, 
175;  in  Chicago,  175;  in  New  York, 
171,  177;  public,  173;  school,  189; 
supervision  of,  179;  types  of,  173; 
vacant  lots  as,  172. 


520 


INDEX 


Police,  as  probation  officers,  384. 

Poverty,   child  labor  and,    274;    inf-""1 
mortality    increased    by,    73 ;     i 
families  a  cause  of,  427. 

Prematurity,  67. 

Prenatal  work,  effects  of,  100;  methods 
of,  gg ;   reasons  for,  g8. 

Preventable  mortality,  extent  of,  55. 

Pre-vocational  schools,  248. 

Principles  of  child  saving,  433. 

Probation,  377  ;  essentials  of  successful, 
37g;  extent  of,  377;  system  of,  378; 
length  of,  386;  origin  of,  377;  results 
of,  388;    state  supervision  of,  377. 

Probation  districts,  385. 

Probation  officers,  378;  compensation 
for,  381 ;  cooperation  by,  390 ;  county, 
387;  duties  of,  378;  investigations  by, 
379;  number  of  cases  supervised  by, 
387  ;  qualifications  of,  384 ;  selection 
of,  384;  types  of,  378;  volunteer,  381. 

Public,  responsibility  of,  for  child  labor, 
281. 

Public  care  of  dependent  children,  474; 
methods  of,  474 ;  boarding  out,  478 ; 
county  home  system,  480 ;  placing  out, 
478;  public  subsidy  to  private  in- 
stitutions, 481 ;  state  school,  474. 

Public  schools,  dancing  in,  igg ;  facilities 
for  recreation  in,  igo;  motion  pictures 
in,  ig2  ;  wider  use  of,  189. 

Public  subsidies  to  private  charities,  481 ; 
evils  of,  481. 

Quetelet,  120. 

Records,  need  of,  30,  439. 

Recreation,  commercial,  184;  evening, 
1  go;  facilities  for,  171 ;  forms  of,  1 66; 
value  of,  167. 

Recreation  centers,  in  Chicago,  74 ; 
public,  173;  supervision  of,  i7g; 
types  of,  173. 

Recreation  piers,  177. 

Reformatory  institutions,  3g2 ;  cottage 
system  in,  401 ;  discipline  in,  405 ; 
essentials  of,  400 ;  evolution  of  treat- 
ment in,  3g4 ;  farming  taught  in,  403  ; 
functions  of,  3g6 ;  home  life  in,  401 ; 
household  economy  taught  in,  404 ; 
indeterminate  sentence  in,  3gg ;  in- 
dustrial training  in,  402 ;  necessity 
for,  396 ;  number  of  juvenile  delin- 
quents in,  362 ;  parental  schools  as, 
397 ;  physical  training  in,  402 ;  present 


functions  of,  396 ;   separation  of  sexes 

in,  400 ;   types  of,  396. 
Registration    area,    deaths    of    children 

in,  ss  ;  diarrhceal  diseases  in,  65. 
Repeaters,  number  of,  238. 
Republics,  400. 
Retardation  of  school   children,   causes 

of,  238 ;  extent  of,  23g ;  among  foreign 

born,  237  ;   among  natives,  237. 
Rights  of  childhood,  to  health,   n;    to 

leisure,  13;    to  life,   10;    to  training, 

14. 
Rochester,  milk  problem  in,  85 ;    reduc- 
tion of  infant  mortality  in,  87 ;   social 

centers  in,  ig3. 
Rockefeller  Institute,  milk  tests  in,  75. 
Roof  playgrounds,  171. 
Rowntree,  427. 
Rural  districts,  births  in,  24;    sterility 

in,  26. 

St.  Louis,  illegitimacy  in,  426 ;  neglected 
children  in,  428. 

Saloons,  356. 

Scarlet  fever,  defects  caused  by,  63 ; 
methods  of  communicating,  63. 

School  attendance,  by  age  groups,  228; 
causes  of  irregular,  23g ;  compulsory, 
240;  in  cities,  229;  in  country  dis- 
tricts, 230;  of  negroes,  229;  of  whites, 
229. 

School  baths,  igs. 

School  children,  defects  among,  133 ; 
malnutrition  among,  146;  number 
of,  228;   physical  examination  of,  143. 

School  gardens,  201. 

School  nurse,  145 ;  duties  of,  145 ; 
success  attained  by,  148. 

School  playgrounds,  i8g. 

School  term,  average  length  of,  230. 

Schools,  baths  in,  195 ;  commercial, 
253;  continuation,  251 ;  for  the  blind, 
152 ;  for  the  deaf,  153 ;  industrial 
training  in,  247,  251 ;  library  stations 
in,  195;  medical  inspection  of,  137; 
physical  training  in,  197 ;  sex  educa- 
tion in,  262 ;  social  center  work  in, 
192;  vacation,  200;  wider  use  of,  189. 

Seasonal  trades,  335. 

Sex  education,  arguments  against,  264 ; 
difficulties  of,  262;  parents  and,  266; 
reasons  for,  259;    schools  and,  262. 

Sex  hygiene,  American  Federation  for, 
260 ;  plan  of,  for  sex  education,  263. 

Silk  mills,  child  labor  in,  285. 


INDEX 


521 


Siphilis,  effects  of,  259. 

Smallpox,  deaths  caused  by,  34 ;  decline 
of,  34- 

Social  centers,  in  Gary,  194 ;  in  Roches- 
ter, 193. 

Social  diseases,  blindness  due  to,  125. 

Social  heredity,  7. 

Social  hygiene,  societies  of,  260 ;  methods 
used  by,  261. 

Social  training,  required  by  juvenile 
court  judge,  368. 

Society  for  the  prevention  of  cruelty  to 
children,  function  of,  46 ;  in  Massa- 
chusetts, 465 ;  in  New  York,  466 ; 
influence  of  intemperance  reported 
by,  427;  organization  of,  462;  origin 
of,  462  ;  purpose  of,  in  Massachusetts, 
465  ;   types  of,  465  ;   work  of,  465. 

South,  child  labor  in,  286 ;  illiteracy  in, 
232. 

Special  schools,  for  the  blind,  152, 
crippled,  155,  deaf,  153,  feebleminded, 
217,  tubercular,  156. 

Starbuck,  348. 

State,  the,  aid  by,  to  maintain  trade 
schools,  256 ;  dairy  inspection  by, 
91 ;     supervision   of   private   agencies 

by,  437- 
State  care  of  dependent  children,  474 ; 

systems  of,  474. 
State  school  system,  description  of,  475 ; 

examples    of,    474 ;     Michigan,    475 ; 

placing  out  under,  476. 
Statistics,  inaccurate,  g  ;   need  of,  g. 
Sterility,    among    foreign    born    women, 

27;   among  native  women,  27  ;   causes 

of,  27. 
Sterilization,  83. 
Still  births,  27. 
Stores,  exempted  from  child  labor  laws, 

336. 
Straus  milk  depots,  94. 
Strayer,  G.  D.,  on  elimination  of  school 

children,  235. 
Street  associations,  juvenile  delinquency 

caused  by,  355. 
Streets,  as  playgrounds,  172. 
Street  trades,  the,  child  labor  in,   287 ; 

delinquency  caused  by,   306;    effects 

of,  307 ;    legislation  covering,  336. 
Subsidies,  sec  Public  subsidies. 
Supervision,  of  child,  in  foster  home,  455  ; 

state,  of  private  child  saving  agencies, 

437- 
Sweated  trades,  child  labor  in,  288. 


Teacher,  relation  of,  to  medical  inspec- 
tion, 144. 
T        orary  home,  for  dependent  children, 

<t~   ■ 
Textiii   mills,  physical  effects  of  working 

in,  314. 
Thorndyke,    E.,    elimination    of    school 

children  according  to,  234. 
Thurston,  H.  W.,  388. 
Tobacco,  use  of,  417. 
Tobacco  factories,   poisonous  fumes  in, 

314. 

Trade  and  transportation,  children  em- 
ployed in,  287. 

Trade  life,  shortening  of,  311. 

Trade  schools,  commercial,  252;  courses 
in,  253  ;  evening,  253  ;  private,  252  ; 
public,  253 ;  purpose  of,  245 ;  types 
of,  252;  union  labor  and,  255; 
training  in,  253. 

Trades,  dangerous,  333 ;  children  pro- 
hibited from  working  in,  333 ;    types 

of,  333- 
Truancy,  causes  of,  242. 
Truant  schools,  397. 
Tubercular  children,  care  of,  156;   open 

air  schools  for,  157. 
Tuberculosis,  causes  of,  in  children,  131 ; 

prevalence  of,   among  children,    130; 

recreation  and,  167. 

Underfed  children,  161 ;  free  feeding 
of,  162;  meals  for,  163;  number  of, 
162 ;  problems  of,  161 ;  provisions 
for,  in  schools,  163. 

Uniformity  of  child  labor  laws,  322. 

United  States,  deaths  of  children  in,  55 ; 
education  of  backward  children  in, 
221;  feebleminded  in,  206;  juvenile 
offenses  in,  classified,  361. 

Untrained  children,  245. 

Unwise  philanthropy,  dependency  caused 
by,  427. 

Vacation  schools,  200. 

Vaccination,   discovery  of,   34;    results 

from,  34. 
Venereal  disease,  27,  259. 
Vice,  causes  of,  257;    delinquency  and, 

358. 
Visiting  nurse,  the,  duties  of,  102. 
Vocational    guidance,    in    Boston,    246; 

purpose  of,  246. 
Vocational    schools,     Cooley    on,     254 ; 

development  of,  255  ;  types  of,  254. 


522 


INDEX 


Volunteer  worker,  the,  382 ;  advantages 
of,  382 ;  in  Buffalo,  383 ;  in  Indian- 
apolis, 382 ;  objections  to,  382. 

Wages,   legislation   for  minimum,   338; 

relation  of,  to  age,  293,  to  grade  of 

children,  293. 
Walker-Gordon  laboratories,  93. 
Washington,  law  on  desertion  in,  443 ; 

milk  inspection  in,  90. 
Waste  of  child  life,  32. 
Wasting  diseases,  68. 
White  House  Conference,  434. 
Whooping  cough,  64. 


Widows'  pensions,  see  Pensions  for 
mothers. 

Wife  desertion,  442. 

Williamson  Free  School,  253. 

Wisconsin,  social  centers  in,  194. 

Wolf,  49. 

Women,  employment  of  married,  109 ; 
fecundity  of  foreign,  25,  of  native,  25 ; 
infant  mortality  increased  by  employ- 
ment of  married,  109. 

Working  children,  see  Children  in  in- 
dustry. 

Working  papers,  331 ;  methods  of  grant- 
ing, 332. 


nPHE  following   pages    contain   advertisements    of 
books  by  the  same  author  or  on  kindred  subjefts 


BY  THE  SAME  AUTHOR 

Child  Problems 

(The  Citizens'  Library  of  Economics,  Politics,  and  Soci- 
ology.     Edited  by  RICHARD  T.  ELY,  Ph.D.,  LL.D.) 

Cloth,  i2mo,  $1.23  net 

That  every  child  who  comes  into  existence  must  be  given  the  full- 
est possible  opportunities  for  right  development  if  a  nation  is  to  be 
properly  conserved,  is  now  generally  admitted.  But  under  existing 
social  conditions,  to  just  what  extent  this  can  be  done,  and  how, 
means  the  solving  of  many  serious  and  difficult  problems.  The  efforts 
toward  their  solution  have  been  in  most  cases  blindly  experimental, 
with  little  realization  of  how  far-reaching  the  problems  were ;  or  what 
others  had  done  along  similar  lines,  and  the  results  of  their  actions. 

The  great  need,  therefore,  has  been  just  such  a  book  as  this  one  of 
Mr.  Mangold's,  stating  clearly  the  many  problems  relating  to  the 
child,  showing  the  serious  effect  the  previous  condition  of  living  and 
health  of  the  parents  have  upon  the  child's  future ;  what  has  been 
done  to  better  conditions,  and  what  is  yet  to  be  done.  The  author 
has  very  thoroughly  and  concisely  summarized  the  subject,  and  no 
individual  or  municipality  concerned  in  the  welfare  of  the  nation  can 
afford  to  ignore  this  interesting  and  valuable  work. 


"  Its  merits  clearly  destine  the  book  to  immediate  widespread  use 
as  a  reference  work  for  universities,  colleges,  and  women's  clubs."  — 
The  Survey. 

"  Comprehensive  and  instructive  in  all  the  aspects  of  the  child 
problem. "  —  Springfield  Republican. 

"The   treatment   is  straightforward,    the   perspective  good."  — 

Journal  of  Educational  Psychology. 


THE   MACMILLAN   COMPANY 

Publishers  64-66  Fifth  Avenue  New  York 


Social  Science  Text-books 

Edited  by  RICHARD  T.  ELY,  Ph.D.,  LL.D. 

Director  of  the  School  of  Economics  and  Political  Sci- 
ence in  the  University  of  Wisconsin  ;  author  of  "  Outlines 
of  Political  Economy,"  "  Monopolies  and  Trusts,"  etc. 


"  Social  Science "  is  here  used  in  the  broad  sense  as  referring  to 
the  various  sciences  dealing  with  social  activities.  Hence,  the  vol- 
umes in  this  series  cover  the  various  fields  of  economics,  political 
science,  and  sociology. 

Scholarly  accuracy,  attractiveness  of  style,  and  particularly  thor- 
ough teachability  characterize  these  volumes  prepared  under  the 
direction  of  Dr.  Ely.  Although  designed  primarily  for  use  as  text- 
books, no  effort  is  spared  to  make  them  attractive  to  the  individual, 
and  suitable  for  small  reading  groups  or  large  reading  circles.  While 
scrupulously  avoiding  discussion  of  matters  still  in  the  controversial 
stage,  which  properly  belong  rather  to  monographical  literature  than 
to  text-books,  each  author  treats  such  new  thought  as  has  thor- 
oughly established  itself  in  his  field. 

Although  a  sufficiently  critical  point  of  view  is  assumed,  wherever 
necessary,  chief  emphasis  is  laid  upon  positive  and  constructive 
thought,  as  it  is  believed  that  books  in  the  field  of  the  social  sci- 
ences ought  to  promote  good  citizenship,  as  well  as  sound  scholar- 
ship. That  new  solutions  for  the  new  problems  of  the  present  day 
are  to  be  found  under  our  existing  forms  of  society,  government,  and 
economic  institutions  is  made  clear.  Hence,  the  books  in  this  series 
will,  it  is  believed,  stimulate  those  who  use  them  to  further  thought 
and  reading,  as  well  as  to  wholesome,  practical  activity. 


THE   MACMILLAN  COMPANY 

Publishers  64-66  Fifth  Avenue  New  York 


SOCIAL  SCIENCE  TEXT-BOOKS 

Edited  by  Richard  T.  Ely 

Outlines  of  Economics 

By  RICHARD  T.  ELY,  Ph.D.,  LL.D. 

Professor  of  Political  Economy  in  the  University  of  Wisconsin.  Revised  and 
enlarged  by  the  Author  and  Thomas  S.Adams,  Ph.D.,  Professor  of  Political 
Economy  in  the  University  of  Wisconsin ;  Max  O.  Lorenz,  Ph.D.,  Assistant 
Professor  of  Political  Economy  in  the  University  of  Wisconsin ;  and  Allyn 
A.  Young,  Ph.D.,  Professor  of  Economics  in  Leland  Stanford  Jr.  University. 

Cloth,  8vo,  $2.00  net 

The  new  edition  of  Professor  Richard  T.  Ely's  "Outlines  of  Eco- 
nomics," which  has  just  been  published,  marks  the  great  advance 
that  has  been  made  in  the  study  of  economics  in  the  last  decade. 
The  new  edition  is  practically  a  new  work,  completely  revised  and 
rewritten  and  about  twice  the  size  of  the  old  book.  In  this  revision 
Professor  Ely  has  had  the  assistance  of  Professors  T.  S.  Adams  and 
Max  O.  Lorenz  of  the  University  of  Wisconsin,  and  Professor  A.  A. 
Young  of  Stanford  University.  All  of  these  men  are  experts  in  vari- 
ous departments  of  economics.  Professor  Young  is  an  expert  on 
statistics  and  a  mathematician,  and  has  given  especial  attention  to 
banking  and  insurance.  Professor  Adams  has  been  employed  as  an 
expert  in  United  States  census  work  and  also  as  an  expert  in  taxa- 
tion by  the  Wisconsin  Taxation  Commission.  Professor  Lorenz  is 
Deputy  Labor  Commissioner  of  the  State  of  Wisconsin,  and  a  spe- 
cialist in  labor  problems. 

In  its  present  form,  Ely's  "  Outlines  of  Economics  "  is,  perhaps, 
the  most  comprehensive  discussion  of  the  whole  subject  of  economics 
yet  produced  in  America.  It  has  often  been  remarked  of  the  earlier 
book  that  it  is  one  of  the  most  interesting  of  all  economic  tkeatises. 
The  new  edition,  with  its  fuller  discussion  of  many  subjects,  is^tiven 
more  readable.  The  special  treatment  of  practical  problems  in  eco- 
nomics is  fuller  than  in  any  other  text-book  in  English,  and  such 
subjects  as  the  railway  problem,  forestry,  labor  problems,  and  social- 
ism are  dealt  with  fully.  The  book  is  also  unique  in  the  extent  to 
which  principle  is  illustrated  with  concrete  applications.  In  this 
particular  the  book  may  not  inaptly  be  compared  to  Adam  Smith's 
"Wealth  of  Nations." 

In  view  of  Professor  Ely's  great  authority  as  an  economist,  the 
expert  assistance  which  he  has  been  able  to  command  and  the  unique 
plan  of  his  book,  it  is  safe  to  say  that  this  will  be  accepted  as  one  of 
the  most  important  American  contributions  to  the  science  of  eco- 
nomics. As  such,  it  will  receive  attention  not  only  as  a  text-book, 
but  as  a  work  for  the  general  reader  who  wishes  to  familiarize  him- 
self with  the  whole  field  of  economic  thought. 


SOCIAL  SCIENCE  TEXT-BOOKS 

Edited  by  Richard  T.  Ely 

Business  Organization  and  Combination 

An  Analysis  of  the  Evolution  and  Makers  of  Business  Organization 
in  the  United  States  and  a  Tentative  Solution  of  the 
Corporation  and  Trust  Problems. 

By   LEV/IS    H.   HANEY,   Ph.D. 

Professor  of  Economics  in  the  University  of  Texas 

Cloth,  8vo,  483  pp.,  $2.00  net 

EXTRACTS   FROM   THE   PREFACE 

This  book  deals  with  the  organization  of  business  enterprises, 
chiefly  in  the  United  States. 

While  the  author  has  designed  the  book  for  use  in  American 
colleges  and  universities,  he  has  kept  in  mind  the  interests  of  the 
business  man  and  of  the  general  reader.  It  is  hoped  that  the  book 
will  be  of  service  to  that  large  class  of  thoughtful  business  men  who 
desire  a  comprehensive  knowledge  of  the  economic  and  legal  espects 
of  the  organizations  with  which  they  are  associated.  .  .  . 

The  general  scheme  of  the  work  is  as  follows :  First  comes  a  series 
of  chapters  describing  and  analyzing  the  various  forms  of  business 
organization  in  such  a  way  as  to  bring  out  the  centuries-long  evolu- 
tion which  has  molded  them.  Then,  the  corporate  form,  being 
clearly  dominant,  the  life  history  of  a  corporation  is  set  forth  in  a 
series  of  chapters  which  describe  in  some  detail  the  main  events; 
promotion,  underwriting,  reorganization,  and  the  like.  Finally,  great 
evils  having  appeared  in  corporate  organization,  the  question  of  pub- 
lic policy  is  raised,  and  an  attempt  at  a  comprehensive  and  scientific 
solution  of  that  question  is  made. 


"  A  concise  and  clear  analysis.  —  Annals  of  the  American  Academy 
of  Social  and  Political  Science. 

"A  distinct  addition  to  the  literature  of  the  subject."  —  Nation. 

"  .  .  .  of  value  to  students  of  economics  ...  a  permanent  contri- 
bution to  the  science  of  business."  —  Brooklyn  Eagle. 


SOCIAL  SCIENCE  TEXT-BOOKS 
Edited  by  Richard  T.  Ely 

History  of  Economic  Thought 

A  Critical  Account  of  the  Origin  and  Devel- 
opment of  the  Economic  Theories  of  the 
Leading  Thinkers  and  the  Leading  Nations 

By  LEWIS   H.   HANEY 

Cloth,  xvii  +  567  pp.,  8vo,  $2.00  net 

"  Dr.  Haney's  work  is  both  complete  and  exhaustive 
without  being  discursive.  We  shall  look  far  before  finding 
anything  of  its  kind  so  satisfying."  —  The  Argonaut. 

"  This  valuable  precis  of  the  world's  economic  wisdom 
serves  not  only  as  a  trustworthy  text-book,  but  also  as  an 
authoritative  denotement  of  old  economic  landmarks.  In 
the  light  it  casts  on  bygone  commercial  and  political 
conditions,  the  rapid  progress  and  impulsive  changes  in 
present-day  methods  of  trade  and  legislation  become 
clearly  outlined  and  intelligible."  — American,  Philadelphia. 

"  The  present  volume  is  of  suitable  compass,  and  the 
treatment  is  such  as  to  make  it  satisfactory  as  a  text-book." 
—  The  Nation. 

"The  book  should  be  of  value  to  English  readers  and 
students  of  economics,  for  unlike  French  and  German  eco- 
nomic writers,  who  have  produced  several  histories  of 
economic  thought,  only  one  has  been  written  previously  in 
English,  and  that  is  now  out  of  date.  Dr.  Haney  has 
made  a  distinct  contribution  to  economic  literature  and 
one  reflecting  credit  on  American  scholarship."  —  The 
Boston  Transcript. 


This  book  is  DUE  on  the  last  date  stamped  below 


HAY    1*  tt« 


,n  2  0   1930 


JAN  5 


MAR  3      i93l 


JIM  2  s, igaK 


_V*%» 


Fjfll  l  8  1181 
JUL  2  6  1938 


WECDIP: 


ForWfc.9 


i  M 


553     n 


°°0396 


